World Defense Forum

[🇧🇩] Evolving partnership between Bangladesh and Malaysia

Malaysia PM may visit Bangladesh in a couple of months

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File photo

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim may visit Bangladesh soon at the invitation of Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus.

"The Malaysian prime minister expressed his willingness to visit Bangladesh during the phone call. We may see him coming to Dhaka in a month or two," a foreign ministry official told this correspondent.

"Prof Yunus has invited me to undertake a short visit to Bangladesh as soon as possible to further strengthen the brotherly relationship between the two countries," Anwar Ibrahim posted on X following the phone call on Tuesday evening.

He also congratulated his "old friend" Prof Yunus on his appointment as the chief advisor to the interim government of Bangladesh.

"Prof Yunus has long-standing good ties with Malaysia. Thus, I assured him that Malaysia stands ready to help and support the interim government in rebuilding and restoring peace and security in Bangladesh," Ibrahim added.

He also said Prof Yunus has given him assurances that he will protect the rights of all Bangladeshis including minorities.

Bangladesh and Malaysia have a bilateral trade of $2.7 billion. Of the amount, Bangladesh exports goods worth some $370 million to Malaysia.

Also, about eight lakh Bangladeshis are working in Malaysia.

During the phone call, Prof Yunus also hoped that more Bangladeshis would get scope to work in the Southeast Asian country.​
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[🇧🇩] Banning of Awami League, Chhatra League and Jubo League

Chhatra League banned
Citing section of anti-terror act, govt issues gazette that takes effect immediately

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The interim government last night banned Bangladesh Chhatra League amid demands from the student movement against discrimination.

The home ministry issued a gazette notification with immediate effect, stating that the government invoked the Anti-Terrorism Act-2009 to ban BCL, a 76-year-old pro-Awami League student organisation.

The move comes a day after the students issued an ultimatum to the government, saying that they will take to the streets unless the BCL was banned within this week.

Several hundred students demonstrating in front of the Dhaka University vice chancellor's office cheered as the news of the ban came.

The AL, BCL and a leftist party leader condemned the move.

Abdul Kader, a coordinator of the student movement, announced near the TSC that students would march and distribute sweetmeat on university campuses across the country in celebration at 3:00pm today.

According to the gazette, the government made the decision as per section 18 (1) of the Anti-Terrorism Act-2009 and listed the BCL as a banned entity.

The section reads: "For the purposes of this act, the government, on reasonable grounds that a person or an entity is involved in terrorist activities, may, by order, enlist the person in the schedule or proscribe the entity and enlist it in the schedule."

There is evidence that the BCL has been involved in different conspiratorial, subversive and terrorist activities against the state since the fall of the AL government on August 5, reads the notification.

It adds that the BCL, a "brotherly" organisation of AL, was involved in activities that go against public security; the crimes include murder, torture, and oppression of students at dorm rooms informally known as "gono rooms". A large number of students stay in cramped conditions in such rooms.

The BCL took money for dormitory rooms, manipulated tender, raped and sexually harassed women, and committed other crimes after the country's independence, particularly in the last 15 years of the AL's autocratic regime, it adds.

Information and evidence of these crimes were widely covered by the media. Involvement of some BCL leaders and activists in criminal activities were proved at courts too, it says.

During the student movement in July this year, BCL leaders indiscriminately attacked protesting students and the general public, killing hundreds and endangering the lives of many others, the notification adds.

"Bangladesh and Dhaka University are now free from stigma. We would like to thank the interim government," said Nusrat Tabassum, a coordinator of the student movement, at Raju Sculpture of the university.

Last night, Mujahidul Islam Selim, former president of Communist Party of Bangladesh, said the BCL men who committed crimes should have been identified and brought to justice instead of the ban on the organisation.

"Will banning Chhatra League bring any good? No. These people will start getting public sympathy even though they were hated by people for their terrorist activities," he told The Daily Star.

Ensuring the rights of all the students would have been more effective, he said.

History says an organisation cannot be abolished in this way because a legal ban is an expression of weakness, he said.

Founded in January 1948, Chhatra League played significant roles in the country's Liberation War, the Language Movement in 1952, Six-Point Movement in 1966, mass uprising in 1969, the AL's election victory in 1970, and the ouster of HM Ershad in 1990.

Bahauddin Nasim, joint general secretary of the AL, condemned the interim government, saying that the ban on BCL is an attack on the spirit of Liberation war and the constitution.

"This government is illegal. It has no constitutional foundation. How can it ban an organisation like Chhatra League that played a vital role in the Liberation War and all other democratic movements before and after the country's independence? Chhatra League is an organisation of this land and will continue to be so in the days to come," he said.

Notwithstanding its glorious past, the BCL started to draw widespread condemnation for its activists and leaders' activities after the AL came to power in January 2009.

In April that year, Sheikh Hasina, who was the organisational leader of the BCL, resigned from the post, expressing disappointment about BCL's unruly activities.

BCL leaders engaged in violence, mostly to make money through tender manipulation, extortion, and dominance over university campuses.

In 2012, BCL activists hacked a 24-year-old tailor named Biswajit Das to death. Other chilling crimes include the murders of Buet student Abrar Fahad in 2019, Jahangirnagar University student Zubair Ahmed in 2012, and Dhaka University student Abu Bakar Siddique in 2010.

BCL wrongdoings drew so much criticism that Sheikh Hasina removed its president and general secretary -- Rezwanul Haque Chowdhury Shovon and Golam Rabbani -- from their posts in 2019.

The organisation played repressive roles during the widespread protests for safer roads and reforms to quotas in government jobs in 2018.

Late last night, BCL President Saddam Hussain, and General Secretary Sheikh Wali Asif Enan issued a statement via WhatsApp, rejecting the ban and terming it illegal and unconstitutional.

The blood of BCL leaders and activists is in every inch of this country, it said, adding that the government should immediately step down.​
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[🇧🇩] Human Rights and Bangladesh

‘We must challenge not just regimes, but also oppressive legal machinery'

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VISUAL: STAR

Taqbir Huda is currently pursuing graduate legal studies at Harvard University and has previously served as the South Asia regional researcher at Amnesty International, specialising in documenting gross violations of human rights by the state and advocating for accountability, including for the atrocities committed during the July uprising in Bangladesh. In an exclusive interview with Noshin Nawal of The Daily Star, he talks about the current state of human rights in Bangladesh and the potential way forward.

How pivotal were human rights violations in precipitating the eventual ouster of the Awami League?

Human rights violations—egregious ones—became a hallmark of Awami League rule, particularly over the past decade. As human rights defenders, we felt quite frustrated by the impunity with which the regime operated, no matter how severely or frequently it committed violations. However, the sheer scale of atrocities during the July uprising was unprecedented. It was arguably the deadliest protest in our history and among the most lethal in the world this year.

The rapid escalation of civilian deaths, the shockingly young age of many victims, the complete communication blackout, the shoot-on-sight curfew orders, the sheer brutality of force used against unarmed protesters, vividly documented in videos and images—all of it was so horrific that it shook the conscience of the international community.

Human rights are only as good as the power of those who care about them. Usually, the best and only leverage that human rights defenders have is the ability to stigmatise perpetrators and the informational politics that flows from it. Ultimately, it was the determination of the student-led mass movement that proved decisive to Awami League's ouster, but the discourse of human rights played an important role in characterising the enemy.

What were the most rampant human rights violations that characterised the Awami League rule?

Extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances were undoubtedly the most egregious and systematic violations that were instrumentalised as tools of repression, with at least 708 people forcibly disappeared during the Awami League's 15-plus years of rule, according to conservative estimates by Odhikar. Human Rights Watch dubbed this period as a "decade of disappearance." Victims' families often told us that death was preferable to disappearance—at least death allowed them to start mourning and find closure.

At the same time, thousands were killed extrajudicially, usually under the guise of anti-drug or counterterrorism campaigns. All this happened against the wider backdrop of suppressing dissent, with freedom of expression being systematically dismantled through draconian laws like the Digital Security Act. These laws allowed the regime to criminalise dissent under the guise of legality, creating an atmosphere of fear and silencing opposition voices.

How was dissent silenced during Awami rule, and what were the implications for freedom of speech?

The Awami League was alarmingly effective in eradicating dissent, particularly in the online sphere. I can refer to two cases I had directly investigated and campaigned for while serving at Amnesty. Take the case of Khadija, a university student who hosted a webinar when she was 17 where a retired army officer criticised the Awami League. Since they couldn't target him—as he was abroad—they went after her. Khadija endured nearly 15 months of pre-trial detention before being released under immense national and international pressure.

During her imprisonment, Khadija was subjected to what could arguably be described as inhuman treatment. She was forced to do manual labour, placed in solitary confinement, and denied basic medical treatment for kidney-related illnesses. To see such tyranny inflicted on a young woman highlights how authoritarianism had trickled down to the lowest levels.

Another striking example is the case of Anisha Siddika, a victim of arbitrary detention whose case I investigated while working at Amnesty. She was a 58-year-old woman who was arrested at the dead of night in August 2023, after her son made a Facebook post critical of the Awami League and procedural irregularities of the international crimes tribunal. Her son was residing in the US at the time. The state sent a chilling message: no matter where you are, if you criticise the Awami League, they will retaliate by targeting your loved ones who remain in Bangladesh.

They arrested his mother under trumped-up terrorism charges using the draconian Special Powers Act, accusing her of conspiring to commit sabotage against the government. Although Anisha observed the full-face veil as a matter of religious practice, the police forcibly unveiled her face, photographed her, and uploaded her image to their Facebook page. Such a blatant violation of her dignity should have sparked public outrage. Yet, there was a conspicuous silence from the usual circles of civil society and human rights defenders who are usually the first to respond to suppression of dissent. I would like us to reflect on why we failed to stand in solidarity with Anisha Siddika, despite the very public manner in which the state violated her human rights.

Have you personally been affected by this clampdown on dissent?

Between August 2022 and August 2024, I was working as the Bangladesh researcher at Amnesty International, investigating and reporting on human rights violations perpetrated by the state under the former ruling party. For my own safety and that of my family, I was forced to keep my affiliation with Amnesty a well-guarded secret from the outset. The last thing I wanted was to have a criminal case filed against me for "spreading propaganda" or "tarnishing the image of the state"—which had become the former government's default response to even the slightest bit of critique. Awami League had essentially blacklisted Amnesty, and high-ranking party officials would frequently accuse it of conspiring against Bangladesh whenever its human rights violations were exposed. To avoid risk of persecution, I had to use a pseudonym and burner phones for external communications, request my non-Bangladeshi colleagues to front our outputs on Bangladesh, and avoid any public facing engagements (such as media interviews) which would risk putting me on the state's ever broadening radar of surveillance. There were even moments when I added and then removed my Amnesty affiliation from my LinkedIn profile. That's how successful the state was in catalysing a culture of fear.

All this changed on July 16, 2024, a day after the crackdown on the student protesters started, when I decided to accept the first media interview (as a spokesperson for Amnesty) to highlight how the state had used Chhatra League and police to brutalise students, including the killing of Abu Sayeed, on DW News—the first international media outlet to cover the July uprising in any detail. At a moment when the state began killing children while simultaneously imposing a total internet shutdown to block international monitoring, seizing any available opportunity to expose the truth seemed like a moral obligation. So I began seizing every such opportunity that followed, despite the inherent risks which I had assiduously sought to avoid so far.

