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🇧🇩 Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh

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Tensions in Rakhine, Chin have wider implications for Bangladesh​

Bangladesh cannot initiate a formal discussion with a non-state party like the Arakan Army. Yet, without any engagement of the Arakan Army, no Rohingya can be repatriated peacefully​



A group of old Chin woman with web spider tattoo on face in village near Mrauk U region in Myanmars Rakhine state. Chin people, also known as the Kukis are a number of Tibeto Burman tribal. Photo: Narinjara

A group of old Chin woman with web spider tattoo on face in village near Mrauk U region in Myanmars Rakhine state. Chin people, also known as the Kukis are a number of Tibeto Burman tribal. Photo: Narinjara

The heat of Myanmar's civil war has already reached the Bangladesh border. However, this war - either the one in central Myanmar or those around the states - did not start today.

Understanding the present war in Myanmar requires an understanding of the history of the country's ethnic clashes. Burma (now Myanmar) emerged as an independent country in 1948, a year also marked by budding resistance from many ethnic groups.

The movement prior to Burma's independence was organised around the establishment of a federal country with regional autonomy of ethnic peoples like the Shan, Karen, Kachin, Rakhine, and others. The former prime minister of British Burma, Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) was supposed to play the role of the coordinator. Unfortunately, Aung San was assassinated six months before Burma's independence.

As a result, the promise of a federal country was buried by the post-independent rulers led by the superior Bamar ethnic group, sparking armed resistance by the minorities. For the last 75 years, the demand for regional autonomy and resistance to Burmese authorities has flourished in the country, both in non-violent or violent formats.

However, a new element was added to this movement in 2021, when many Bamar people took to the streets protesting the Bamar-dominated Burmese military or the Tatmadaw-led coup that ousted the elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi — also a Bamar. The Suu Kyi-led political party National League carried on with non-violent protests for a year after the coup.

But now the party is leading the armed resistance against the Tatmadaw. This is a new phase in Myanmar's history and also indicates that the whole country is now in a civil war.

As a neighbour of Myanmar, Bangladesh has been facing implications of the war, specifically the ethnic resistance in the Rakhine state, which shares a border with Bangladesh.

We know that the Rakhine state — formerly Arakan — was an independent land, but the British Empire colonised it and later left it under the rule of the superior Bamar. Similar to other regions, the demand for an autonomous Arakan state has also persisted since Myanmar's independence. The United League of Arakan and its armed force, the Arakan Army, tried to push the demand both in non-violent and violent ways.

However, the Arakan Army mustered more strength and sharpened its counterattack against the Burmese military in 2017. The Arakan Army is now trying to shift its headquarters to the Rakhine state so that finance for the guerrilla movement can be generated easily.

Similarly, in the last three years, strong armed resistance by the Chin ethnic group has weakened the presence of the Burmese military in the Chin state, which also shares a small border with Bangladesh.

Simultaneously, the security conditions in the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh have deteriorated. At least 90 Rohingyas in the camps were murdered in internal clashes that occurred last year. Their demand for quick repatriation has become louder, amid dwindling global relief for the Rohingya.

So the flourishing of armed resistance in the Rakhine and Chin states, as well as the tension in the Rohingya camps, is very much concerning for Bangladesh.

Bangladesh has been negotiating with Myanmar's central government for the repatriation of one million Rohingya people who fled the Burmese military-led crackdown in 2017. Now, the Arakan Army has emerged as another party to discuss with. Apart from Rohingya repatriation, Bangladesh would need to talk to the Arakan Army regarding the century-old border trade with Myanmar.

I would like to mention that Chin people in Myanmar, Mizos and Kukis in India's Mizoram and Manipur, belong to a common larger Zo ethnicity. There are similar ethnic people in Bangladesh's Bandarban district. So, the tension in Manipur, Chin and Rakhine needs to be discussed with great importance.

The Burmese military, cornered on the ground in the last three months due to strong resistance by the ethnic groups, will certainly intensify airstrikes over the conflict zones. Already, the Chin state has been affected and many people have taken refuge in Mizoram. The possibility of a new influx from Myanmar to Bangladesh is high.

During an interview, Arakan Army commander-in-chief Major General Twan Mrat Naing told us that the Arakan Army is willing to accept the Rohingya diaspora as citizens of Myanmar. But the Buddhist-dominated Arakan Army does not acknowledge the legitimacy of Rohingya ethnicity, which will be a concern in the repatriation process. However, Major General Naing showed interest in discussing the issues with the Bangladesh government.

It needs to be noted that Bangladesh cannot initiate a formal discussion with a non-state party like the Arakan Army. It will certainly annoy Myanmar. The great dilemma for Bangladesh is that without any engagement of the Arakan Army, no Rohingya can be repatriated peacefully.

The author is a researcher of history and author of 'Burma: Jatigoto Shonghater Shaat Doshok.'
 
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For the first time, Myanmar forces flee into Bangladesh during fighting with an ethnic armed group​


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BY JULHAS ALAM
Updated 12:56 AM GMT+6, February 6, 2024

DHAKA, Bangladesh (AP) — More than 100 members of Myanmar’s Border Guard Police have fled their posts and taken shelter in Bangladesh to escape fighting between Myanmar security forces and an ethnic minority army, an official with Bangladesh’s border agency said Monday.

It is the first time that Myanmar forces have been known to flee into Bangladesh since an alliance of ethnic minority armies in Myanmar launched an offensive against the military government late last year.

Shariful Islam, spokesperson for Border Guard Bangladesh, said the Myanmar forces entered over the past two days during fighting with the Arakan Army in Myanmar’s Rakhine state bordering Bangladesh.

The 103 troops entered through the Tombru border in Bandarban district, he said.

“They have been disarmed and taken to safe places,” he said.

Myanmar’s military government had no immediate comment.

Also on Monday, Bangladeshi media said two persons — a Bangladeshi woman and a Rohingya refugee— were killed in shelling from Myanmar after a house in Bandarban was hit.

Bangladesh’s law minister, Anisul Huq, told Parliament that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had instructed the military and paramilitary border guards to have patience in dealing with the tensions across the border.

“Bangladesh is observing the situation closely and steps will be taken,” the United News of Bangladesh agency quoted him as saying.

Bangladesh’s Foreign Minister Hasan Mahmud said Monday that Myanmar’s ambassador to Bangladesh, U. Aung Kyaw Moe, and Deputy Foreign Minister, U. Lwin Oo, told Bangladesh’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs that they would take back their troops sheltered in Bangladesh.

The ministry also sent a “note verbale” to the Myanmar envoy in Dhaka, protesting bullets and mortar shells from Myanmar landing in Bangladesh.

The Arakan Army is the military wing of the Rakhine ethnic minority that seeks autonomy from Myanmar’s central government. It has been attacking army outposts in the western state since November.

It is part of an alliance of ethnic minority armies that launched an offensive in October and gained strategic territory in Myanmar’s northeast bordering China. Its success was seen as a major defeat for the military government, which seized power in February 2021 from the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and is now embroiled in a wide-ranging civil war.
 

Doomed to engage? Bangladesh and the AA
JANUARY 31, 2024


The Arakan Army’s recent victories have its neighbours’ full attention, but a number of factors continue to prevent formal engagement – even as Bangladesh struggles to make headway on Rohingya repatriation efforts with the junta.
By FRONTIER

On January 14, the Arakan Army raised the Rakhine national flag over key administrative offices in southern Chin State’s Paletwa, declaring the entire township “junta-free”. In the process, the group took control of a nearly 80 kilometre long border with Bangladesh and a key node on a proposed trade route with India.

The dramatic victory came two months after the AA launched a series of attacks against security forces in Rakhine and Chin states, ending an informal ceasefire brokered a year earlier. These territorial gains bring the AA closer to its long-term objective of controlling Rakhine. But they may also prove pivotal in strengthening the group’s relationships with its neighbours – India and Bangladesh – which have long kept the AA at an arm’s length, but a close eye on its movements.

While kept under wraps, there has already been low-level, informal engagement between Bangladesh and the AA for years, a source familiar with Bangladesh’s foreign policy on Myanmar confirmed to Frontier. However, most of the communication has taken place between “field level security forces” along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, and the Bangladesh foreign ministry has “very little idea about it”.

A high-level official in the AA, who spoke to Frontier on the condition of anonymity, also confirmed the dialogue, noting that the “Bangladesh authorities are more concerned than in previous [years]” as fighting “continues near the border areas”.

He said the gains since November are “the most significant” advancements the AA has made against the military. “Now we are holding more land area than in previous years,” he added.

Bangladesh has so far refused to engage formally with a non-state actor while prioritising its relationship with the Myanmar junta, which seized power in a 2021 coup. However, sources familiar with the dynamic told Frontier that Dhaka increasingly sees the AA as a key stakeholder, especially on the thorny issue of repatriating the nearly one million Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh.

“If there is an autonomous region or any kind of recognition from the Myanmar army that the Arakan Army will report on border issues, that can open a negotiation for a state party to enter with a non-state actor,” said the source from Bangladesh.