Human rights defenders should not have to navigate their work under the constant shadow of state retaliation. We must create a culture where questioning authority is seen as a vital part of our national integrity, not a threat to it. In our quest for accountability, we would do well to remember that any attempts to ensure justice must be fair, transparent, and in compliance with international human rights standards. Anything less would dishonour the legacy of those who shed blood for our collective freedom.

What systemic factors allowed such widespread human rights violations to persist for so long?

The roots of this issue lie in the colonial-era criminal laws that the postcolonial state inherited and expanded upon. These laws grant sweeping powers to the police, such as arresting and searching individuals without warrants, seizing their devices, and denying them bail, leading to lengthy arbitrary detention awaiting a trial.

Alarmingly, the latest available statistics show that almost 80 percent of Bangladesh's prison population consists of pre-trial detainees—individuals who haven't even been convicted of any crime. This is a direct result of an authoritarian penal system where human rights of the accused are violated by the state with full legal sanction. Additionally, we lack an independent prosecutorial system; prosecutors are often ad-hoc political appointees, while the police and judiciary have been compromised through partisan recruitment.

If the police, prosecution and judiciary are effectively under partisan control, how can the criminal justice system be anything other than an instrument of oppression at the beck and call of whichever party is in power? The Awami League used the same colonial policing model that the British Raj introduced to quash native rebellion, against protesters during the July uprising and beyond.

We would be remiss if we did not acknowledge that the mass arrests, mob assaults, prolonged remand and detention of former Awami League ministers and high-ranking officials on legally dubious charges are also a cause for concern. The right to a fair trial is not conditional; it is absolute, no matter how egregious the alleged crime may be or how detestable the person accused may be. We owe it to all the victims of Bloody July to ensure that justice for their killings is obtained through a fair and transparent process, rather than one that reproduces injustices. We cannot allow their deaths to be exploited for the settling of political vendettas. We cannot allow the legal system to be misused in the same way that the Awami League had misused it. We cannot slip back to the very despotism we fought so hard to escape.

Authoritarians come and go, but authoritarian institutions and laws remain intact. True emancipation requires dismantling these systems. We must challenge not just regimes but also the oppressive legal machinery that sustains and justifies the state's sweeping punitive powers.

How do you evaluate the role of the National Human Rights Commission?

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has been largely irrelevant in the course of my human rights work in Bangladesh. We were aware of its existence but, as Dr Shahdeen Malik once aptly described it, the NHRC had become "a retirement home for top bureaucrats."

Given that the NHRC does not possess formal executive powers or direct investigative powers over law enforcement agencies (who are accused of committing the bulk of human rights violations), the only possible role it could meaningfully serve is that of a watchdog. Unfortunately, we currently lack robust human rights statistics, relying instead on data published by certain NGOs. Even those are often methodologically dubious because they are primarily based on newspaper-reported incidents, which are not the most reliable sources. If the NHRC were to adopt a methodology for documenting and enumerating human rights violations, it could provide a vital resource (and perhaps even serve as a contact point) for international human rights organisations working on Bangladesh (which typically lack a field presence and are reliant on ground sources), such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Civicus, etc. which have worked persistently to push for accountability for human rights violations in Bangladesh at the international level.

Equally important is shifting our understanding of justice. Victims of human rights violations often require reparations—compensation, rehabilitation, and restitution—but these mechanisms are almost non-existent in our legal framework. For example, the Crime Victims Compensation Act, proposed in 2007, remains a draft even after 17 years. The NHRC could consider taking the lead in ensuring reparative justice for victims of human rights violations.

Have human rights defenders been reduced to mere political pawns?

Not pawns, but human rights defenders were systematically restricted and silenced. The government allowed activism on certain "apolitical" issues—those involving non-state actors—but cracked down on work that exposed state complicity. NGOs working on sensitive issues like extrajudicial killings or enforced disappearances faced defunding, deregistration, intimidation, and freezing of assets.

One does not have to look further than the retaliation faced by Odhikar. Its leaders were targeted, jailed and its operations crippled, sending a chilling message to others. Human rights organisations had to choose between reporting on the most pressing human rights violations or avoiding state crackdown. Most opted for the latter, perhaps as a matter of survival.

Considering such instances, what is your vision for the future regarding freedom of dissent and human rights in Bangladesh?

I dream of a Bangladesh where dissent is no longer criminalised but celebrated, and where human rights work is allowed to thrive instead of being self-incriminating. Human rights defenders should not have to navigate their work under the constant shadow of state retaliation. We must create a culture where questioning authority is seen as a vital part of our national integrity, not a threat to it. By making the seemingly impossible possible, the student leaders of the July uprising have given me the courage to dream the seemingly unthinkable. In our quest for accountability, we would do well to remember that any attempts to ensure justice must be fair, transparent, and in compliance with international human rights standards. Anything less would dishonour the legacy of those who shed blood for our collective freedom.​
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World Iran announces visa-free policy for Indian tourists

Iran announces visa-free policy for Indian tourists for up to 15 days: Check eligibility, other details

Indian nationals with ordinary passports can now enter Iran without a visa, provided they arrive by air. The visa exemption allows for a stay of up to 15 days, which cannot be extended, and is applicable once every six months.


Iran has officially implemented a visa-free policy for Indian tourists, which came into effect on February 4. This strategic move is aimed at fostering cultural exchanges and boosting the tourism sector in Iran.

Indian nationals with ordinary passports can now enter Iran without a visa, provided they arrive by air. The visa exemption allows for a stay of up to 15 days, which cannot be extended, and is applicable once every six months.

"Individuals holding ordinary passports will be allowed to enter the country without a visa once every six months, with a maximum stay of 15 days," the embassy said in a statement. It's crucial to emphasize that the 15-day period cannot be extended, the embassy clarified.

The visa-free entry is exclusively for tourism purposes, meaning those traveling for business or educational reasons must still obtain a visa under the respective categories. It's important to note that this policy only applies to air travelers; Indian citizens who wish to travel to Iran by road are required to secure a visa beforehand.

Iran's decision to waive visa requirements aligns with similar measures taken for other countries, including Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Oman, China, Armenia, Lebanon, and Syria.

With this new policy, Iran aims to revive its tourism industry and strengthen its relationship with India, which has been identified as one of the fastest-growing markets for outbound tourism.

Indian tourists planning to take advantage of this visa-free policy should ensure they meet all the eligibility criteria and understand the conditions set forth by the Iranian authorities.
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[🇦🇫] Taliban will return occupied lands to Hindus and Sikhs

[h1]Taliban promises to return land 'usurped by warlords' – media[/h1]
Hindu and Sikh minorities are being encouraged to return to Afghanistan as the new regime tries to improve ties with New Delhi.
The Taliban has started the process of returning properties "usurped by warlords during the former regime" to Hindus and Sikhs, who were displaced during the prolonged conflict in Afghanistan, The Hindu newspaper has reported, citing a senior official of the Islamist group.

Suhail Shaheen, head of the political office of the Taliban, told the newspaper that the group had set up a commission to facilitate the return of minority communities who played a "historic role" in the country's economy. The commission's work is being overseen by the Taliban's minister for justice.

He referred to the recent return of Narender Singh Khalsa, a prominent member of the Afghan Sikh community and a former member of the national parliament that was dissolved by the Taliban. Khalsa was evacuated from Kabul by the Indian Air Force in August 2021. He initially took refuge in Canada, but has recently returned to Afghanistan following an initiative by the Taliban, the report said.

While New Delhi does not recognize the Taliban government, it re-established its diplomatic presence in Kabul in June 2022 by deploying a "technical team" in its embassy.

In January, an Indian delegation participated in a 'Regional Cooperation Initiative' meeting in Kabul held by the Taliban. In March, senior Indian diplomat J P Singh held talks with Taliban's acting foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi. The two sides discussed security, trade and ways to counter the drug trade, according to an Afghan statement. Singh also noted India's interest in expanding economic cooperation with Afghanistan, and enhancing trade through Chabahar port, the statement added.
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  • Poll Poll
World Graphic - Stabbing Video, Self Defense or Not?

Was this Self Defense?

  • Yes

    Votes: 1 100.0%
  • No

    Votes: 0 0.0%


Miu, of Prior Lake, Minnesota, stabbed five people on the river in Wisconsin on July 30, 2022. A 17-year-old boy, Isaac Schuman, died in the stabbing and four others were injured. The victims ranged in age from 17 to 24 and were from Wisconsin and Minnesota.

The prosecution aims to prove that Miu, 54, was the aggressor. Miu's legal team is arguing he stabbed the five people in self-defense.

Miu is charged with first-degree intentional homicide in Schuman's death, and attempted first-degree intentional homicide in the stabbings of Ryhley Mattison, A.J. Martin, Dante Carlson and Tony Carlson. He pleaded not guilty to all charges in September 2022.
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[🇮🇷] Iran & the USA Relationship

Trump discusses US wiping Iran off face of earth
Agence France-Presse . Washington 26 July, 2024, 23:23

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Donald Trump

Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump on Thursday invoked the annihilation of US adversary Iran in a social media post reminiscent of his most incendiary outbursts while in the White House.

'If they do 'assassinate president Trump,' which is always a possibility, I hope that America obliterates Iran, wipes it off the face of the Earth — If that does not happen, American Leaders will be considered gutless cowards!' he wrote on his social media platform, Truth Social.

Trump made the remarks alongside a brief video of Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu bringing up alleged Iranian plots against Trump in his address to the US Congress on Wednesday.

US media reported last week that the US Secret Service had increased security for Trump weeks ago after authorities learned of an Iranian plot to kill him, although it was not linked to the recent attempt on his life in which a 20-year-old American fired shots during a campaign rally.

CNN reported that US authorities received intelligence from a human source on a plan by Tehran targeting the former president, causing protection to be boosted for Trump. Other US outlets also reported the plot.

But it was not connected to the campaign shooting in Butler, Pennsylvania, in which gunman Thomas Matthew Crooks opened fire, lightly wounding Trump and killing a rally attendee, they said.

Relations between Washington and Iran have long been strained and reached a breaking point as Tehran sought revenge for the 2020 killing of Revolutionary Guards commander Qasem Soleimani, ordered by Trump when he was president.

The US National Security Council said it had been 'tracking Iranian threats against former Trump administration officials for years.'

Trump's post recalled a controversial episode in 2019 when, as president, he threatened the 'obliteration' of Iran if the country carried out an attack on 'anything American.'

That confrontation came after Iranian officials said the path to diplomacy between the two nations was permanently closed after Trump's new round of sanctions Monday.

As president, he also threatened North Korea with 'fire and fury like the world has never seen,' although he later became friends with the isolated country's dictator, Kim Jong Un, and often referred to their 'love'.​
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[🇧🇩] The fate of big guns/beneficiaries of Awami League after the student revolution

Hasan Mahmud held at Dhaka airport
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Hasan Mahmud. File photo

Former foreign minister Hasan Mahmud has been detained today at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport (HSIA).

According to the officials of Dhaka airport, the civil aviation authority also detained the general secretary of Bangladesh Chattra League's Dhaka University unit Tanbir Hasan Shaikat and Dhaka North unit president Riaz Mahmud.

Earlier, former state minister for ICT ministry Zunaid Ahmed Palak was held at the airport.

The detainees have been handed over to the Bangladesh Army, according to the officials.
Sources said Palak's family has left the country.

Besides, the family members of two former ministers -- education minister Mohibul Hasan Chowdhury and Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives minister Md Tazul Islam left the country through the airport.

Former finance minister Abul Hassan Mahmood Ali, sports minister Nazmul Hassan Papon and Mayor of Dhaka South City Corporation Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh also left the country through HSIA since Sunday, sources said.

Besides, former MP of Munshiganj-3 Mrinal Kanti Das and supreme court judge Md Badruzzaman also left the country.​
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[🇧🇩] Those who are injured during student revolution

Plunged into darkness
Hundreds lost vision partially or completely

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"Help me! I cannot see anything …!" Al Amin Howlader cried moments before he lost consciousness and fell to the ground as police opened fire on quota reform protesters indiscriminately.

The seventh grader of a school in Barishal was rushed to a local health facility and then transferred to Dhaka, where the hospitals received hundreds of patients like him – blinded completely or partially by pellet wounds during the weeks of protests from mid-July to early August.

The National Institute of Ophthalmology and Hospital (NIOH) alone treated more than 700 patients who were shot in their eyes during the protests, according to its Director Professor Golam Mostafa.

Of them, 366 lost vision in one eye, and 17 in both.

Al Amin from Barishal said like the days before, the student of Hatem Ali Boys and Girls High School in the southern city joined his peers and seniors in the protests on Nathullabad Road on July 17, with unforeseeable peril awaiting him that afternoon.

"I had gone to support my seniors and fellows who were being attacked indiscriminately. However, I never expected them [police] to fire bullets and pellets at us," said the 14-year-old.

At least 22 pellets entered different parts of the schoolboy's body that day, including one into his right eye. Following the incident, he was rushed to Sher-e-Bangla Medical College Hospital in the city.

More shocks were waiting for the family there. Doctors asked them to take him home despite multiple pellets still inside his body, including in the eye, as the authorities ordered the removal of all patients injured in the protests by that night, said Al Amin's mother Sharmin Jahan.

With whatever cash she could manage, she left home with her wounded son the next day and visited multiple health facilities for treatment.

"The hospitals were flooded with patients, which caused delays. After several tests and a thorough examination at Grameen GC Eye Hospital, they recommended immediate surgery and referred him [Al Amin] to Ispahani Islamia Eye Hospital in Dhaka," Sharmin said.

Like Al Amin, around 1,300 others were admitted to the hospitals in Dhaka, including the NIOH, Lions Eye Institute, Bangladesh Eye Hospital, and Dhaka Medical College Hospital's eye department, according to Dr Syeed Mehbub Ul Kadir of Bangladesh Eye Hospital.

Of them, 630 underwent surgeries -- more than 90 percent of whom have lost vision in one or both eyes, he added.

Most were admitted with pellet wounds causing retinal haemorrhage that led to loss of vision, said Dr Kadir.

In just 10 days from July 17, as many as 445 patients were rushed to the NIOH's emergency care. At least 305 of them had surgery.

Another 261 patients were brought between August 4 and 10, and 181 of them underwent surgery, the hospital said in a bulletin on August 11.

The patients have either become visually impaired or are at risk of losing sight. Their rehabilitation is important and urgent, added the bulletin.

Similar cases were reported from around the country, although a concrete figure is not available yet.

In Al Amin's case, the pellet had penetrated his retina, said his doctor vitreo-retinal surgeon Dr Farhana Yasmin of Ispahani Islamia Eye Institute and Hospital.

The boy had the surgery on August 13. However, the doctors could not get the pellet out as it was deeply stuck in his optic nerve, making it nearly impossible for surgeons to remove it.

The pellet would not further harm Al Amin's eye, but the incident has led to a loss of vision in the injured eye, Dr Farhana said. "He would require follow-ups, and perhaps, another surgery," she said.

The doctor attended to at least five similar patients in the past two days.

"My friends have returned to school while all I do these days is sit indoors or lie on the bed," said Al Amin, currently at home after being discharged on August 14.

"I don't know how long it will take for me to return to my old life – enjoying chase with my school friends in the playfield."

Restaurant worker Kazi Faruk, however, still lies in his bed at the NIOH, wearing sunglasses.

An unseeable barrier now stands between him and a world he can no longer see after losing vision in both eyes.

Once filled with hope, Faruk's life took a tragic turn on August 5, the day Dhaka's streets erupted in celebration following Sheikh Hasina's fall and departure from the country.

It began as a regular day in his small room at his mess in Merul Badda. The Capital, the restaurant where he had worked for the past four years, was closed due to the unrest and curfew.

When the news of Hasina's exit spread, Faruk, like lakhs of others, joined the jubilant crowds.

As an active protester who had been demonstrating with Brac University students since July 16, he joined them on this day of victory as well.

As the protesters neared Badda Police Station, the celebration turned into horror.

Without any warning, police opened fire, and in the ensuing chaos, Faruk was struck by shotgun pellets, including in his eyes.

He was rushed to the NIOH immediately, but the irreparable damage was already done.

"We're still trying to regain his vision," said the hospital's Director Prof Mostafa.

"It's tragic for me to be shot on the day of celebration after our successful mission. The doctors are trying their best. I would be happy if I could regain vision in at least one eye," Faruk said, his voice tinged with sadness.

While the hospital is providing necessary care, Faruk's worries go beyond his immediate treatment.

"The hospital is giving me the supplies I need, but I have to buy the medicines that aren't available here. People are checking on me now, but I fear that if they stop, I'll be left alone," he added.

Faruk's family is also grappling with the uncertainty hanging over his future. Having lost his parents long ago, Faruk had faced many challenges in life, but nothing as devastating as this.​
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[🇧🇩] Chittagong Hill Tracts----A Victim of Indian Intervention

The CHT Problem and the Role of Army

Recently I had an opportunity to listen to a heated debate on the problem of Chittagong Hill Tracts - particularly on the role of Bangladesh Army. The issue was raised in a paper on "State, sub-State Nationalism and sub-Regionalism: A Retrieve from Beyond the Mask," by Dr Amena Mohsin at a seminar on 'South Asian Growth Quadrangle: Bangladesh Perspectives' organised by International Studies Association, Bangladesh. She was critical of 'militarisation' of Chittagong Hill Tracts, and, particularly of a scheme of taking selected intellectuals - academics and journalists - in groups on a 'conducted tour' to Chittagong Hill Tracts at public cost. Professor Shahiduzzaman the designated discussant on the paper contested many of the points raised. There was participation also from the floor. The discussion, however, was cut short due to time constraint.

As a participant of one of the above 'conducted tours' to Chittagong Hill Tracts at public cost, I think, I have a moral responsibility to share my experiences with the people at large. Why were such conducted tours organised at all? To provide the intellectuals an opportunity to acquire first-hand knowledge about the problem and also to observe the role of army from close quarters. Although the problem of insurgency by Shantibahini and counter-insurgency operations by security forces in Chittagong Hill Tracts has been a national issue for almost quarter of a century evading all attempts at solution, there exists a dearth of reliable information and objective analysis of the problem. As the problem of insurgency has been successfully contained within the region thanks to Bangladesh army with no ripples reaching even the Chittagong city, not to speak of Dhaka, the capital, the national press and electronic media had, for a long time, ignored the problem. Whatever information that reached the nation or got disseminated abroad, were either through writings of a limited number of intellectuals based primarily on secondary materials, books and journals published mainly from abroad, and reports of Amnesty International and other human rights organisations, national and international, or through programmes broadcast/telecast by BBC which took special interests in the area. PCJSS and Shantibahini through its front organisations, e.g. PCP, PGP and HWF, maintained regular contact with intellectuals sympathetic to their cause; organised literary meets/cultural festivals in the Chittagong Hill Tracts where leading playwrights, litterateurs and cultural workers were invited; maintained liaison with embassies/NGOs at home and abroad; and participated in specially convened seminars abroad which provided them a number of avenues for airing their partisan views on the problem with their own interpretation of historical events. The Bangladesh Army, however, had no such opportunity. Because of long direct or quasi-military rule in Bangladesh which was rightly opposed by the intellectuals in general, even after transition to democracy in 1991, the scope for formal contact between the army and the intellectuals is extremely limited. All military matters, including those relating to Chittagong Hill Tracts were regarded as state secrets, and very little information other than a few press releases through ISPR were divulged to the press and the electronic media. The army as an institution cannot maintain contact/liaison with foreign embassies, and had very little scope for participation at national and international seminars, other than those organised by Bangladesh Institute for International and Strategic Studies on relevant issues, to air their views or interpretation of events that took place. Thus whatever information that was generally available on the problem of Chittagong Hill Tracts basically reflected one side of the story. To give intellectuals access to the other side of the story and for promoting transparency with respect to operations of security forces in Chittagong Hill Tracts, the above 'conducted' tours were organised by Bangladesh army, of course, at public cost, as the army had no other source of funding, with approval of the Defence Ministry which is headed by Sheikh Hasina, the Prime Minister herself.

Were the tours really 'conducted tours'? In a sense, yes. The programme was fixed by the army. We were escorted to different places in Chittagong Hill Tracts as decided by the army, where we met the army officers engaged in counter-insurgency operations, government officials, leading local leaders, academics and journalists both tribals and Bengalis all of whom were selected and invited by the army. The programme included briefings by GOC, Chittagong Division, Regional Commanders of Rangamati, Khagrachhari and Bandarban Regions, Zonal Commander, Rangamati Zone and Commander of an army camp near Rangamati, on insurgency and counter-insurgency operations in their respective areas. We visited a number of refugee rehabilitation centres near Dighinala and were free to exchange views with Chakmas rehabilitated there. The local leaders whom we met included prominent tribal leaders like the Bohmong chief KS Prue of Bandarban, Hansadhaj Chakma and Jyotindra Lal Tripura of Khagrachhari and leading Bengali leaders of respective areas. It is true that Bengalis participated in larger numbers compared to the tribals, but in the discussion that took place conflicting views were freely expressed. We were told that we could visit any place and meet anybody we liked, but of course under security cover provided by the army for obvious reasons. Thus, although the above tours were organised by the army, they were not strictly 'conducted' and the deliberations at the meetings were absolutely free reflecting all shades of opinion.