“Myanmar has a record of recognising autonomous regions and special zones. They have also engaged militia groups and armed groups in border and security related issues in earlier days. As they have a record of such incidents, a similar thing could be done in Rakhine State,” they said.

The AA has long been open about its desire to emulate the level of autonomy achieved by the United Wa State Army, which controls large swathes of territory in Shan State, some of which is formally recognised by the regime. The source said that if this were to happen then Dhaka may be more willing to engage. Another opening would be if the AA had a similar arrangement to the Border Guard Forces, paramilitary groups loosely under the military’s chain of command.

A BGF arrangement is exceedingly unlikely, but with the military overstretched by fighting across the country, it could conceivably be forced to recognise AA territory, like the Wa, in exchange for a ceasefire.

“Until [the AA] is recognised by Myanmar, [Bangladesh] will not be in a position to open any formal channels,” the source said.

The powers that be

For its part, the AA recognises the need to cooperate with Bangladesh, but remains more dependent on its relationship with another foreign power – China.

An international analyst focused on Rakhine, who spoke with Frontier on the condition of anonymity, explained that China is the AA’s “most important stakeholder” and “has more influence over the AA” than any other player.

Beijing also values its relationship with the AA, which has pledged to protect Chinese infrastructure projects, like the two oil and gas pipelines that run from Kyaukphyu Township to Kunming. A Chinese-backed deep sea port and Special Economic Zone are also being planned in the same township.

Showing its ability to influence the situation in Myanmar, China stepped in to broker a ceasefire with AA allies the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and Ta’ang National Liberation Army in northern Shan State in mid-January, partly to stabilise the border and safeguard Chinese interests.

The other big power in the equation is India, which has also refused to publicly engage the AA. Frontier understands informal engagement is ongoing, although India’s Ministry of External Affairs declined to comment on the matter. However, the recent seizure of Paletwa could further force New Delhi’s hand.

The township is a key part of India’s multi-million dollar Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Project – an ambitious endeavour to connect the port of Kolkata port with India’s landlocked northeast, using a combination of sea, river and land routes via Sittwe and Paletwa. While the project has been in development for more than a decade, it has yet to be completed, and has seemingly been overtaken by recent events.

Mr Angshuman Choudhury, an associate fellow at India’s Centre for Policy Research, said the project no longer makes practical sense, but remains politically relevant.

“Bangladesh has allowed us to use [its ports] so why do we need to take the longer circular route to get to Sittwe through Paletwa? The logic behind why the project was created no longer holds,” said Choudhury, who added the main reason to continue pursuing it would be to maintain a “competitive edge” with China’s development projects.

But the recent fighting has shown New Delhi that, to keep this edge, it may have to increase engagement with stakeholders beyond the junta. India has been frequently criticised for normalising relations with the military regime in an attempt to counter China. But as the regime loses more territory to ethnic armed groups that enjoy a close relationship with Beijing, India may also need to adjust to a new reality.

“In light of the recent offensives, Delhi is realising that it has to deal with the Arakan Army in some form. If it wants to resume the Kaladan project, there’s absolutely no way Delhi can go around the Arakan Army,” Choudhury said.

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Rohingya refugees walk towards the Balukhali refugee camp in Bangladesh in November 2017, after fleeing from Myanmar. (AFP)

The repatriation conundrum

The repatriation of Rohingya refugees also presents an opportunity for the AA, but one that comes with potential pitfalls. Nearly 700,000 members of the persecuted Muslim minority group were forced across the border in 2017, during a campaign of murder, rape and arson by the Myanmar military, at times supported by mobs of Rakhine nationalists. Most of the displaced come from Rakhine’s Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships, which also share a border with Bangladesh, but one that remains contested between the AA and military.

China has attempted to broker a repatriation agreement, but the ambassador to Bangladesh, Mr Yao Wen, acknowledged in early January that efforts have “faced some difficulties”. “Under Chinese mediation we wish to have a ceasefire in the Rakhine State” as a precondition for the repatriation, he added.

Mr Mohammed Mizanur Rahman, Bangladesh’s Commissioner for Refugee Relief and Repatriation, told Frontier that repatriating “the whole [Rohingya] population” is “the number one priority of Bangladesh”.

“We are struggling to address the demands of these one million people, and the number is only increasing,” he said.

Rohingya refugees refuse to return to Myanmar until they are allowed to go back to their original homes and their right to citizenship is recognised. Instead, the junta has erected enclosed villages where returnees would be closely monitored and their movements tightly restricted.

“The so-called model villages are not villages, they are detention camps. In the future, they will be like concentration camps. [Rohingya] will not be allowed to leave the area, there are fences and watchtowers,” said Ro Nay San Lwin, the founder of the Free Rohingya Coalition. “Nobody wants to move from the Bangladesh camp to the Myanmar camp.”

Rahman said these concerns were raised directly by Rohingya communities to a Myanmar military delegation that visited the refugee camps last year, but there was “no satisfactory reply received”.

“It was good that there were talks between the two groups but there was no successful completion of the negotiations,” he said. “I have found that there is a lack of preparation and a lack of willingness [from Myanmar] so far.”

The regime’s unwillingness or inability to secure repatriation creates an opening for the AA, which has sought to portray itself as more inclusive towards the Rohingya than the central authorities or previous Rakhine nationalist movements. But many Rohingya on the ground remain sceptical and complain about being trapped in the crossfire between the military and the AA.

The AA’s purported inclusiveness has done little to attract more engagement from Dhaka, which is more concerned with who wields power.

“Dhaka has traditionally seen the Myanmar military as the most institutionalised and strongest actor in the country and also understands that the Myanmar military is a permanent actor in the country, no matter the political system,” said U Kyaw Lynn, an independent analyst focused on Rakhine. “They don’t want to jeopardise their relation with the Myanmar military, they want to appease the military leadership.”

The source familiar with Bangladesh’s foreign policy on Myanmar said since 2017, Myanmar authorities have accused Dhaka of supporting armed groups, including the AA and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army.

“Myanmar always tries to blame Bangladesh for assisting insurgent groups, which is a baseless allegation. But if [Bangladesh] raises any concern over the recent incidents and developments in Myanmar, that will give the space to our counterpart to raise questions again. That is why Bangladesh has refrained from taking any measure,” they said. “Our priority is to maintain friendly relations with our neighbouring countries.”

Because of this, Bangladesh has decided to wait on the military to make the first move when it comes to bringing the AA into the fold.

“They are definitely one of the most important stakeholders, but it is not our duty to engage them – it is the Myanmar authorities’ duty to engage them in this repatriation process,” said Rahman.

But Bangladesh might be waiting for a while. The international analyst said the junta, formally known as the State Administration Council, will be reluctant to hand over responsibility.

“I don’t think the SAC would be willing to give up that role because it would imply that they’ve lost control of the border or are no longer willing to enforce border control. They would be saying that the AA controls who comes and goes, which would be difficult for them to stomach,” he said.

“The AA also hasn’t really delved into the repatriation issue, the conditions aren’t there and it isn’t a priority for the AA. It’s also a poisoned chalice. They want to let the SAC deal with it – they’re going to look bad on the international stage and it will strain their relationship with Bangladesh, so letting the SAC deal with it is strategic from the AA side,” he added.

Between a rock and a hard place

Taking ownership of the repatriation process could put the AA between a rock and a hard place in terms of international and domestic expectations, as many Rakhine Buddhists are still deeply hostile towards the persecuted Muslim minority.

For now, fighting continues to rage in Rakhine, which the AA has used as justification to put off the issue. Rohingya activist Nay San Lwin said the AA has not yet sat down with Rohingya representatives, even though it’s vying for control over the population.

“They haven’t offered to have any dialogue yet. If they are ready to sit with us, we are always ready,” he said. “In the media they are saying that they respect the human rights [of Rohingya] but the reality is we have to wait and see.”

When asked whether repatriation was a priority for the AA, the high-level AA official referenced the fighting and alluded to a long-held Rakhine nationalist grievance, that posits the Rohingya are actually more privileged than the Rakhine, despite facing decades of state-sanctioned persecution that Amnesty International has labelled an apartheid.

“The Arakanese people are also running away from their towns, away from the military bombardment… Whenever there are problems in border areas, the Muslims have the ability to run away to Bangladesh but the Rakhine have nowhere to run out. So it is more serious and you see more problems for the Rakhine people at this time,” said the official. (Many Rakhine use the term “Muslim” to refer to Rohingya because they refuse to recognise it as an ethnic group.)

But despite the official’s claims, much of the fighting is occurring in Rohingya villages, and the community was disproportionately affected by Cyclone Mocha last year.

While the foreign analyst said that it’s difficult to predict what role the AA will have in repatriating Rohingya, “it’s inevitable at some point in the future that the AA will administer control over large parts of central and northern Rakhine” and with this will come a level of responsibility – one that could potentially jolt Bangladesh out of its complacency.

“The AA taking more positions and more territory from the SAC has been the trajectory. It’s safe to say whatever happens over the next few months, the AA will definitely have spread its position vis-a-vis the SAC in northern Rakhine – the SAC will come out weaker and the AA will come out stronger.”
 