Let us concentrate on the role of Bangladesh Army in Chittagong Hill Tracts. The problem was not created by the Bangladesh Army. A look at history reveals that none of the major tribes, the Chakmas, the Marmas and the Tripuras were Chittagong Hill Tracts' indigenous people. Driven from other areas, over the last few centuries, they came and settled in Chittagong Hill Tracts along with Bengalis who went there to pursue trading and farming activities in the valleys. To ensure that the Bengali revolutionaries, who were quite active in Chittagong, did not get a sanctuary in the area, the British government declared Chittagong Hill Tracts an 'excluded' area in 1900 which put a break on natural migration of Bengalis to the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Had not the British pursued the above exclusionary policy; had the British treated this area and its people at par with other areas and people of British India; through natural processes, the area and its people would have got well-integrated with the rest of British India particularly with East Bengal. In 1947, when the British India was partitioned into independent states of India and Pakistan, considering her economic linkages with East Bengal, Chittagong Hill Tracts was awarded to Pakistan by Radcliffe Commission. The pseudo-colonial government of Pakistan also pursued the same exclusionary policy for obvious reasons which discouraged natural integration of Chittagong Hill Tracts with the rest of the country. The construction of Kaptai Hydro-Electric Project without adequate consideration for its socio-economic impacts dealt a serious blow to the prospects of national integration. Loss of most of their fertile land under the reservoir not adequately compensated for and displacement of about 100,000 people without adequate measures for their rehabilitation caused immense sufferings and economic hardship for the Chakmas in particular - many of whom migrated to India, those remaining simmering in discontent. The Liberation War of 1971 essentially being a struggle for self-determination by the Bengalis, most of the tribals remained aloof from; some participated in the Liberation War while a sizeable number including the Chakma and Bohmong chiefs actively collaborated with the Pakistan army. The reprisals, particularly on collaborators, following achievement of independence, caused further discontent amongst those affected. The final blow came in 1972 when Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh rejected their claim for regional autonomy, and in a public meeting held in Rangamati urged the tribals to become Bengali forgetting their separate tribal identities. PCJSS was formed in 1972 with its military wing Shantibahini emerging in 1973 to carry out insurgency operations in Chittagong Hill Tracts. The Bangladesh Army was called in essentially to carry out counter-insurgency operations in aid of civil authorities under existing legal framework. The Chittagong Hill Tracts has common borders with India (Tripura and Mizoram) and Myanmar. In the absence of roads in the border belt, regular patrolling of the borders is not possible. As a result, the insurgents can freely move across the border to carry out any insurgency operation and escape when chased by the army. Since the option of sealing out the border and pursuing a combing operation to weed out the insurgents remaining inside was not available, the Bangladesh Army had no other option but to fan out throughout the region and maintain their physical presence by establishing army camps all over Chittagong Hill Tracts. Due to relative inaccessibility of some areas, a number of army camps are heli-supported i.e., dry ration and other supplies are delivered to these camps by helicopters once a month.

To enhance security of the isolated army camps which also had to procure their supplies of fresh food from the neighbouring tribal villages development of a friendly neighbourhood was essential. In the absence of different organs and personnel of civil administration, the army took the responsibility of providing basic services, and also got involved in development functions which, under normal circumstances would have been carried out by the civil administration. The above strategy endeared them to tribal people. The road network and the waterways also needed to be regularly patrolled to ensure security of their users and maintain supplies of necessities throughout the region. At present, roughly one-third of the entire Bangladesh Army are engaged in carrying out counter-insurgency operations and other functions mentioned above in Chittagong Hill Tracts. The above overwhelming presence of the army in Chittagong Hill Tracts has possibly led many to conclude that Chittagong Hill Tracts has been 'militarised', but did any other option really exist?

At the initial stage of counter insurgency operations in Chittagong Hill Tracts, due to lack of experience, a number of incidents involving possibly violation of human rights occurred but as the army gained maturity, such incidents have become a thing of the past. Despite provocation by Shantibahini which has been able to re-organise itself taking advantage of ceasefire since 1992, the army showed great restraint. An ordinary tribal no longer looks at the army with fear. While I visited a refugee rehabilitation centre at Dighinala, in presence of the Regional Commander Brigadier Ashfaq, an ordinary tribal narrated to me, absolutely freely, how he was arrested while farming, and detained for two weeks on suspicion of being a member of the Shantibahini. Peace and security has generally been restored at least at the district headquarters. We enjoyed in the evening of 7th July, 1997, a largely attended cultural function organised by Kachi Kanchar Mela at Khagrachhari and were happy to see both tribals and Bengalis participating at and enjoying the programme.

The army has definitely succeeded in controlling insurgency in Chittagong Hill Tracts to limit it within acceptable level besides protecting sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. Total number killed in counter-insurgency operations over the last twenty-two years has been 173 only for the army, and 343, when all security forces are included (up to June 30, 1997). As mentioned earlier, the army had demonstrated great restraint despite 1076 cases of violation of ceasefire by Shantibahini over August 1992-June 1997. The presence of the army in Chittagong Hill Tracts has also contributed to minimising ethnic conflicts. I had the opportunity of visiting an army camp not far from Rangamati. On the way, I saw the jawans in uniform, with arms, patrolling the road in the rain. I climbed up a hill to reach the camp and gasped for breath. For security reasons most of the camps had to be set up on top of the hills. Carrying water to hill tops, and procuring fresh food from the neighbourhood is a big problem. I inspected the barrack, a thatched cottage built by the army personnel themselves where in sub-human condition the jawans resided. I saw two patients suffering from malaria. Some were taking rest, inside mosquito net even during day time, to protect themselves from insect bite. A single officer who was commanding the army camp was indeed a lonely man. The plight of those serving in more remote areas can easily be imagined. Malaria is a menace. Since 1980, 160 security personnel including 68 army personnel lost their lives suffering from malaria.

On return to Dhaka, I was narrating my experience to a leading intellectual of the country, highlighting the life of army personnel in Chittagong Hill Tracts. I was told, "Well, they are performing their duty." Surely we all have our respective duties to perform. Had we all performed our duties sincerely, at least as the army had been doing in CHT, much of the Golden Bengal, by now would have been a reality.

The writer is Professor of Economics Jahangirnagar University.​
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[🇧🇩] Trump's Victory and Bangladesh

Prof Yunus congratulates Trump

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Muhammad Yunus, left, and Donald Trump

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday congratulated Donald Trump for his historic win in the US presidential election.

"I am delighted to convey, on behalf of the government and the people of Bangladesh, my heartfelt felicitations to you on your victory in the US Presidential Election 2024," he said in a congratulatory message.

"Electing you as the US President for a second term reflects that your leadership and vision have resonated with the people of the United States of America. I am confident that under your stewardship, the United States will thrive and continue to inspire others around the world," the message read.

Yunus said Bangladesh and the US share a long history of friendship and collaboration across numerous areas of mutual interest, reported BSS.

The relationship continued to grow in depth and breadth during Trump's previous term in the office, he said.

The chief adviser said he firmly believes that the possibilities are endless as the two friendly nations work towards exploring newer avenues of partnership.

"... Aligning with our commitment to a peaceful and inclusive society, the government and the peace-loving people of Bangladesh look forward to partner and collaborate in your efforts in addressing the global challenges in the pursuit of peace, harmony, stability, and prosperity for all," Yunus said.

His Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam at a media briefing at the Foreign Service Academy in the evening said, "We welcome this [his win]. We hope Bangladesh-US relations will be deepened and relations will reach a new height."

Responding to a question on Trump's remarks on Bangladesh recently, Shafiqul said he was probably misinformed, reports UNB.​
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[🇧🇩] Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh

Tensions in Rakhine, Chin have wider implications for Bangladesh​

Bangladesh cannot initiate a formal discussion with a non-state party like the Arakan Army. Yet, without any engagement of the Arakan Army, no Rohingya can be repatriated peacefully​



A group of old Chin woman with web spider tattoo on face in village near Mrauk U region in Myanmars Rakhine state. Chin people, also known as the Kukis are a number of Tibeto Burman tribal. Photo: Narinjara

A group of old Chin woman with web spider tattoo on face in village near Mrauk U region in Myanmars Rakhine state. Chin people, also known as the Kukis are a number of Tibeto Burman tribal. Photo: Narinjara

The heat of Myanmar's civil war has already reached the Bangladesh border. However, this war - either the one in central Myanmar or those around the states - did not start today.

Understanding the present war in Myanmar requires an understanding of the history of the country's ethnic clashes. Burma (now Myanmar) emerged as an independent country in 1948, a year also marked by budding resistance from many ethnic groups.

The movement prior to Burma's independence was organised around the establishment of a federal country with regional autonomy of ethnic peoples like the Shan, Karen, Kachin, Rakhine, and others. The former prime minister of British Burma, Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) was supposed to play the role of the coordinator. Unfortunately, Aung San was assassinated six months before Burma's independence.

As a result, the promise of a federal country was buried by the post-independent rulers led by the superior Bamar ethnic group, sparking armed resistance by the minorities. For the last 75 years, the demand for regional autonomy and resistance to Burmese authorities has flourished in the country, both in non-violent or violent formats.

However, a new element was added to this movement in 2021, when many Bamar people took to the streets protesting the Bamar-dominated Burmese military or the Tatmadaw-led coup that ousted the elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi — also a Bamar. The Suu Kyi-led political party National League carried on with non-violent protests for a year after the coup.

But now the party is leading the armed resistance against the Tatmadaw. This is a new phase in Myanmar's history and also indicates that the whole country is now in a civil war.

As a neighbour of Myanmar, Bangladesh has been facing implications of the war, specifically the ethnic resistance in the Rakhine state, which shares a border with Bangladesh.

We know that the Rakhine state — formerly Arakan — was an independent land, but the British Empire colonised it and later left it under the rule of the superior Bamar. Similar to other regions, the demand for an autonomous Arakan state has also persisted since Myanmar's independence. The United League of Arakan and its armed force, the Arakan Army, tried to push the demand both in non-violent and violent ways.

However, the Arakan Army mustered more strength and sharpened its counterattack against the Burmese military in 2017. The Arakan Army is now trying to shift its headquarters to the Rakhine state so that finance for the guerrilla movement can be generated easily.

Similarly, in the last three years, strong armed resistance by the Chin ethnic group has weakened the presence of the Burmese military in the Chin state, which also shares a small border with Bangladesh.

Simultaneously, the security conditions in the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh have deteriorated. At least 90 Rohingyas in the camps were murdered in internal clashes that occurred last year. Their demand for quick repatriation has become louder, amid dwindling global relief for the Rohingya.

So the flourishing of armed resistance in the Rakhine and Chin states, as well as the tension in the Rohingya camps, is very much concerning for Bangladesh.

Bangladesh has been negotiating with Myanmar's central government for the repatriation of one million Rohingya people who fled the Burmese military-led crackdown in 2017. Now, the Arakan Army has emerged as another party to discuss with. Apart from Rohingya repatriation, Bangladesh would need to talk to the Arakan Army regarding the century-old border trade with Myanmar.

I would like to mention that Chin people in Myanmar, Mizos and Kukis in India's Mizoram and Manipur, belong to a common larger Zo ethnicity. There are similar ethnic people in Bangladesh's Bandarban district. So, the tension in Manipur, Chin and Rakhine needs to be discussed with great importance.

The Burmese military, cornered on the ground in the last three months due to strong resistance by the ethnic groups, will certainly intensify airstrikes over the conflict zones. Already, the Chin state has been affected and many people have taken refuge in Mizoram. The possibility of a new influx from Myanmar to Bangladesh is high.

During an interview, Arakan Army commander-in-chief Major General Twan Mrat Naing told us that the Arakan Army is willing to accept the Rohingya diaspora as citizens of Myanmar. But the Buddhist-dominated Arakan Army does not acknowledge the legitimacy of Rohingya ethnicity, which will be a concern in the repatriation process. However, Major General Naing showed interest in discussing the issues with the Bangladesh government.

It needs to be noted that Bangladesh cannot initiate a formal discussion with a non-state party like the Arakan Army. It will certainly annoy Myanmar. The great dilemma for Bangladesh is that without any engagement of the Arakan Army, no Rohingya can be repatriated peacefully.