Myanmar security personnel among 229 to flee into Bangladesh amid conflict
The influx into Bangladesh continued for a third day amid heavy fighting between Myanmar military forces and rebels

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Senior Correspondentbdnews24.com
Published : 6 Feb 2024, 12:27 PM
Updated : 6 Feb 2024, 12:27 PM

More than 200 people from Myanmar, including border guards and military personnel, have crossed into Bangladesh to escape the ongoing conflict between junta forces and armed insurgents.

As of Tuesday morning, 229 people have taken refuge in Bangladesh as the exodus from across the border continued into the third day.

"They include members of the Myanmar military and the Border Guard Police, as well as ordinary people. Efforts are underway to determine the number of people from each group," said Shariful Islam, a spokesman for Border Guard Bangladesh.

The Myanmar military and rebel group Arakan Army have been involved in intense fighting in Rakhine state, across the border from the Tumbru area in Bandarban’s Naikhongchhari for the past few days.

On Saturday night, the rebels seized a Border Guard Police (BGP) outpost and 14 members of the Myanmar border security force fled to Bangladesh. Since then, more and more people have crossed the border.

Bangladesh’s BGB is disarming them and taking them into their custody. At least 15 people with bullet wounds are also being given medical care. Four BGP personnel were transferred to Chattogram Medical College Hospital on Monday night for advanced treatment.

It is not clear whether other members of the Myanmar armed forces have entered Bangladesh in search of shelter.

Amid the conflict, several members of the Chakma and Tanchangya ethnic groups from Rakhine have gathered at the zero line of the border, according to relatives in Bangladesh. They also say that they are receiving videos of more people gathering at the zero line.

Mohammed Mizanur Rahman, commissioner of the refugee relief and repatriation office, told bdnews24.com on Monday, “For the past few days, there have been battles in Rakhine state across the border. We have heard from various sources that a humanitarian disaster is developing. If the situation worsens, we fear intrusions at various points.”

“The trouble is, we are already struggling to cope with the 1.2 million Rohingya [refugees] we have been looking after for the past six to seven years. If more people start entering from Rakhine, it will create a dire situation for us.”

But Foreign Minister Hasan Mahmud told the media on Monday that the border is protected and the government has discussed sending the fleeing members of Myanmar’s security forces back to the country.

“Now we are in discussions about what the process of their return will be. We are still discussing whether they will be taken back by air or through the port. We will find a way.”

The effects of the conflict across the border are being felt by residents on the Bangladeshi side as well. Many have fled their homes and sought shelter with friends and family living further away.

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A Bangladeshi woman living in Naikhongchhari’s Ghumdhum area and an elderly Rohingya man were killed by a mortar shell fired from Myanmar on Monday afternoon.

Another mortar shell fired from Myanmar landed on the porch of a family’s home in Ghumdhum on Tuesday morning, but there were no casualties.

Locals say they can still hear sounds of gunfire and shelling. The Myanmar military is firing from helicopters and the rebels are returning fire, they said.

WHAT LED TO THE CONFLICT?

In 2021, the Myanmar military overthrew the elected civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi in a coup. In late October 2023, three ethnic rebel groups in Myanmar joined forces to launch a coordinated offensive against the junta forces.

These groups are the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Arakan Army (AA), and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).

These groups have engaged in armed conflict with the Myanmar military in the states of Shan, Rakhine, Chin and Kayah. The rebels have successfully taken over several important areas and army posts.

The Arakan Army, an armed force of a minority ethnic group in the western state of Rakhine, is fighting for greater autonomy for Rakhine.

The conflict between the army and insurgents is spilling over and affecting communities across the border. Sunday saw the largest influx from Myanmar since the war began.

Between late August and early September 2022, there were incidents of shelling from Myanmar warplanes that crossed the border into Bangladesh. Helicopters also entered Bangladesh territory.

Many people from border areas fled in panic, seeking refuge in safer locations.

Dhaka then summoned the country’s ambassador to register its protest and express condemnation and concern over these incidents.
 

Border guards who fled Myanmar tell of losing contact with commanders​


Over 300 who crossed into Bangladesh have asked for assistance in returning to their homes.

Sharif Khiam and Abdur Rahman
Bandarban and Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh

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Bangladeshis deliver an injured Rohingya who tried to cross the border from Myanmar into Bangladesh to members of the Border Guard Bangladesh in Ukhia, Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, Feb. 6, 2024.

Myanmar border guards and soldiers fled into Bangladesh earlier this week after losing contact with their commanders during fierce fighting in Rakhine state, an interpreter present during their conversation with Bangladesh officials told BenarNews on Friday.

Many of these Burmese members of the junta-affiliated border police and army who have been sheltering with the Border Guard Bangladesh said they wished to return to their homes, according to an interpreter who spoke to BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated news outlet, near the BGB outpost in Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar.

As many as 330 members of the Myanmar Border Guard Police (BGP) and soldiers crossed the border after abandoning their posts in Rakhine, next door in Myanmar, amid fierce fighting with Arakan Army rebels, who have been making advances in gaining control of territory in battles with junta forces.

The BGP members told the interpreter, Mohammad Saiful Islam, that they were attacked around 4 a.m. on Feb. 4. They fought back before fleeing on Feb. 6.

“They said the Arakan Army encircled from three sides and launched attacks on them. Before the attack, the Arakan Army severed all means of communication with their senior officials,” Saiful Alam told BenarNews. “But they continued their resistance for two days. Ten of their members died while the Arakan Army lost at least 20 of their members.

“They had no way to contact their commanding officers to get instructions.”

As the fighting crept closer to the border this week, at least three civilians on the Bangladesh side were reported killed by artillery and gunfire from the fighting.

Saiful Islam said he talked to 17 army officers linked to Myanmar’s border guard along with 147 BGP members who fled from the Rakhine state. They told him they crossed into Bangladesh to survive.

“‘If we proceeded in other directions, they would apprehend and kill us,’” he quoted an unnamed soldier as saying.

Saiful Islam said BGB leaders gave him questions to ask the Myanmar forces, adding most were reluctant to provide any details. They were more interested in asking about how they would be returned to Myanmar.

“The common answer I get from them is ‘we came under attack and we fled,’” he said.

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Border Guard Bangladesh members gather in the Ukhia sub-district where they are unable to rescue victims because of ongoing shelling across the border in Myanmar, Feb. 9, 2024. [Minhaj Uddin/BenarNews]

Earlier this week, officials reported that 330 Myanmar troops crossed into Bangladesh and surrendered their weapons to the BGB.

Maj. Gen. Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman Siddiqui, BGB’s new chief, said Bangladesh had followed international norms by allowing the Myanmar border guards and soldiers to cross into Bangladesh on humanitarian grounds.

Bangladesh ambassador to Myanmar Md. Monowar Hossain said he spoke to a Myanmar deputy foreign minister who expressed his government’s desire for the BGP to be returned. Bangladesh agreed to repatriate them by sea.

Fight for control

Myanmar’s security forces and the rebel Arakan Army (AA), founded in 2009, have been fighting for control of Rakhine state, which borders Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar and Bandarban districts.

In recent months, the AA has intensified attacks on the Myanmar military and the BGP.

On Friday, the AA claimed it captured the final major junta territory in Mrauk U, effectively taking control of the town in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine state, according to Radio Free Asia, a news service affiliated with BenarNews.

Previously, the AA captured two key military units in western Rakhine state, seizing control of Minbya. This came after AA rebels captured a BGP camp in Maungdaw township last weekend.

As fighting intensified between the junta forces and the Arakan Army, the civilian population of Rakhine state – including Buddhist Chakma and minority Rohingya Muslims – has been displaced. Hundreds of people have been trying to cross into Bangladesh, but the BGB was put on alert to stop any influx of Myanmar residents.

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In Dhaka, Obaidul Quader, a senior minister and spokesman for and general secretary of the ruling Awami League party, said the government would not allow people from Myanmar to take shelter in Bangladesh.

Lt. Col. Mohiuddin Ahmed, BGB Teknaf battalion commander, said many people were trying to enter Bangladesh at different spots along the border.

“As of today, we have apprehended 137 people who attempted to enter,” he told BenarNews on Friday.

Two days earlier, Quader told journalists that Rohingya would not be allowed to cross over from Rakhine.

“The Rohingya people have become a big burden for Bangladesh … the international assistance has fallen. How long can we support them,” he asked.

About 1 million Rohingya live in refugee camps in and around Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar – most have fled Myanmar since a military crackdown against their stateless minority group in August 2017.

On Friday, residents of Tombru, Gundam, Teknaf and Ukhia in Bangladesh told BenarNews correspondents that the intensity of fighting near the border has been reduced.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news outlet.
 

340 Myanmar troops flee into Bangladesh during fighting with armed ethnic group
Bangladesh's foreign minister says 340 members of Myanmar’s Border Guard Police and soldiers have fled into Bangladesh during fighting with an ethnic minority army

By The Associated Press
February 8, 2024, 9:02 PM

NEW DELHI -- About 340 members of Myanmar's Border Guard Police and soldiers have fled into Bangladesh during fighting with an ethnic minority army, Bangladesh's foreign minister said Thursday.

Hasan Mahmud said 340 security personnel had entered Bangladesh by Wednesday. He said Bangladesh is having discussions with Myanmar's government about the issue and that it is willing to take them back.

Mahmud made the comments while on a visit to India, his first since becoming foreign minister last month.

Earlier this week, Bangladesh's border agency said some Myanmar troops had entered in recent days during fighting with the Arakan Army in Myanmar's Rakhine state bordering Bangladesh. It was the first time that Myanmar forces have been known to flee into Bangladesh since an alliance of ethnic minority armies in Myanmar launched an offensive against the military government late last year.

Officials said the troops that entered had been disarmed and taken to safe places.

Mahmud said he had also raised the issue with India, which shares a 1,643-kilometer (1,020-mile) border with Myanmar and is home to thousands of refugees from Myanmar in different states. Indian officials in November estimated that thousands had entered northeastern states in India to flee heavy fighting in Myanmar's western Chin state.

Separately on Thursday, India's Home Ministry announced that it would end visa-free movement between India and Myanmar “to ensure the internal security of the country.” The Free Movement Regime, as it is known, is an agreement between the two countries that allows people living along the border to travel up to 16 kilometers (10 miles) inside the other country without a visa.

The Arakan Army is the military wing of the Rakhine ethnic minority that seeks autonomy from Myanmar’s central government. It has been attacking army outposts in the western state since November.

It is part of an alliance of ethnic minority armies called the Three Brotherhood Alliance that launched an offensive in October and gained strategic territory in Myanmar’s northeast bordering China. Its success was seen as a major defeat for the military government, which seized power in February 2021 from the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and is now embroiled in a wide-ranging civil war.

Bangladesh shares a 271-kilometer (168-mile) border with Buddhist-dominated Myanmar and hosts more than 1 million Muslim Rohingya refugees, many of whom fled from Myanmar starting in August 2017 when its military launched a brutal “clearance operation” against them following attacks by an insurgent group.
 
Bangladesh needs to make sure that the security officials of Tatmadaw are not here for espionage.

 

Tumbru-Ghumdhum border areas not safe for civilians: BGB DG

Director General of Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Major General Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman Siddique has said the Ghumdhum and Tumbru border areas of Naikhongchhari upazila of Bandarban are not safe for the common people.

He said this while talking to reporters after visiting the Tumbru border area on Wednesday.

 

Won't allow Rohingya to enter Bangladesh anymore: BGB chief​




Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Director General Major General Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman Siddiqui today said they would no longer allow Rohingya refugees to enter Bangladesh territory.

The newly appointed BGB chief also said a boat carrying 65 Rohingya people tried to enter the country, but they were resisted by the border troops and the process of sending them back is underway.

The BGB men remain vigilant so that no Rohingya can enter, he added.

The newly appointed DG was speaking to reporters after paying his respects at the grave of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Tungipara in Gopalganj around noon today.

Earlier in the day, BGB said a total of 264 members of Myanmar's border and security forces have come to Bangladesh to escape the fighting between the Myanmar army and the rebel Arakan Army at the border between the two countries.

Asked, the BGB chief said, "We gave them shelter, provided them food. Fifteen of them were injured."

He added that eight of them with critical injures are being given treatment at different hospitals.

"We are trying to face the situation with patience, considering human aspects," he added.
 
264 Myanmar border, security force members now in Bangladesh: BGB



A total of 264 members of Myanmar's border and security forces have come to Bangladesh to escape the fighting between the Myanmar army and the rebel Arakan Army at the border between the two countries, according to the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB).

Newly appointed BGB Director General Major General Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman Siddiqui said a total of 115 crossed the border till last night.

"In the morning, 114 more came," he said in the capital this afternoon. "By the afternoon, 35 more joined them and the total now stands at 264.

The shelter seekers include members of immigration, Myanmar police and other agencies, said Shariful Islam, public relations officer (PRO) of Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), adding that the BGB members disarmed them and took them to a safe shelter.

As heavy fighting continued in Myanmar, a Bangladeshi woman and a Rohingya man were killed yesterday when a mortar shell fired from Myanmar exploded in Bandarban's Ghumdhum union.

Several thousand Bangladeshis in the border areas feel insecure as bullets and mortar shells fired from Myanmar landed in Bangladesh over the last two days.
 

Quader seeks China's role in Myanmar situation​




Awami League General Secretary and Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader has said that the situation on the Bangladesh-Myanmar border is worrisome.

He held a meeting with the Chinese ambassador in this regard.
 

Myanmar conflict: Tensions prevail in Naikhongchhari



he Bangladesh-Myanmar border area of Naikhongchhari upazila of Bandarban is still volatile due to the ongoing conflict between Myanmar's armed forces and rebel group Arakan Army.

Naimur Rahman and Mong Sing Hai Marma reports from Naikhongchhari in Star on the Spot.
 

Coast Guard, BGB on alert​

Locals fear fresh influx of Myanmar nationals

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Amid fear of a fresh influx of Myanmar nationals, Bangladesh border and coast guards have stepped up vigilance along the Myanmar border, including the Naf river.

Members of Bangladesh Coast Guard and border forces were seen patrolling the border area over the last few days, as locals say the situation in Myanmar was still tense and more Myanmar nationals, including the Rohingya, may attempt to cross the Naf anytime for shelter.

Last week, both forces intercepted several incoming boats with Myanmar nationals and redirected them towards Myanmar amid weeks-long fierce fighting between Myanmar troops and Arakan Army (AA), an insurgent group that seeks to establish a separate state in Rakhine.

Since last Tuesday, at least 100 Rohingyas were pushed back as they attempted to cross into Bangladesh through the Naf near Teknaf ferry terminal in Cox's Bazar, Coast Guard sources said.

Lt Commander Lutfur Lahil Majid, head of Coast Guard's Teknaf station, said they are on high alert in the prevailing situation.

Although there has been no report of any large-scale Rohingya influx since fighting began in recent weeks, at least 330 members of Myanmar army and border police fled the conflict and took refuge in Bangladesh.

Dhaka and Naypyidaw are now discussing the process of their repatriation, which will be finalised in two to three days, said Chattogram Divisional Commissioner Md Tofail Islam.

Separately, Bangladesh law enforcers arrested 23 Myanmar nationals who entered Bangladesh with weapons, said Chattogram Range Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Noore Alam Meena.

A court in Cox's Bazar yesterday placed 22 of them on police remand for three days each. The remand petition for another Myanmar national named Sadek was rejected on health grounds.

"A case has been filed after arresting 23 people with weapons. Investigation is underway and legal action will be taken for trespassing," said Noore Alam.

He added that the situation on the other side of the border seems "relatively peaceful" at the moment.

"Border Guard Bangladesh is keeping an eye on the situation," he said.

Both Tofail and Noore Alam visited Ghumdhum border area yesterday.

Noor Ahmed Anwari, chairman of Whykong Union of Teknaf, said they heard intermittent gunshots across the border yesterday morning. According to him, the ongoing fighting may create a situation where vulnerable Rohingyas and other Myanmar nationals may attempt to seek shelter in Bangladesh.

However, situation along Tumbru and Ghumdhum in Naikhonchhari upazila of Bandarban, and Rahamater Beel in Ukhiya upazila, and Lamba Beel, Whykong, and Hnila in Teknaf of Cox's Bazar was relatively calm yesterday.

Meanwhile, the education ministry has decided not to use Ghumdhum High School as an SSC examination centre in the wake of the fighting. The process to shift this centre is underway and it will be completed soon as the exam starts on Thursday, said Chattogram Divisional Commissioner Tofail.
 

Conflict in Myanmar: Bangladesh needs to handle the situation smartly​

Say experts, warn of regional players going to extremes to protect their interests

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Dhaka should not fall into the trap of global and regional players over the Myanmar conflict, which has caused casualties inside Bangladesh, said foreign policy and security analysts.

The government needs to have a multi-layered diplomacy in place, which includes engaging the Arakan Army and Chin National Front that are dominating in Chin and Rakhine states bordering Bangladesh, alongside engagement with the Myanmar military, they said.​

It should form an advisory group for consultation on the Myanmar issue for formulating strategies, they said at a discussion titled "Myanmar Spillover: How worried should Bangladesh be?" organised by The Daily Star at The Daily Star Centre yesterday.

The fighting between the Myanmar military and Arakan Army has forced some 330 Myanmar security forces and their family members into Bangladesh, while stray mortar shells and bullets landing in Bangladesh have created panic among locals.

Thousands of Myanmar nationals, including the Rohingya, were displaced, and there is a risk of new influx. Against this backdrop, the Border Guard Bangladesh has strengthened its capabilities along the border.

Bangladesh has sheltered over a million Rohingyas. No repatriation has taken place. The situation would be complicated due to the ongoing conflict in Myanmar, they said.