The author is a researcher of history and author of 'Burma: Jatigoto Shonghater Shaat Doshok.'
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[🇮🇳] 20X Hotter': How India Quietly Built A Sun In The Shadow of China's Record Plasma Fea

20X Hotter': How India Quietly Built A Sun In The Shadow of China's Record Plasma Fea​


India_Steady_State_Superconducting_Tokamak_Fusion_Reactor.jpg

India's Steady State Superconducting Tokamak Nuclear Fusion Reactor

India's recent advancements in nuclear fusion technology have positioned it as a significant player in the global race for sustainable energy. The SST-1 Tokamak, operational since 2013, has achieved plasma temperatures 20 times hotter than the Sun, marking a notable milestone in fusion research. This achievement comes as China continues to make headlines with its EAST reactor, which recently sustained plasma for 1,000 seconds, setting a new world record.

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'20X Hotter': How India Quietly Built A Sun In The Shadow of China's Record Plasma Feat
Friday, January 31, 2025 by Indian Defence News

India_Steady_State_Superconducting_Tokamak_Fusion_Reactor.jpg

India's Steady State Superconducting Tokamak Nuclear Fusion Reactor

India's recent advancements in nuclear fusion technology have positioned it as a significant player in the global race for sustainable energy. The SST-1 Tokamak, operational since 2013, has achieved plasma temperatures 20 times hotter than the Sun, marking a notable milestone in fusion research. This achievement comes as China continues to make headlines with its EAST reactor, which recently sustained plasma for 1,000 seconds, setting a new world record.

India's Steady State Superconducting Tokamak-1 Tokamak

Achieved plasma temperatures around 200 million degrees Celsius.

India’s SST-1, operational since 2013, is its answer to cutting-edge fusion technology. It creates temperatures 20 times hotter than the Sun’s core, marking India as one of six nations with a superconducting Tokamak.

India is set to advance its nuclear fusion capabilities with the development of the Steady-State Superconducting Tokamak-2 (SST-2), a next-generation fusion reactor. Construction is expected to commence in 2027, marking a significant step in India's ambition to lead in sustainable energy solutions.

India is making significant strides in nuclear fusion research, particularly with its Steady State Superconducting Tokamak (SST-1) project. Recently, SST-1 achieved a remarkable milestone by generating plasma at temperatures 20 times hotter than the Sun's core. This achievement positions India competitively alongside China's Experimental Advanced Superconducting Tokamak (EAST), which has also been advancing in fusion technology.

India is planning to develop SST-2, a next-generation fusion reactor that will incorporate advanced features such as biological shielding and improved plasma control systems. Construction for SST-2 is expected to begin in 2027, marking another step towards India's ambition to be a leader in sustainable energy through nuclear fusion.

China's EAST Reactor:

China's Experimental Advanced Superconducting Tokamak (EAST), also known as the "artificial sun," has achieved a ground breaking milestone in nuclear fusion research. On January 20, 2025, EAST sustained plasma for an impressive 1,066 seconds, shattering the previous record of 403 seconds set in 2023.

The EAST reactor operates at temperatures exceeding 100 million degrees Celsius, which is critical for achieving stable fusion reactions.

Comparative Insights
[th]
Feature​
[/th][th]
India (SST-1)​
[/th][th]
China (EAST)​
[/th]​
[td]
Plasma Temperature​
[/td][td]
200 million degrees Celsius​
[/td][td]
100 million degrees Celsius​
[/td]​
[td]
Sustained Plasma Duration​
[/td][td]
Not specified​
[/td][td]
1,000 seconds​
[/td]​
[td]
Operational Since​
[/td][td]
2013​
[/td][td]
2006​
[/td]​
[td]
Global Standing​
[/td][td]
One of six superconducting Tokamaks​
[/td][td]
Leading in sustained plasma duration​
[/td]​

Implications For Fusion Research

The advancements made by India and China highlight the competitive nature of nuclear fusion research. While India's SST-1 demonstrates significant temperature capabilities, China's EAST focuses on sustaining plasma for longer periods. Both nations are part of the larger ITER collaboration, which aims to develop fusion as a viable energy source.

Fusion technology is seen as a potential solution to global energy challenges due to its ability to produce clean energy without greenhouse gas emissions. The ongoing developments in both countries suggest that they are not only competing but also contributing to the global knowledge pool necessary for achieving practical fusion energy solutions.

India's achievement of creating plasma significantly hotter than that of the Sun underscores its growing role in the field of nuclear fusion. As both India and China continue to make strides, the future of fusion energy looks promising, with potential implications for energy security and environmental sustainability on a global scale.

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[🇨🇳] All-weather friendship’ with Pakistan is increasingly becoming a liability for China

All-weather friendship’ with Pakistan is increasingly becoming a liability for China​

‘All-weather friendship’ with Pakistan is increasingly becoming a liability for China

As the Spring Festival concludes, China welcomes its first foreign leader in the Year of the Snake—Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari. His visit, immediately following the Lunar New Year holidays, carries deep symbolic resonance. Traditionally, the Spring Festival is a time for family reunions and close bonds in China—a metaphor that underscores the close, familial ties Islamabad seeks to cultivate with Beijing.


A Shanghai-based commentator, Chen Yingqiang, linked Zardari’s trip to the fallout from US President Donald Trump’s decision to freeze foreign aid. He highlighted Pakistan’s efforts to salvage the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and its preference for China to mediate between Pakistan and the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan.

Yet, despite its seemingly momentous nature, this visit has received scant coverage in China’s mainstream media and little discussion on platforms like Weibo, suggesting waning public interest in Pakistan and, by extension, in China-Pakistan relations. Meanwhile, a spate of terrorist attacks targeting Chinese nationals involved in Chinese-funded projects, particularly along the CPEC, has only deepened Chinese scepticism regarding Pakistan’s reliability as a key partner.

A few years ago, Lin Minwang, a researcher at Fudan University’s Institute of International Studies, argued that China-Pakistan relations were strategically consistent and relatively obstacle-free. He noted that Pakistan had consistently supported China at pivotal historical junctures—transcending traditional alliances in favour of strategic calculus. Today, however, that assessment appears increasingly divorced from the prevailing narrative.


At present, Pakistan is far more vocal about the “ironclad” nature of its alliance with China than China itself. Pakistani officials have prominently underlined the sustainability and strategic importance of the CPEC. On Monday, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif reiterated that “CPEC is a vital cornerstone of Pakistan’s economic development and regional connectivity.” These assertions serve not only as internal affirmations but also as reminders to China of Pakistan’s strategic importance, particularly in the contest with India. But does this rhetoric mark the end of the era of an “all-weather friendship”? Chinese discourse might offer some clues.

Safety concerns for Chinese nationals

While China’s state media may underreport these issues, online discussions reveal mounting concerns over the safety and discrimination faced by Chinese nationals in Pakistan. Numerous videos circulating on Chinese social media show hotels in Pakistan refusing accommodation to Chinese individuals and highlighting racist remarks directed at them. However, the more critical issue remains the safety of Chinese workers engaged in CPEC projects.



An article in Shanghai Observer pointed out that while terrorism has long plagued Pakistan, the security situation is now deteriorating. There is a consensus that, while the situation is dire, Pakistan is exerting efforts in counter-terrorism and protecting Chinese nationals. A narrative has emerged portraying Pakistan as a victim of terrorism, emphasising the necessity of China-Pakistan counter-terror operations and cooperation.

Hu Shisheng, director of the Institute of South Asian Studies at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, argued that China has a substantial number of personnel and projects in Pakistan and is genuinely invested in assisting the country’s development. However, the worsening security conditions have compelled the Pakistani government to become more amenable to counter-terrorism cooperation and joint efforts.


While offline discussions regarding Pakistan’s counter-terrorism efforts may be widespread, only a limited number of commentaries survive online, where questions are raised about the effectiveness of these measures. An anonymous Chinese commentator remarked that the increasing number of terrorist incidents in Pakistan, with Chinese nationals among the targets, indicates that Pakistan’s fight against terrorism has been ineffective.

Also read: China and Pakistan could use Bangladesh against India. New Delhi must stabilise the Northeast

Limited utility of Pakistan

A Chinese commentator hailed the inauguration of the New Gwadar International Airport in Pakistan as a strategic milestone for the CPEC, positioning Gwadar as a crucial hub for regional connectivity. He argued that the CPEC is more than an economic initiative—it represents a strategic realignment that counters Western efforts to contain China while heightening India’s concerns over a potential Chinese military presence in the region.


Nonetheless, the China-Pakistan relationship is no longer as seamless as it once was. Pakistan’s strategic utility for China appears increasingly limited. Today, Pakistan functions largely as a cheerleader against Western pressures, a loyal supporter of the One China Policy, and, to a diminishing extent, as a strategically positioned partner due to the Gwadar port. Its utility in countering India has significantly waned, as New Delhi now seems better prepared to deal with a two-front conflict—the very scenario that once underpinned China-Pakistan cooperation.

Pakistan now appears more dependent on China than vice versa. The recent launch of Pakistan’s PRSC-EO1 satellite using the Chinese Long March-2D carrier rocket from the Jiuquan Satellite Launch Center, along with China’s development projects in sensitive areas like Balochistan, illustrate its deep involvement. With the dismantling of the USAID, China may prove to be a more reliable source of aid for Pakistan.


Yet for China, the relationship is increasingly becoming a liability. Chinese citizens are now at risk in Pakistan, and the necessity of counter-terrorism operations to safeguard the CPEC is straining China’s resources. This is particularly noteworthy amid China’s own territorial disputes and its ongoing rivalry with the US. No amount of diplomatic optics can conceal the growing human cost: Chinese nationals in Pakistan are bearing the brunt of a partnership that is no longer delivering commensurate benefits to China.

Despite these challenges, Zardari’s visit will be labelled as a success, CPEC is likely to persist, and with it, the rhetoric of China-Pakistan “all-weather friendship.” However, as strategic calculations evolve, China may have to confront a reality where the costs of the partnership increasingly outweigh the benefits.

Sana Hashmi, PhD, is a fellow at the Taiwan-Asia Exchange Foundation and George HW Bush Foundation for US-China Relations. She tweets @sanahashmi1. Views are personal.

(Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)

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[🇮🇳] Pinaka Multi Barrel Rocket Launcher- News and Discussion.

A Resounding Roar: Pinaka Mk-III Amplifies India's Artillery Firepower​

Story by support@india.com (India.com News Desk)
• 17h • 3 min read

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Pinaka Mk-III

Pinaka Mk-III© Abhijeet Sen | Girish Linganna
The Indian Army is set to witness a revolution in its artillery capabilities with the induction of the Pinaka Mk-III multi-barrel rocket launcher. Developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), this cutting-edge system boasts an impressive range of 120 kilometers, significantly surpassing the 90-kilometer reach of the Russian Smerch system. This leap forward is poised to reshape the Army's strategic ground operations and bolster its firepower on the battlefield.


Dominating the Battlefield: Pinaka Mk-III's Extended Reach

The Pinaka Mk-III's extended range provides the Indian Army with a crucial strategic advantage. It allows for precision strikes deep into enemy territory, disrupting supply lines, command centers, and troop concentrations. This enhanced capability significantly boosts India's deterrence posture and strengthens its position in potential border conflicts.

Compared to the Smerch, the Pinaka Mk-III offers a 33% increase in range, giving Indian forces a wider operational envelope and the ability to engage targets from safer distances. This not only enhances the survivability of artillery units but also provides greater flexibility in tactical deployments.