Security analyst Sakhawat Hussain said Bangladesh made mistakes in past by engaging with Myanmar bilaterally on the Rohingya repatriation.

"We can see clear possibilities of Arakan Army taking full control of Rakhine state by the year end, and the Myanmar military is now in a bad state."

"At this stage of time, we should go for diplomacy at track-2, track-3, and track-4 levels. We should engage the National Unity Government and the Arakan Army as well," said Brig Gen (retd) Sakhawat Hussain, also senior fellow at the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance at North South University.

"We also should have the show of force as backup for diplomatic offensive," he said.

Bangladesh Enterprise Institute President M Humayun Kabir said the Myanmar crisis has created a more strategic problem than that of the Rohingya repatriation, and it is urgent to take effective measures to prevent it.

"There are risks of free movement to and from Myanmar. China can be involved in stabilising the conflicts in Rakhine. In that case, we can prevent further influx," said the former ambassador.

He suggested that ASEAN already has a five-point demand for Myanmar to transition into democracy, and Bangladesh can pursue for including the issue of Rohingya repatriation there.

Prof Tanzimuddin Khan of International Relations at Dhaka University said several crises could be created by the Myanmar conflicts -- there may be a fresh influx of Myanmar nationals, entry of the Myanmar's beleaguering forces, spread of arms and the insecurity of Bangladeshis along the border area.

He said the fact that the Arakan Army and other groups of Brotherhood Alliance are taking control of Rakhine and Chin states and they would require international recognition, Bangladesh should start "multi-layered diplomacy" by engaging various stakeholders in Myanmar.

Two major regional players will do everything to protect their national interests in Myanmar, and Bangladesh being the most affected country needs to smartly handle the situation, said Prof Tanzimuddin.

The government must keep in mind the national interest and strategic autonomy and smart handling of the Myanmar issue so that it is not in the trap of regional players, he said.

The foreign ministry should have an advisory group consisting of foreign policy and security experts for consultation, Prof Tanzimuddin said.

Southeast Asian history researcher Altaf Parvez said Bangladesh's focus is Rakhine state, but Chin state is also very important for geopolitical reasons. The Chin state borders Bangladesh and there are commonalities between the Chin and some ethnic groups of Bangladesh.

Bangladesh needs to engage the Chin National Front (CNF), which has already formed its government and a constitution, as CNF is positive about Rohingya repatriation and their recognition, he said.

Altaf said Bangladesh may seek support of the CNF leaders for engaging the National Unity Government that is fighting the junta and committed to recognising and repatriating Rohingyas under federal democracy in Myanmar.

The Daily Star Deputy Editor Arun Devnath also spoke at the event moderated by Tanjim Ferdous, in-charge of NGOs and foreign missions of the newspaper.​
 

Tumbru-Ghumdhum border areas not safe for civilians: BGB DG​



Director General of Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Major General Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman Siddique has said the Ghumdhum and Tumbru border areas of Naikhongchhari upazila of Bandarban are not safe for the common people.

He said this while talking to reporters after visiting the Tumbru border area on Wednesday.
 

Won't allow Rohingya to enter Bangladesh anymore: BGB chief​




Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Director General Major General Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman Siddiqui today said they would no longer allow Rohingya refugees to enter Bangladesh territory.

The newly appointed BGB chief also said a boat carrying 65 Rohingya people tried to enter the country, but they were resisted by the border troops and the process of sending them back is underway.

The BGB men remain vigilant so that no Rohingya can enter, he added.

The newly appointed DG was speaking to reporters after paying his respects at the grave of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Tungipara in Gopalganj around noon today.

Earlier in the day, BGB said a total of 264 members of Myanmar's border and security forces have come to Bangladesh to escape the fighting between the Myanmar army and the rebel Arakan Army at the border between the two countries.

Asked, the BGB chief said, "We gave them shelter, provided them food. Fifteen of them were injured."

He added that eight of them with critical injures are being given treatment at different hospitals.


"We are trying to face the situation with patience, considering human aspects," he added.​
 

Myanmar Conflict: Boats on Naf spark fear of fresh influx​

Home boss warns against entry with firearms

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Photo: Collected

Amid continuous fighting between Myanmar troops and the armed group called Arakan Army, many residents of Rakhine State have taken shelter on small boats on the Naf river along the border.

Lt Tahsin Rahman, spokesperson of the coast guard in Teknaf upazila of Cox's Bazar, said it was not known how many Myanmar nationals were living on the river that flows between the two countries.​

"We are determined not to let anyone travel across the Naf and enter Bangladesh," he said, adding that around 200 Myanmar nationals were turned away at the border in recent days.

Mohammad Zubair, chairman of Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, told The Daily Star that between 400 and 500 Rohingya people were on the boats after fleeing their homes in Lalbunnya area of Myanmar.

Many of these Rohingya people are contacting their relatives in Cox's Bazar camps as they are getting cellular signals from Bangladesh, he said.

He added that fierce fighting was now going on in Maungdaw township of northern Rakhine where many Rohingya people live.

Meanwhile, gunshots and shelling were heard yesterday from Teknaf town, Shahporir Dwip, Sabrang, and St Martin's Island.

Teknaf Upazila Nirbahi Officer Adnan Chowdhury said, "I heard gunshots from my residence. People living near the border are living in fear."

He added that law enforcement agencies were on high alert on the border.

Earlier this month, countless bullets and mortar shells crossed the border, forcing people to flee the neighbourhoods along the border in Bandarban. Besides causing damage to properties, the bullets and explosives claimed at least two lives and injured several others in Bangladesh territory.

Yesterday, Noor Hossain, chairman of Sabrang Union Parishad in Teknaf, said locals were fearing yet another Rohingya influx.

He added that intermittent sounds of gunfire were heard from Sabrang until the evening and people in Shahporir Dwip saw troops firing weapons from helicopters.

Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan yesterday said arms and ammunition were recently smuggled into Bangladesh from Myanmar.

"These were in abandoned condition. The border guards seized them, and the carriers were arrested," he told reporters in Chattogram, adding that additional forces were deployed in the border areas while the coast guards, Bangladesh Navy and BGB members were directed to be on alert at all times.

THOUSANDS SEEK TO FLEE MYANMAR

Over 1,000 people lined up at the Thai embassy in Yangon yesterday as young people sought to leave Myanmar after the junta said it would impose military service, AFP reports.

The military said it would enforce a law allowing it to call up all men aged 18-35 and women aged 18-27 to serve for at least two years as it struggles to quell opposition to its 2021 coup.

The junta faces widespread armed resistance to its rule after seizing power from an elected civilian government, and recently suffered a series of stunning losses to an armed alliance of ethnic minority groups.

The Thai embassy in Yangon has been swamped with young men and women seeking visas to get out of Myanmar since the announcement last Saturday.

Yesterday, an AFP journalist saw a queue of between 1,000 and 2,000 people snaking through the streets near the mission in downtown Yangon.

The embassy said it was issuing 400 numbered tickets a day in order to manage the queue.

Student Aung Phyo, 20, told AFP he arrived at the embassy at 8:00pm on Thursday and slept in his car before starting to queue around midnight.

"We had to wait for three hours and police opened the security gate around 3:00am and we had to run to the front of the embassy to try to get places," said the man who used a pseudonym because of fears for his safety.​
 

Panic spreads to new areas amid fighting in Myanmar​

Staff Correspondent | Published: 00:36, Feb 17,2024

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Panic gripped the residents of Shah Porir Dwip and Saint Martin in Teknaf amid sound of gunfights and shelling from heavy weapons as fighting between Myanmar junta forces and ethnic rebel group Arakan Army continued in Rakhine on Friday.

Residents said that they saw Myanmar helicopters and fighter jets hovering over Rakhine amid the fighting, which left them concerned about their safety.

The firing in Myanmar along the border of the two areas started on Thursday after Bangladesh deported 330 Myanmar soldiers and civilians who fled to the country between February 4 and 8, fleeing the conflict in Rakhine.
Bangladesh authorities ferried the Myanmar escapees to the naval ship of the country anchored in the deep sea with a private ship and Bangladesh Coast Guard tugboat after verification of their identities by the two countries.
Sabrang union parishad member Abdus Salam said after the shelling in Myanmar, many locals appeared worried.

However, Teknaf upazila nirbahi officer Mohammad Adnan Chowdhury said that no artillery shells were dropped on Bangladesh territory on Friday.

Md Jakaria Alfaj, a resident at Shah Porir Dwip, said that he woke up in the morning hearing the sound of firing inside Myanmar.

He said that he saw helicopters and planes in the morning and the afternoon.

He added that such a sound of shelling or firing is not very familiar in the locality, so it left residents panicking.
Meanwhile, residents of Whykong said they also heard a barrage of firing along the border at about 9:15pm.

Home minister Asaduzzaman Khan said at a programme in Chattogram on Friday that no one from Myanmar carrying firearms would be allowed anymore, confirming that some Myanmar rebels had also entered Bangladesh.
The heavily armed BGB and Coast Guard have patrolled the bordering Naf River and adjacent areas since Monday.