Technological Prowess: The Driving Force Behind Pinaka Mk-III

The Pinaka Mk-III's extended range is a result of significant advancements in rocket propulsion, guidance systems, and warhead technology. The system incorporates:


  • Improved propellant formulations: Allowing for greater thrust and longer burn times.
  • Advanced navigation and guidance systems: Ensuring pinpoint accuracy even at extended ranges.
  • Enhanced warhead designs: Delivering a more potent payload to the target.
These technological advancements place the Pinaka Mk-III among the most capable rocket artillery systems in the world. It offers a level of precision and firepower comparable to, if not exceeding, similar systems deployed by other nations.

Pinaka Mk-III Specifications:

  • Range: 120 km (75 mi)
  • Length: 7.2 m (24 ft)
  • Rocket Diameter: 214 mm (8.4 in)
  • Warhead Weight: 250 kg (550 lb)
From Development to Deployment: Pinaka's Evolution

The Pinaka system has undergone a remarkable evolution, starting with the Mk-I variant with a 37.5-kilometer range. Subsequent versions, the Mk-II, 60 Kilometre range and now the Mk-III, have progressively extended this range, culminating in the current 120-kilometer capability.


The DRDO's dedication to continuous improvement is evident in the system's development milestones. Rigorous testing and validation trials have ensured that the Pinaka Mk-III meets the stringent requirements of the Indian Army.

Currently, the Army operates four Pinaka regiments and has placed orders for six more. Future plans include further range enhancements, with variants capable of striking targets up to 300 kilometers away.

Phasing Out Foreign Systems: Grad and Smerch

In addition to the Pinaka, the Indian Army currently operates five regiments of Grad rockets and three regiments of Smerch rockets.

  • Grad Rockets: These are Soviet-designed multiple rocket launch systems (MRLS) known for their reliability and versatility, but with a shorter range than the Pinaka Mk-III. Each Grad regiment typically consists of 18 launchers capable of firing a variety of ammunition types.The original Grad rockets have a range of about 20 kilometers. However, newer variants can reach up to 40 kilometers.
  • Smerch Rockets: Larger and more powerful than the Grad, the Smerch MRLS is designed for long-range, high-impact operations. However, with a 90-kilometer range, it falls short of the Pinaka Mk-III. Each Smerch regiment consists of 12 launchers.
Over time, the indigenous Pinaka system is expected to replace these foreign systems, solidifying its position as the backbone of India's long-range rocket artillery.


Made in India: Boosting Self-Reliance and Economic Growth

The Pinaka program is a testament to India's growing self-reliance in defense technology. The manufacturing process involves a collaborative effort between various Indian organizations:

  • Ammunition Production: Munitions India Limited and Economic Explosives Limited
  • Launchers and Command Posts: Tata Advanced Systems Limited and Larsen & Toubro
This indigenous production not only reduces reliance on imports but also generates significant economic benefits. It creates jobs, fosters technological innovation, and strengthens the domestic defense industry.

A Force for the Future: Pinaka's Role in Modern Warfare

The Pinaka Mk-III is a crucial asset for the Indian Army in modern warfare scenarios. Its ability to deliver precise, long-range strikes makes it a potent force multiplier, capable of shaping the battlefield and deterring adversaries.

As the Pinaka system continues to evolve, it will undoubtedly play a pivotal role in safeguarding India's security and projecting its military power in the region.

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[🇧🇩] ISKCON and its activities in Bangladesh

Ex-ISKCON leader arrested at HSIA

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Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari

Former ISKCON leader Chandan Kumar Dhar, alias Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari, was arrested from Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport area in Dhaka yesterday afternoon.

Rezaul Karim Mallick, additional commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police and chief of the Detective Branch, said a team of detectives arrested him in connection with a case filed in Chattogram.

Earlier on October 31, a case was filed with Kotwali Police Station in Chattogram, accusing Chinmoy, spokesperson of Sammilita Sanatani Jagaran Jote, and 18 others.

Firoz Khan, the then general secretary of Mohora ward BNP, filed the case on charges of disrespecting Bangladesh's national flag in Chattogram's New Market area during a rally of the Hindu community on October 25.

Firoz, however, was expelled from the party over "anti-party" activities a day after filing the case.

According to the case statement, the incident occurred on October 25, when some youths reportedly placed a saffron-coloured flag over the Bangladesh flag on the Shadhinata Sthombho (independence pillar) at the Zero Point near the New Market intersection during a rally organised by the Hindus under the banner of Sanatan Jagaran Mancha.

PROTESTS

Protesting the arrest of Chinmoy, former divisional organising secretary of the Chattogram ISKCON (International Society for Krishna Consciousness), hundreds of people from the Hindu community gathered at Cheragi Pahar intersection in the port city around 6:00pm yesterday. They brought out a procession and demanded his immediate release.

Kazi Tarek Aziz, additional deputy commissioner (public relations) of Chattogram Metropolitan Police, said police have been deployed there to prevent any untoward incident.

In the capital, hundreds of members of the Hindu community, including ISKCON supporters, came out on the streets and blocked the Shahbagh intersection in the evening to protest the arrest.

Witnesses said around 200 ISKCON supporters gathered there, disrupting traffic movement. Tensions escalated when another group, armed with sticks, confronted the demonstrators, resulting in clashes.

The ISKCON supporters were eventually beaten and forced to leave the area.

Contacted, AKM Shahabuddin Shaheen, officer-in-charge of Shahbagh Police Station, said, "An unidentified group initially blocked the Shahbagh intersection, but another group soon intervened and dispersed them."

Processions were brought out also in Rangpur, Dinajpur and Narayanganj to protest the arrest.

Meanwhile, the Hindu-Bouddha-Christian Oikya Parishad in a statement condemned the arrest.

Its presidents Ushaton Talukder, Prof Dr Nim Chandra Bhowmik, and Nirmal Rozario, and acting general secretary Manindra Kumar Nath demanded the release of the Sammilita Sanatani Jagaran Jote spokesperson Prabhu Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari in the interest of the nation.

They said the arrest has the potential to tarnish Bangladesh's global image on the issue of freedom of expression and human rights.​
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[🇮🇳] India's Space Program

India’s push for home-grown satellite constellation gets 30 aspirants
REUTERS
Published :
Dec 24, 2024 21:39
Updated :
Dec 24, 2024 21:39

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A satellite model is placed on a picture of Earth in this illustration taken November 25, 2024. Photo : REUTERS/Dado Ruvic/Illustration/Files

Thirty Indian companies have answered the space regulator’s call to build and operate constellations of Earth observation (EO) satellites in a groundbreaking private-public partnership to reduce the country’s reliance on foreign data for defense, infrastructure management and other critical mapping needs.

“We have received 9 applications ... Each applicant represents a consortium, involving a total of 30 companies,” said Pawan Goenka, chairman of the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre, or IN-SPACe.

The regulator had sought “expressions of interest” (EoI) in July to build home-grown satellite constellations as part of a broader strategy to monetize the sector and ensure data sovereignty.

India is doubling down on its small satellite and data services market to carve out a leading role in the global commercialization of space. The market for such services, increasingly key for industries ranging from telecoms to climate monitoring, is projected to reach $45 billion by 2030, opens new tab.

The applicants for IN-SPACe’s latest effort in this regard include startups such as Google-backed Pixxel and Baring Private Equity-backed SatSure, as well as larger entities like Tata Group’s Tata Advanced Systems. The companies did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Goenka said he expects technical evaluations to be completed by the end of January, after which a tender will be floated to determine the winning bidder.

IN-SPACe’s eligibility criteria include applicants raising or investing at least 850 million rupees ($10 million) in space-related activities, having a valuation of 8.5 billion rupees, or a turnover of 2 billion rupees in the past three years.

They must also set up spacecraft control centres in India or partner with ground station service providers for operational needs.

The government plans to loan up to 3.5 billion to the winner, with private companies expected to cover the remaining costs, according to a source familiar with the matter.

Since opening the sector to private players in February, India has established a 10-billion-rupee venture fund to support space startups.

The country has also unveiled ambitious plans for crewed space exploration and a mission to Venus, but the primary focus remains on fostering commercial ventures and scaling up private sector participation.

India currently sources much of its EO data from foreign companies and agencies like the European Space Agency (ESA) and the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).

IIFCL Projects Ltd, an advisory arm under the Ministry of Finance, is overseeing the bidding process.​
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[🇮🇳] INDIAN ARMED FORCES NEWS AND DISCUSSION

Army’s modernisation plan picks pace​

1h • 3 min read

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NEW DELHI: As part of modernising Indian Army’s operational capabilities, a significant accretion is on the anvil on the aviation front, specifically the rotors, with the Army working toward inducting around 250 helicopters for surveillance and reconnaissance operations.

A source said, “The Army has outlined the need to replace its ageing helicopter fleet. Several options are being considered, emphasising indigenous production under the government’s Make in India policy.”

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Key contenders, sources informed, include HAL’s Light Utility Helicopter, Kamov-226T (Russia), and Airbus H125. “The Army is also evaluating opportunities for private Indian companies to enter the helicopter manufacturing space, encouraging competition, innovation, and cost-effectiveness,” sources added.

The selection process is driven by performance benchmarks, ensuring that the replacement fleet is capable of extended endurance missions, enhanced troop transport, improved combat survivability, and superior sensor integration for reconnaissance and surveillance roles.

Officials said that as Aero India 2025 approaches, military aviation landscape is set to take centre stage and a modern helicopter fleet is a key focus area.

The Indian Army Aviation Corps, though one of the youngest branches of the Army, has emerged as a critical force multiplier in modern warfare, providing aerial support for combat operations, reconnaissance, logistics, casualty evacuation, and humanitarian assistance. However, as global military aviation advances and battlefield requirements evolve, a next-generation helicopter fleet has become imperative.


Army’s modernisation plan picks pace

Army’s modernisation plan picks pace
Helicopters are an operational necessity, considering that the Indian Army operates in some of the world’s most extreme environments. In the northern and western theatres, helicopters facilitate rapid troop movement, reconnaissance, and combat support.

The high-altitude terrain of Ladakh, Siachen Glacier, North Sikkim, and Arunachal Pradesh presents significant operational challenges with sub-zero temperatures, unpredictable weather and thin air conditions that demand highly capable rotary-wing platforms. In counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency operations, particularly in Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast, helicopters enable quick insertion and extraction of troops, surveillance missions, and casualty evacuations.

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Beyond combat, the Army helicopters are pivotal in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations, responding to natural calamities such as floods, earthquakes, and landslides. Rapid airlift capabilities are crucial for rescuing stranded civilians, delivering supplies, and providing medical evacuation in these scenarios. The Army’s rotary-wing fleet is also vital in desert warfare.

For decades, the Chetak and Cheetah helicopters have been the backbone of the Army Aviation Corps. While these platforms have proven their reliability and endurance, they are now technologically outdated. Initially developed in the 1960s and inducted in the 1970s, these helicopters lack modern avionics, safety features, and the operational flexibility required for contemporary warfare.

Their single-engine configuration increases risk, and their limited payload capacity restricts their ability to transport troops and equipment efficiently. Maintenance challenges have also emerged, with the declining availability of spare parts.



Recognising these challenges, the Indian Army has initiated a comprehensive plan to upgrade its helicopter fleet. Modernisation aims to enhance operational capabilities in altitude performance, endurance, payload capacity, survivability, and mission versatility.

In July 2023, the defence ministry issued a Request for Information to lease 20 reconnaissance and surveillance helicopters with ground support equipment for five years.

Currently, India’s Army Aviation Corps comprises three brigades at Leh, Missamari and Jodhpur, equipped with around 190 Cheetah, Chetak and Cheetal helicopters, 145 ALH, and 75 Rudra (ALH-WSI), which is the weaponised version. While the indigenous light combat helicopters are under induction, orders have been placed for 25 ALH Mk-III.

CHOPPERS IN THE CART

Among the key aircraft considered in place of Army’s ageing fleet are


Light Utility Helicopter (LUH)

A domestically developed platform, currently undergoing phased induction. Designed for high-altitude performance, it is expected to replace the Cheetah and Chetak helicopters in forward areas

Kamov-226T (Russia)

A proven reconnaissance helicopter with a modular design and twin-engine safety. While initially part of an Indo-Russian joint production plan, procurement has faced delays, partly due to geopolitical considerations

Airbus H125

A high-altitude capable helicopter with global recognition, offering advanced avionics and superior payload capacity

Private Sector participation

A significant step as helicopters are a crucial step in strengthening operational capabilities across diverse and challenging terrains. Private Indian companies entering helicopter manufacturing space is expected to encourage competition, innovation and cost-effectiveness
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[🇮🇷] Iran's Nuclear Program

France, Germany, Britain condemn Iran's steps to expand nuclear programme
Published :
Jun 15, 2024 18:04
Updated :
Jun 15, 2024 18:04
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The logo of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is displayed at the agency's headquarters on the opening day of a quarterly meeting of its 35-nation Board of Governors in Vienna, Austria, June 3, 2024. Photo : REUTERS/Leonhard Foeger/File Photo

France, Germany and Britain on Saturday condemned Iran's latest steps, as reported by the IAEA, to further expand its nuclear programme.

"Iran has taken further steps in hollowing out the JCPoA, by operating dozens of additional advanced centrifuges at the Natanz enrichment site as well as announcing it will install thousands more centrifuges at both its Fordow and Natanz sites." the joint statement said, referring to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action signed with Iran in 2015.

"This decision is a further escalation of Iran's nuclear programme, which carries significant proliferation risks," it added.

The joint statement stressed that "Iran's decision to substantially increase its production capacity at the underground Fordow facility is especially concerning".

"Iran is legally obliged under the Non-Proliferation Treaty to fully implement its safeguards agreement, which is separate to the JCPoA."​
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[🇧🇩] Extradition of Hasina, Awami Leaders/Beneficiaries and Related News.

Govt to seek extradition of Hasina

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Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Photo: Reuters/File

The interim government will seek extradition of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who took shelter in India after the fall of the Awami League government through a students-led mass upsurge on August 5, Law Adviser Asif Nazrul said today.

Prosecutors of the International Crimes Tribunal have already been appointed and the authorities have made other visible progress for the trial of the ones accused of crimes against humanity during the July students protest.

"Soon, the trial process will begin and then we will seek extradition of former prime minister from India," he said.

Hasina and dozens of other leaders of her cabinet and Awami League are facing cases that accused them of murders during the July-August protests.

A UN fact-finding mission also started working in Bangladesh to investigate all the human rights violations between July 1 and August 15.​
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[🇧🇩] Bangladesh-Pakistan Relation---Can we look beyond 1971?

Pak PM lauds Bangladesh's economic progress
Says 'we feel ashamed when we look towards them'

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Lauding Bangladesh's economic growth, Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has noted how "East Pakistan", which was "once considered" a burden on the country, made tremendous strides in industrial growth.

"I was quite young when... we were told that it's a burden on our shoulders...Today you all know where that 'burden' has reached [in terms of economic growth]. And we feel ashamed when we look towards them," said Shehbaz during an interactive session with the business leaders of Pakistan.

Sharif sat down with the business community at the Sindh chief minister's house in Karachi on Wednesday to find ways to uplift the economy, reports Dawn.

While the business leaders appreciated Sharif's determination to tackle economic issues, they raised concerns about the political instability in Pakistan in the wake of former PM Imran Khan's arrest.

Karachi's business community advised the prime minister to focus on bringing about political stability to "turn around" the economy.

They also asked Sharif to initiate the trade talks with India, according to the Dawn report.

The relations between the two countries nosedived after India revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir and bifurcated it into two Union territories.

The Indian government's move evoked strong reactions from Islamabad, which downgraded diplomatic ties and expelled the Indian envoy. It has also cut off direct trade ties with India.

"You have made a few handshakes after taking charge that have produced good results and progress on the IMF deal is one of them," Arif Habib, the chief of Arif Habib Group – was quoted as saying.

"I suggest you do a few more handshakes. One of them is regarding trade with India, which would greatly benefit our economy," he added.

The South Asian country is struggling to recover from an economic crisis. In July last year, Pakistan had to take an IMF loan to avert a sovereign debt default.

The $350 billion South Asian economy faces a chronic balance of payment crisis.

Moreover, Pakistan faces $77.5 billion in debt repayment obligations in the next three years, equivalent to nearly a quarter of its gross domestic product.​
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[🇨🇳] China vs USA

US, China accuse each other of stoking regional tensions

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Top US and Chinese officials exchanged warnings against stoking regional tensions during a meeting in Beijing yesterday after China became embroiled in security rows with American allies Japan and the Philippines.

US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, making the first such trip by someone in his role since 2016, and Chinese top diplomat Wang Yi met in Beijing for talks that were meant to smooth over relations.

But after their meeting, state media reported that Wang cautioned Washington against supporting the Philippines in the disputed South China Sea.

"The United States must not use bilateral treaties as an excuse to undermine China's sovereignty and territorial integrity, nor should it support or condone the Philippines' actions of infringement," Wang told Sullivan, according to state broadcaster CCTV.

Sullivan, who is US President Joe Biden's most senior security aide, doubled down on Washington's pledges to defend its regional partners.

"Mr Sullivan reaffirmed the United States' commitment to defending its Indo-Pacific allies," the White House said in a readout of their meeting.

Sullivan also "expressed concern about the PRC's destabilizing actions against lawful Philippine maritime operations in the South China Sea", it said, using an acronym for the People's Republic of China.

Sullivan landed in the Chinese capital on Tuesday for a three-day trip, saying on arrival he looked forward to "a very productive round of conversations" with foreign minister Wang.

The visit follows a summit between Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping in California in November 2023, and comes just over two months before elections in the United States.

But the meeting was shadowed by Washington's allies Japan and the Philippines blaming China in the past week for raising regional tensions.

Beijing said on Monday it had taken "control measures" against two Philippine Coast Guard ships that "illegally" entered an area of disputed reefs and waters.

Manila said the Chinese vessels had prevented Philippine ships from resupplying their own coast guard vessels in the area, blasting the move as "aggressive" and calling Beijing the "biggest disrupter" of peace in Southeast Asia.

According to CCTV, Wang emphasised to Sullivan that "China is firmly committed to safeguarding its territorial sovereignty and maritime rights over the South China Sea islands".

Tokyo meanwhile accused Beijing of violating its airspace on Monday, with a two-minute incursion by a surveillance aircraft off the Danjo Islands in the East China Sea.

It said the first confirmed incursion by a Chinese military aircraft into its airspace was a "serious violation" of its sovereignty and accused Beijing of becoming "increasingly active".

Sullivan and Wang have met five times over the past year-and-a-half -- in Washington, Vienna, Malta and Bangkok, as well as alongside US President Joe Biden and Chinese leader Xi Jinping at a November 2023 summit in California.

The US and Chinese officials also discussed the tense issue of Taiwan, the self-governing democracy that China claims.

China has kept up its sabre-rattling since the inauguration this year of President Lai Ching-te, whose party emphasises Taiwan's separate identity.

Wang stressed that Taiwan belonged to Beijing and that China will "certainly be unified".

He told Sullivan that the US should "put into practice its commitment not to support Taiwan independence" and stop arming Taiwan, according to CCTV.

The White House said Sullivan "underscored the importance of maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait."

The US and Chinese officials also discussed issues including Ukraine, the Middle East and the Korean Peninsula, both sides said.

Sullivan had "emphasized concerns" about China's support for Russia's defence industry during Moscow's invasion of Ukraine, the White House said.

Wang countered that China was committed to "working towards a political solution to the Ukraine crisis" and warned Washington off imposing "illegal unilateral sanctions."​
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[🇧🇩] Press Freedom in Bangladesh

External forces must not interfere with the media

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Dr Iftekharuzzaman, executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), talks about the current state of press freedom in the country, recent attempts by certain groups to suppress some media outlets, and the potential way out of the situation with Naznin Tithi of The Daily Star.

Why is the media still unable to operate freely following the political change in the country, despite repeated commitments from the interim government to ensure press freedom?

Let's remember the background of the anti-discrimination movement, which initially began as a quota reform movement seeking justice in public sector recruitment. The underlying factors behind this movement, however, were multi-dimensional and deeply rooted in institutionalised discrimination across all aspects of life and society, shaped by years of authoritarian rule. The student-led movement was soon joined by the broader public, rallying under the main slogan against all forms of discrimination. On August 5, the authoritarian regime fell. But this does not necessarily mean that we have achieved a discrimination-free Bangladesh, nor can we expect the deep-rooted discriminatory structures and practices to be transformed in the short term.

The people's dream for a "new Bangladesh" includes restructuring the state and establishing a new social and political order, with a clear stance against all forms of discrimination. While the government, the movement itself, and other stakeholders are clearly committed to realising this vision, what we are observing post-August 5 is that various groups, considering themselves victors—whether as direct participants, supporters, or opportunists—do not all share the same understanding or vision of a discrimination-free society. This divergence is now manifesting in different ways.

What reforms does the media need in Bangladesh?

The diversity of our society—in terms of gender, religion, culture, ethnicity, etc—is under severe stress as some groups feel newly entitled to impose parochial agendas. Using labels like "collaborators" or "co-opted beneficiaries" of the previous authoritarian regime, these forces now consider themselves empowered—sometimes excessively so—to impose their own agendas, which are not necessarily aligned with the anti-discrimination movement's spirit.

The media has become one of the targets of these groups, which are now trying to impose their own interpretations of media freedom onto others. Certain sections of the media that have played a very supportive role in the whole movement, advocated for a diverse and inclusive society, and have been consistent with the anti-discriminatory spirit are now being selectively targeted. Media freedom is being subjected to campaigns by forces whose basic conceptualisation, indoctrination, and ways of imposing agendas are discriminatory at their core, which is deeply troubling.

Nevertheless, we cannot ignore the factors that contributed to the transformation of an originally democratically elected regime in 2008 into a draconian authoritarian one. It was designed to monopolise political and governance space and to capture state and non-state institutions to create a superstructure perceived to maintain power indefinitely, without accountability. This setup enabled abuse of power, corruption, and the criminalisation of politics with impunity. It is also a fact that the media was among the institutions targeted for capture and control. As a result, some segments of the media struggled to navigate state-sponsored controls and conspiracies while striving for independence and professionalism, though often at the cost of reluctant self-censorship. On the other hand, many media outlets allowed themselves to be co-opted, benefiting from and even becoming components of the authoritarian superstructure. While no one should condone such collaborators or facilitators of the previous regime, indiscriminately victimising the entire media or launching targeted attacks on select outlets for what occurred under authoritarian rule is unacceptable.

How would you explain the recent attempts by certain groups to silence the media or the mob mentality directed against journalists and specific media outlets? What role has the government played in stopping this?