At the same time, the local administration has suspended the movement of civilian ships between Teknaf and Saint Martin since February 10.​
 

We must pursue multi-track diplomacy with Myanmar​


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Since the very birth of the nation, Myanmar has been dependent on China. Therefore, Chinese influence in Myanmar will remain despite a junta existing. China shares the largest border with the country, is the biggest trading partner and has also been a partner for Myanmar in dire times. We must always remember this context.

Let's come down to the second aspect, which is India. What was India's relation? British India occupied places in Myanmar, in a sense. During that time, it was the Indians who were running Myanmar. Yangon was made by the British. So there were many Indians who lived in Myanmar and were later expelled from the country in the 1950s. The relationship between India and Myanmar has never been that great.

Now let's talk about us. When Pakistan was formed in 1947, Rakhine wanted to come with Pakistan. And they had a leader, who was known as the "Rakhine Jinnah." But Pakistan then declined their request for existent technicalities.

The Tatmadaw's greatest fear is Bangladesh, and the reason is it's a Muslim majority country. They always use refererence of Malaysia, Brunei and Indonesia, that these were countries that did not have a Muslim majority but do now. Bangladesh is overpopulated and will make Myanmar a Muslim majority country. And therefore, the Rohingya are its agents. This is their psyche.

In the present scenario, we have unfortunately failed in our diplomacy. Not just at present, but even earlier. Even after liberation, we haven't done much. Now, what do we do?

In my opinion, by this year, Rakhine will fall. If you look at the map, the areas starting from Paletwa to Mrauk U have been taken over. If you've seen the news, you'll see that the Myanmar authority has demolished two bridges, so that the Arakan Army doesn't come to Sittwe. But as per my estimation, by the end of this year, the whole of Rakhine would be taken over.

So what should Bangladesh do? I think we cannot deal with this situation through a single stream. The biggest mistake in our diplomacy was probably the bilateral approach that we took with Myanmar. Tatmadaw is in a very bad shape because they kept 18,000 troops just for Naypyidaw and Section 144 has been announced. On top of that, they have ordered compulsory military service. So we should also consider a different track for diplomacy, and we must go and try to connect with the people who in future will be calling the shots, which are the NUG and the Arakan Army. Our foreign ministry knows how to best deal with that.

We need to prepare for backup diplomacy with some kind of show of force, otherwise you can't resolve this issue. And we have to work towards making the Arakan Army believe that the Rohingya are their people. They have mentioned in one of their communications that they recognise them as Arakan Muslims, not Rohingya.​

Brig Gen (retd) Dr M Sakhawat Hussain is former election commissioner of Bangladesh, and senior fellow at the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance (SIPG), North South University (NSU).
 

Has our policy towards Myanmar failed?​


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There should have been a multilayered approach to the Rohingya issue from the beginning. Since there are varied interests in Myanmar of different stakeholders—the West, China, and India— when it comes to investment and economic prospects, there is naturally a conflict of interest. So, it is not wise to depend solely on any of those actors for a solution. This is why we needed to bring up the repatriation issue strongly in multilateral forums.

We can see that the problem with repatriation was created right at the beginning when we introduced the term FDMN (forcibly displaced Myanmar nationals) instead of using the term refugee. How did we come up with this term, and why? Had we used the term refugee, we could have cited the UN Refugee Convention, even if we are not a signatory. We are a signatory state to the Global Compact of Refugees, and it falls upon all signatories to resolve the refugee crisis. We could have brought it to the UN General Assembly in a different way; we could have mentioned the R2P (responsibility to protect) principle. A multilayered approach would have allowed us to offset the conflicting interests we are now having to navigate.​

The countries we are looking to for solutions have economic interests in the region of Rakhine—such as the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, Trilateral Highway Project, investment in Sittwe Port, and the oil and gas pipeline project. This is why we cannot really be certain whether they are serious about the Rohingya repatriation or if we are becoming pawns in their game.

Instead of saying whether our foreign policy failed, I would say that in order for it to be successful, particularly for the Rohingya repatriation, we needed to effectively create the intellectual and institutional space and capacity to pursue the issue. Instead, we made things worse by not using the term "refugee."

In the current context, one might argue that a window of opportunity has been created for repatriation. With the central authority in a major crisis, and the Arakan Army and the Northern Alliance needing international recognition, we are in a good bargaining place. It is likely that administrative control might go to the Arakan Army in the near future, which means we need to keep the door open. They said in an interview that the Arakan Army is ready to accept Rohingya Muslims as citizens, though they did not use the word Rohingya. Whether or not we will seize this opportunity will depend on whether our foreign ministry is able to exercise its autonomy, or is trapped in the interests of others. We are still solely dealing with the central authority, but now we need to maintain neutrality and create space with other groups.

When it comes to crisis management in foreign policy, there should be a consultation group with experts and independent thinkers to guide the foreign ministry, if we want to ensure our autonomy. The ministry should create a group of consultants who can brief it about the complex terrain in Myanmar and give suggestions. We must remember that in this current geopolitical climate, we need to strengthen our intellectual capacity as much as our intuitional capacity when it comes to diplomacy.​

Dr Mohammad Tanzimuddin Khan is professor at the Department of International Relations in Dhaka University.
 

Our understanding about Myanmar is limited​


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In my opinion, our understanding of the world, including our neighbours, is limited. We only focus inward. This limits our knowledge of international and regional dynamics. Our diplomatic engagement often remains transactional, lacking nuance and depth. Consequently, facing crises like the one in Myanmar, we find ourselves hesitant and ill-prepared.

Neither the Rohingya issue nor the recent developments happened overnight; they have a history.

One crucial layer of Myanmar's problems has persisted since its independence: the ethnic/racial dilemma. Myanmar opted for a centralised government instead of a federal structure, which fuelled tensions and violent conflicts across the nation. This explains the ongoing insurgencies within the country. Myanmar has been experiencing a low-intensity insurgency since 1948.

This coexisted with a degree of tacit acceptance and established a modus operandi, with the government recognising the presence of various armed groups in different areas. But now, the dynamic has changed.

Following the democratic process initiated in 2010-11, aspirations for growth and prosperity became widespread, particularly among the Bamars. During my visits to Myanmar around 2015-2016, and in 2020, I saw a clear increase in affluence. This new generation developed aspirations for further economic advancement.

Naturally, the military takeover in 2021 triggered widespread protests demanding participation, democracy, and respect for rights. These demonstrations gave rise to the National Unity Government (NUG) and the People's Defence Force (PDF). Many PDF members received training from existing ethnic armed groups, further complicating the situation. This culminated in a joint military campaign launched by different ethnic groups in October last year, exerting significant pressure on the Myanmar military.

Has Bangladesh thoroughly researched and analysed the Myanmar situation? To my knowledge, Bangladesh lacks dedicated institutions for in-depth research on such critical international and sub-regional events, unlike other countries. This lack of research culture hinders our ability to fully comprehend complex geopolitical events.

Furthermore, neglecting the influence of sub-national entities like the Arakan government and the historic connections of ethnic groups now residing in both Myanmar and Bangladesh creates a blind spot in our understanding of the conflict's deeper roots and potential spillover effects on the country's security.

Our current approach of "institutional diplomacy" relies solely on government-to-government and state-to-state communication, potentially limiting our understanding and ability to respond effectively. The current situation involves three distinct levels of complexity: national (Naypyidaw), regional (Arakan and such), and the Rohingya issue. Bangladesh cannot count on simply sending a protest note to Naypyidaw to address the issue when its central government itself holds little control over different regions of Myanmar.

The recent increase in armed group activities and civilian and non-civilian movements across our borders cannot be solved merely through a military approach. During conflicts around the borders of Vietnam-Laos, Laos-Cambodia, or Pakistan-Afghanistan, there were cross-border movements, and such movements are largely inevitable.

Therefore, it's crucial for us to take initiatives to facilitate a ceasefire in Myanmar. Regardless of the specific form or outcome, achieving a ceasefire might mitigate the emerging complexities within Bangladesh. While I acknowledge our limitations in addressing this issue alone, I believe we should collaborate with those currently possessing the necessary capacity. China's involvement with the Shan and Kachin states demonstrates a potential precedent. Perhaps similar engagement with the Arakan Army, leveraging China's unique influence, could facilitate a ceasefire. This would be key to overcoming the immediate crisis. Discussions on Rohingya repatriation and other long-term solutions can then follow.

M Humayun Kabir, a former diplomat, is president of Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (BEI).
 

Bullet-injured Rohingya woman, family in dinghy​

They seek refuge at Shah Porir Dwip​

Staff Correspondent | Published: 00:32, Feb 18,2024
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An injured Rohingya woman with four others in a dinghy on Saturday sought refuge to the Border Guard Bangladesh at Shah Porir Dwip in Teknaf amid continued firing and shelling in bordering Rakhine, Myanmar, for the last three days.

Details of identities of the Rohingya family could not be known but witnesses said that the woman was given primary treatment in Rakhine and was advised to take better treatment.