The interim government has repeatedly stated its commitment to a free press. When the chief adviser met with newspaper editors, he encouraged them to be critical and objective in identifying the government's failures. From the government's side, we have not seen anything detrimental to media freedom, except for the recent indiscriminate cancellation of accreditation of a large number of journalists.

When agitations took place against some of the leading media houses, the government provided them support and resisted such moves. However, certain groups who find themselves to be over-empowered—who may or may not have participated in the movement—continue to act as if it is their time to impose their own agenda to target media that is not in their liking for their own reason. While the government has successfully prevented worse outcomes, there is no guarantee that these forces have been fully controlled or managed to the extent that such indoctrinated groups won't strike back. So, the government must be vigilant to safeguard media freedom. History is replete with examples that failure to ensure free media can only be self-defeating.

Mob justice is the manifestation or a weapon these forces are using. And the media has obviously become one of the targets. However, this is not the first time that it has been used. Mob justice has taken place in other contexts as well since August 5. This is also not unusual in the context of such a huge popular uprising against a deep-rooted authoritarian regime. Many people would consider it normal because people have deep-rooted sentiments against the former regime. People have strong emotions against those who are in any manner considered to be associated with or part of the authoritarian regime and those who facilitated the ruthless killings, tortures, all kinds of discrimination and violation of fundamental rights. Mob justice is the outburst of that emotion of people against such grievances. But there is a limit to it and the government must strategically address and manage it in due process through effective communication.

Incidentally, the two most prominent media houses in the country, which are under attack now, were directly victimised in the worst possible way by the authoritarian regime. They were blacklisted from any government programmes or press conferences and deprived of government advertisements. It is no secret that they were consistent targets of manipulation, harassment, and intimidation by the intelligence agencies, the main powerbase of the previous regime. Both houses had to endure a series of politically motivated cases due to their role as free media. Their fate symbolised the criminalisation of free media driven by a hunger for power. Despite this, they survived the challenging situation without compromising their commitment to upholding the spirit of a free press. Whether they are targeted in the "new Bangladesh" because of their alleged "linkage" with India or the previous regime, or for upholding the spirit of a free press, is anyone's guess.

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VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

The interim government has announced plans to repeal the Cyber Security Act (CSA). How do you view this development?

It was the right decision and an expected one. There was widespread demand for this from the public, and the civil society and the media played a role in advocating for its repeal. Here, I would like to mention a number of things that should be done. The government should immediately undertake a comprehensive programme of duly compensating the victims of this draconian law and their families and rehabilitate them professionally, psychologically, and socially. Secondly, they should withdraw all the ongoing cases, although there is a legal issue in that. But if the government is willing, there can be ways of addressing the issue. Thirdly, in the present global context, there is no other option but to have a Cyber Security Act. But while drafting the new cyber security law, they should be able to take the right lessons from the DSA and the CSA. It has to be drafted through a fully participatory process, involving all stakeholders, including experts and professionals on cyber security. Plus, whoever is drafting this law must remember that it is not meant to control or dictate terms of freedom of expression or media freedom on cyber platforms—the Internet system, social media, and other digital platforms. The purpose of this law should be restricted to ensuring the safety and security of users on the Internet and the digital sphere. But any form of control of free expression, dissent, free speech, or free media should be outside the new law's scope.

Also, the names such as the Cyber Security Act or the Digital Security Act should not be used anymore. These names have created an atmosphere of intimidation, a sense of insecurity in society. The new law can be called something like the Internet Safety Act. Finally, since the government is the largest user and worst possible abuser of the Internet and digital system as per track record, to avoid conflict of interest, the authority to be created to oversee the implementation of this new law must be an independent body outside the control of the government.

The government has established a media reform commission. What types of media reforms are needed in this changed political climate and how can the media in Bangladesh regain public trust?

First of all, media as a fourth estate must be committed to upholding the fundamental principles of media ethics and integrity. The media as an institution cannot and does not need to be controlled by external forces. But in Bangladesh, we have seen that the media has been subjected to government control motivated by partisan political bias or influence for which draconian laws and state institutions including intelligence agencies were used. One of the tools used against media was divide and rule and cooption. As a result, while a few media houses may have their own integrity and ethical standards and practices, there has always been a lack of efforts on part of the media as a sector to develop and uphold the basic principles of independent and ethical journalism, or professional integrity among media personnel. I think now the media houses should try to sit together in the spirit of a new Bangladesh. They should themselves create a media code of ethics, ethics structures and implementation roadmaps. There must be mechanisms for the media to self-regulate and work transparently and accountably, maintaining professional integrity without external influence, political or otherwise. There has to be some serious system of sectoral oversight rather than anything coming from outside.

Secondly, like anywhere else in the world, media houses here are also essentially business entities. That's part of the reality. Nevertheless, there are good global practices. The capacity of the investors to differentiate between business interests and media freedom is very important. To instil this ideal into the media houses, their investors and media leaders, relevant professionals and experts should come together to make their own policies. However, no matter how much we talk about media reforms, unless and until there is a paradigm shift in the culture and practices of our politics and bureaucracy, which remain hostage to a media control mindset, changes will not happen.

Thirdly, media organisations must ensure that journalists and reporters are properly compensated and protected, with adequate job security and safety from all risks associated with the discharge of their professional duties. Many journalists are underpaid or irregularly paid, which must change for the media to maintain integrity.

Media, unlike most other institutions, have to be accountable to its constituency—the readers and viewers—every day, and in fact, every moment. Therefore, to survive credibly it must develop its own inbuilt system of ethics and integrity. No freedom is unlimited or unaccountable, but in the case of media, the limit to freedom and the process of accountability must be defined and ensured by the media itself within its constitutional mandate.​
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[🇧🇩] Cyber Protection Ordnance

Cyber Protection Ordinance and our flawed law-making logic

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FILE ILLUSTRATION: BIPLOB CHAKROBORTY

The interim government has decided to enact the Cyber Protection Ordinance, 2024. As successor to the controversial Cyber Security Act, 2023 and the more draconian Digital Security Act, 2018, the ordinance is now under close scrutiny. Due largely to the government's expressed commitment to human rights, I became quite hopeful following the CSA's scrapping, looking forward to a draft grounded in human rights. However, the draft has failed on multiple counts, including criminalising vaguely defined "cyberbullying" and "hurting religious values and sentiments." I want to limit my discussion, prioritising depth over breadth, to the criminalisation of the latter.

Freedom of speech certainly is a qualified right and may in fact be regulated, or in legal language, "subjected to reasonable restrictions." However, human rights jurisprudence suggests that no restriction is reasonable if the "minimum core" of an otherwise qualified right gets assailed. The draft provision on hurting religious sentiments and values strikes at the very essence of the right to freedom of speech or expression. The provision is not grounded in human rights standards but in the subjective interpretation of extremely vague, uncertain, and indeterminate words and terminologies. For instance, it is not clear what constitutes "hurt" or what comes within the lucid purview of religious values and sentiment. In fact, the broad-based criminalisation also unduly shrinks the scope for critical deliberation and constructive discussions having a bearing on religion. Such a provision can make religious divisions all the more prominent and essentially undercut a tolerant culture, which is both an essential feature and a pursued goal for liberal democracies.

A popular critique of our existing constitution is that it views socioeconomic rights (e.g. shelter, food, medical care) as judicially unenforceable, hence not as rights but as principles. Curiously, however, the constitutional jurisprudence emanating from our higher judiciary is quite saturated with explanations and expansive interpretations of the socioeconomic rights. Despite the unequivocal assertion of judicial enforcement for civil and political rights (e.g. speech, association, religion), we barely have any jurisprudence on these rights. In absence of any dense normative judicial guidelines, we, therefore, are left with the constitutional provision on free speech (i.e. Article 39), which is to be interpreted in the light of the international human rights standards. Interestingly, some rights advocates have routinely critiqued Article 39 of our constitution, too, for enumerating several vague grounds as reasonable restrictions (e.g. security of the state, friendly relations with foreign states, decency). Had we had rich constitutional jurisprudence or had there been amendments to Article 39 in line with the international human rights instruments, it could perhaps have evolved into a rights-oriented tool. On a personal note, despite being critical of large-scale top-down reform initiatives of constitutional nature, I was looking forward to changes in Article 39, particularly because actors within the interim government have expressed their commitment, in particular, to free speech and free press multiple times. But with the draft ordinance now on the table, one can barely remain hopeful.

I am mindful that any advocacy in favour of free speech can be thwarted on grounds of cultural relativism. It is often claimed that in our non-Western sociocultural context, speech or expression must be regulated. What falls through the cracks is that the so-called Western international human rights instruments, too, have historically favoured regulating speech, by instating a robust hate speech regime. However, such a regime has largely been grounded in equality or non-discrimination law. As we speak of a society of shammo, manobik morjada, and shamajik shubichar, and more importantly a society free from discrimination (boishommobihin), it is perhaps not unfair to expect that our policy-legal endeavours will be grounded in the normative ideals of substantive equality and non-discrimination.

The International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination requires state parties to declare as punishable "all dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred, incitement to racial discrimination, as well as all acts of violence or incitement of violence against any person or group of persons of another race, colour or ethnic origin." The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights says that "any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law." In the domestic context, a sound legal approach arguably is prohibiting speech or communication that potentially exposes a person or persons to hatred, discrimination, violence or incitement of violence, on the bases that they are identifiable by one or more of the prohibited grounds of discrimination (i.e. race, sex, gender, religion). What constitutes gender-, race- or religion-based "hatred" in the context of speech has over the years been negotiated and judicially interpreted both in the international context and across jurisdictions. In fact, by operating within the framework of hate speech and grounding its anchor in the equality/non-discrimination law, the draft provision could easily pass the test of human rights, at least on paper. However, in the current form, the draft does a great disservice to both equality law/anti-discrimination jurisprudence, and the hate speech regime.

One may say, albeit for the sake of arguing, that the draft seeks to take a bottom-up approach and start with penalising "hurting of religious values and sentiment" to thereby take an all-encompassing approach. However, criminal law does not normatively work that way. They need to be precise and certain regarding what exactly they criminalise. An important element within the state-people relationship is ensuring that individuals know what conduct will jeopardise their freedom and authorise the state to rightfully curtail their liberty (i.e. by incarcerating them). In my opinion, the words used in the draft in the context of hurting religious values and sentiment are too uncertain, vague, and indeterminate to qualify as reasonable restrictions as per Article 39 of the existing constitution, read with the international human rights standards.

Thanks to our colonial past, we deem passing of criminal laws as a rather usual business. The state, the all-powerful leviathan, can define at its whims any conduct as crime and one can be easily incarcerated for noncompliance. If anything, "reforms" ought to improve and not maintain something under a different label; as a bare minimum, reform initiatives ought to undo our obsession with criminal laws and with muzzling critical voices. In any case, legal reform initiatives can never operate within the self-same anti-human rights logics that defined our law-making endeavours in the past.

Finally, the Cyber Protection Ordinance has to be judged on its own merit and based only on its seemingly "better" provisions, we cannot de-emphasise the potentially grave impact of its problematic provisions. Based on our lived experiences, thanks to the draft ordinance's predecessor cyber security and digital security regimes, the context becomes even grimmer now. In the context of the criminalisation of "hurting religious values or sentiment," among others, changing the term security to protection seems cosmetic at best and almost deceiving at worst.

Psymhe Wadud teaches law at the University of Dhaka and is in charge of Law and Our Rights in The Daily Star.​
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