Apart from the injured woman, the dinghy had in it the boatman and three others, possibly her family members.
The Border Guard Bangladesh personnel stopped them from getting to the jetty.

No comment from the BGB was available until 8:30pm.

Shah Porir Dwip union parishad member Abdus Salam said that he saw the boat with its occupants was adrift until 8:00pm on Saturday.

He said the boat was spotted at about 5:00pm.

Local residents said that the BGB prevented them from talking with the Rohingyas.

Panic gripped the residents of Shah Porir Dwip and Saint Martin’s islands in Teknaf upazila amid the sound of gunfights and shelling from heavy weapons as fights between Myanmar junta forces and ethnic rebel group Arakan Army raged on in neighbouring Rakhine.

The firing in Myanmar along the border of the two areas started on Thursday after Bangladesh deported 330 Myanmar soldiers and civilians who fled conflicts in Rakhine in February 4–8.

Home minister Asaduzzaman Khan said at a programme in Chattogram on Friday that no one from Myanmar carrying firearms would be allowed anymore, confirming that some Myanmar rebels had also entered Bangladesh.

The heavily armed BGB and Coast Guard have been patrolling the bordering Naf River and adjacent areas since February 12.

The local administration has suspended the movement of civilian ships between Teknaf and Saint Martin’s since February 10.
During attending a programme on the day of sending back 330 Myanmar troops and civilians on a ship in Cox’s Bazar, BGB director general Major General Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman Siddiqui on Thursday stressed that no more influx would be allowed.

At least two people were killed due to an explosion of an artillery shell on Naikyangchhari border in Bandarban and two other bodies were found killed along Cox’s Bazar border in February 4–12.

Referring to the Brotherhood Alliance, which includes the Arakan Army, Thailand-based Irrawaddy news portal reported on Friday that the war in the Rakhine state is intensifying as the Arakan Army increases its attacks on junta targets in three coastal townships, namely Maungdaw, Ramree and Rathedaung.

It reported that the junta’s military is attempting to defend its remaining bases in the three townships by bombing around them in a campaign coordinating by its army, navy and air force.

The Arakan Army, however, said that it will continue to attack the junta targets until the troops inside them surrender.
The junta military continues to bomb Ramree town from land, sea and air, turning it into the most bombed town in Myanmar’s westernmost state, said the Arakan Army.
 

Myanmar crisis: Opposition deputy leader fears regional instability​


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Anisul Islam Mahmud

The Deputy Leader of the Opposition and a Jatiyo Party MP Anisul Islam Mahmud today in parliament expressed fear that the ongoing conflict in Myanmar may disrupt the security of Bangladesh and India.

He suggested that a joint initiative should be taken with India, Bangladesh, Myanmar, China and the United States to address the situation.

Pointing to the recent remarks of US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu, the JP MP said the situation in Myanmar might heighten security risks for Bangladesh and neighbouring regions.

Last week, Donal Lu warned both Dhaka and Delhi that the security situation born out of the Rohingya refugee crisis and the general instability in Myanmar will worsen and continue to have implications for its neighbours.

Anisul said Bangladesh needs to take more precautionary steps to deal with the war-like situation in Rakhine.

He said benefactors of the conflict can try to take advantage of the situation by drawing Bangladesh into the conflict.

"So, I think India, US, Myanmar and China should take a joint initiative to look into this matter," Anisul said.​
 

Bangladesh needs to view Rohingya issue from Asean's point of view​

Says former foreign minister of Singapore George Yeo

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Photo: Collected

Former foreign minister of Singapore George Yeo has said if Bangladesh wants closer cooperation with the Asean, such as becoming a sectoral dialogue partner, it has to view the Rohingya issue from the regional bloc's point of view.

"You need to incorporate the view of Asean, not dismissing the importance of the Rohingya issue but also not allowing it to become such a dominating issue," he said addressing a discussion here in the city.

Cosmos Foundation, the philanthropic arm of the Cosmos Group, hosted the discussion as part of its distinguished speaker series, titled "Bangladesh and Asean in a Multipolar World" at Hotel Renaissance in the capital's Gulshan.

Terming the Rohingya crisis a human tragedy, the former Singaporean foreign minister in his keynote address said, "There is no simple solution. Because the problems are rooted in history and the solutions could be rooted in history."

Responding to a question, he said Asean didn't condemn the Rohingya genocide when it happened as it considers it an internal political problem.

"Asean has tried to separate the humanitarian issue in Rakhine estate from a political issue," he said, adding that Asean doesn't interfere in the affairs of its member countries.

Among the Asean members, the Muslim countries Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei, also Singapore are sympathetic towards the Rohingya people. Others don't have the same view. Laos has shared traditional relations with Myanmar, he said.

In Myanmar, the Rohingya is a side issue but in Bangladesh it is a central issue, he continued.

Focusing on the development of Bangladesh, George Yeo highly praised the recent progress of the country in different economic and social indexes.

Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, Cosmos Foundation president, scholar-diplomat, and former Foreign Affairs Advisor of caretaker government, chaired and conducted the discussion, while Enayetullah Khan, chairman of the Cosmos Foundation, delivered the welcoming remarks.

Iftekhar said the discussion on ASEAN and Bangladesh is a timely one and the deliberations at this time are apt for two broad reasons.

Dr Chowdhury said the second reason is the burgeoning turmoil in Myanmar, an ASEAN member, which is now threatening to spill into Bangladesh as well, with protagonists from contending sides looking to Bangladesh as a safe haven.

"We understand the ASEAN principle of non-interference in another member-state's affairs. We also note, however, it contributes to the failure to rein in the junta leadership, and the ineffectiveness of the Five-point Consensus. Very applicable to the junta is that dire dictum of Tacitus: 'They create a desolation and call it peace,'" he said.

Citing that ASEAN is a political institution, he said there is a huge risk that its inability to resolve the Myanmar crisis will take a toll, not only on its credibility, but on its unity.

Enayetullah Khan, also editor-in-chief of UNB, in his welcoming remarks expressed deep gratitude to George Yeo despite his pressing schedule.

Talking about Bangladesh-Singapore relations, he said, "We are happy that our leaders Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong have such a close rapport. We are looking forward to the day that rapport can be translated into a mutually rewarding free trade agreement."

Former ambassador Farooq Sobhan, former Principal Secretary Md Nojibur Rahman, former Foreign Secretary Touhid Hossain, Secretary at Foreign Ministry Shabbir Ahmad Chowdhury, Dhaka University Professor Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir and Cosmos Group Deputy Managing Director Masud Khan, among others, took part in the discussion during the question-answer session.​
 

Myanmar Conflict: It may worsen security risks for Bangladesh​

Says Donald Lu

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The situation in Myanmar isn't improving and this might heighten security risks for Bangladesh and neighboring regions, said US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu.

He warned both Dhaka and Delhi that the security situation born out of the Rohingya refugee crisis and the general instability in Myanmar will worsen and continue to have implications for its neighbours.

"It is something we have to watch out for and enable our partners in the region, in this case Bangladesh and India, to cope with those stresses without it boiling over into instability in their countries as well," Lu said.

While speaking at an event in Washington last week on "The Indo-Pacific Strategy in Action: Commemorating the Second Anniversary", Lu emphasised the need for empowering partners in the region.

Acknowledging Dhaka's remarkable generosity in hosting over a million people from Myanmar for years, Lu said Washington also put significant efforts to engage and collaborate with Bangladesh to tackle the crisis.

"I have spent a lot of times on Bangladesh, [I saw] the effects of instability in Burma and what it means for the region," Lu, who visited Rohingya refugee camps, said.

Lu also highlighted the international community's efforts to solve the crisis by finding a way for the safe repatriation of the refugees back to Myanmar.

Lu said that the Indo-Pacific strategy is based on the premise that US and like-minded partners would try to offer a better proposition to solve crises in the region.

As the most dynamic and fastest-growing region on earth, the Indo-Pacific is a leading priority for US foreign policy and essential to global security and prosperity.

In 2022, the US inaugurated its Indo-Pacific Strategy, which lays out a shared vision for a free and open region that is more connected, prosperous, secure and resilient.​
 

Myanmar situation deepening security problems for Dhaka: US​


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Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu recognises State Department employees during an awards ceremony hosted by Secretary of State Antony J Blinken at the US Department of State, in Washington, DC, on July 21, 2022. Photo: US State Department/Freddie Everett

The situation in Myanmar isn't improving and this might heighten security risks for Bangladesh and neighboring regions, said US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu.

He warned both Dhaka and Delhi that the security situation born out of the Rohingya refugee crisis and the general instability in Myanmar will worsen and continue to have implications for its neighbours.​

"It is something we have to watch out for and enable our partners in the region, in this case Bangladesh and India, to cope with those stresses without it boiling over into instability in their countries as well," Lu said.

While speaking at an event in Washington recently on "The Indo-Pacific Strategy in Action: Commemorating the Second Anniversary", Lu emphasised the need for empowering partners in the region.

Acknowledging Dhaka's remarkable generosity in hosting over a million people from Myanmar for years, Lu said Washington also put significant efforts to engage and collaborate with Bangladesh to tackle the crisis.

"I have spent a lot of times on Bangladesh, [I saw] the effects of instability in Burma and what it means for the region," Lu, who visited Rohingya refugee camps, said.

Lu also highlighted the international community's efforts to solve the crisis by finding a way for the safe repatriation of the refugees back to Myanmar.

Lu said that the Indo-Pacific strategy is based on the premise that US and like-minded partners would try to offer a better proposition to solve crises in the region.

As the most dynamic and fastest-growing region on earth, the Indo-Pacific is a leading priority for US foreign policy and essential to global security and prosperity.

In 2022, the US inaugurated its Indo-Pacific Strategy, which lays out a shared vision for a free and open region that is more connected, prosperous, secure and resilient.​
 

Conflict in Myanmar: Bangladesh needs to handle the situation smartly​


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Say experts, warn of regional players going to extremes to protect their interests

Dhaka should not fall into the trap of global and regional players over the Myanmar conflict, which has caused casualties inside Bangladesh, said foreign policy and security analysts.

The government needs to have a multi-layered diplomacy in place, which includes engaging the Arakan Army and Chin National Front that are dominating in Chin and Rakhine states bordering Bangladesh, alongside engagement with the Myanmar military, they said.​

It should form an advisory group for consultation on the Myanmar issue for formulating strategies, they said at a discussion titled "Myanmar Spillover: How worried should Bangladesh be?" organised by The Daily Star at The Daily Star Centre yesterday.

The fighting between the Myanmar military and Arakan Army has forced some 330 Myanmar security forces and their family members into Bangladesh, while stray mortar shells and bullets landing in Bangladesh have created panic among locals.

Thousands of Myanmar nationals, including the Rohingya, were displaced, and there is a risk of new influx. Against this backdrop, the Border Guard Bangladesh has strengthened its capabilities along the border.

Bangladesh has sheltered over a million Rohingyas. No repatriation has taken place. The situation would be complicated due to the ongoing conflict in Myanmar, they said.

Security analyst Sakhawat Hussain said Bangladesh made mistakes in past by engaging with Myanmar bilaterally on the Rohingya repatriation.

"We can see clear possibilities of Arakan Army taking full control of Rakhine state by the year end, and the Myanmar military is now in a bad state."

"At this stage of time, we should go for diplomacy at track-2, track-3, and track-4 levels. We should engage the National Unity Government and the Arakan Army as well," said Brig Gen (retd) Sakhawat Hussain, also senior fellow at the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance at North South University.

"We also should have the show of force as backup for diplomatic offensive," he said.

Bangladesh Enterprise Institute President M Humayun Kabir said the Myanmar crisis has created a more strategic problem than that of the Rohingya repatriation, and it is urgent to take effective measures to prevent it.

"There are risks of free movement to and from Myanmar. China can be involved in stabilising the conflicts in Rakhine. In that case, we can prevent further influx," said the former ambassador.

He suggested that ASEAN already has a five-point demand for Myanmar to transition into democracy, and Bangladesh can pursue for including the issue of Rohingya repatriation there.

Prof Tanzimuddin Khan of International Relations at Dhaka University said several crises could be created by the Myanmar conflicts -- there may be a fresh influx of Myanmar nationals, entry of the Myanmar's beleaguering forces, spread of arms and the insecurity of Bangladeshis along the border area.

He said the fact that the Arakan Army and other groups of Brotherhood Alliance are taking control of Rakhine and Chin states and they would require international recognition, Bangladesh should start "multi-layered diplomacy" by engaging various stakeholders in Myanmar.

Two major regional players will do everything to protect their national interests in Myanmar, and Bangladesh being the most affected country needs to smartly handle the situation, said Prof Tanzimuddin.

The government must keep in mind the national interest and strategic autonomy and smart handling of the Myanmar issue so that it is not in the trap of regional players, he said.

The foreign ministry should have an advisory group consisting of foreign policy and security experts for consultation, Prof Tanzimuddin said.

Southeast Asian history researcher Altaf Parvez said Bangladesh's focus is Rakhine state, but Chin state is also very important for geopolitical reasons. The Chin state borders Bangladesh and there are commonalities between the Chin and some ethnic groups of Bangladesh.

Bangladesh needs to engage the Chin National Front (CNF), which has already formed its government and a constitution, as CNF is positive about Rohingya repatriation and their recognition, he said.

Altaf said Bangladesh may seek support of the CNF leaders for engaging the National Unity Government that is fighting the junta and committed to recognising and repatriating Rohingyas under federal democracy in Myanmar.

The Daily Star Deputy Editor Arun Devnath also spoke at the event moderated by Tanjim Ferdous, In-Charge of NGOs and Foreign Missions of the newspaper.​
 

Asked China’s help as Myanmar conflict reached border: Quader​


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Awami League General Secretary Obaidul Quader. File photo


Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader today sought China's intervention saying the internal conflict in Myanmar has reached the Bangladesh border.

"Regular gunshots on the other side of the border are spreading panic in our people. The fighting [between the Arakan Army and Myanmar Army] is within their country. But the heavy fighting across the border is scaring people here. That is why I have sought China's intervention," he said.​

Quader, also Awami League general secretary, made the remarks while replying to a query about tension on the Myanmar border while exchanging views with journalists at his secretariat office in Dhaka this afternoon.

Earlier in the morning, Chinese Ambassador to Bangladesh Yao Wen paid a courtesy call on Obaidul Quader.

Responding to a question about the outcome of the meeting, Quader said China can play a key role in the repatriation of Rohingya people from Bangladesh as it is an extra burden for the country.

"Amid global crises, the flow of aid to the Rohingyas has also decreased. Feeding so many people is a big burden for Bangladesh," he added.

The Chinese envoy promised that the Asian powerhouse would try and strengthen its efforts to this end.

Quader said the US talked about free and fair polls in the past but it did not say the election was flawed.

"The United States did not say that the 12th national election was a flawed one. They will continue relations with the current government as both countries have mutual interests to this end," he said.

Quader said the election was a peaceful one.

"We do not know what else would be a free and fair election," he said adding that BNP's refusal to participate in the election didn't mean that the election was not acceptable.​
 

Myanmar Civil War: Policy experts urge diplomatic push to end instability​

Donald Lu says regional security at risk

As fears grow that Myanmar's civil war and refugee crisis could deepen in the coming days, foreign policy experts are calling for a diplomatic push by the regional players to facilitate reconciliation among the warring parties.

They said the security challenges for the regional countries, including Bangladesh and India, could go beyond control if steps are not taken immediately.

The issue came to fore when US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia Donald Lu warned that the situation in Burma and the refugee crisis were not improving, and that security issues could deepen for Bangladesh and potentially for India in coming days.

"It's something we've to watch out for and enable our partners in the region, in this case Bangladesh and India, to cope with those stresses without it boiling over into instability in their countries as well," he told a discussion marking the two years of US' Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) at the US Institute of Peace in Washington DC on February 15.

Lu elaborated the role of the IPS for a free, open, prosperous and secure region and hailed Sri Lanka as an example of the success of the IPS in collaboration with partners such as India.

He also spoke about the Maldives, where China, the US, India and other countries are competing for influence, but viewed that China will be a good partner when there is genuine, actual competition.

"If there isn't competition, what we have seen over and over again is China offering unsustainable debt for unsustainable projects."

Experts said Lu's warning of regional fallouts due to the Myanmar crisis should trigger a concerted effort by the international community to stabilise Myanmar.

Bangladesh, which is the number one victim of the crisis, should increase its efforts in every manner possible.

They also said global powers are also competing for influence in resourceful Myanmar that is located strategically along the Indian Ocean.

Prof Imtiaz Ahmed of Dhaka University's International Relations Department said Washington supports Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), which has an armed wing "Peoples' Defence Force" that, along with the ethnic rebel groups, is fighting the Myanmar military for democracy.

He said Washington wants to have influence in this region to counter China, which has relations both with the Myanmar military and some of the rebel groups, including the Arakan Army (AA), that are now fighting in Bangladesh's bordering Rakhine state.

The civil war, which intensified following the Myanmar military's takeover of Suu Kyi's National League of Democracy in February 2021, spread further since October last year forcing hundreds of Myanmar military members to flee to India and Bangladesh.

Hundreds of thousands of Myanmar civilians, including Rohingyas, in Rakhine have already been displaced and several hundred have been waiting near the border to flee to Bangladesh, which has already been burdened by more than a million Rohingyas and is now denying accepting any more.

M Humayun Kabir, president of Bangladesh Enterprise Institute, said the Myanmar military will definitely try to take back the towns that were occupied by the rebel groups.

"Can Bangladesh stop the Myanmar nationals if the military bombs the bordering towns? There will be obvious influx and spillover of the conflict. This was already evident," he said.

The former ambassador said regional countries besides Bangladesh -- India, China, Thailand -- all will be affected by the conflict. Human trafficking, drug smuggling and conflicts within the Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar have already been rampant, creating security concerns for Bangladesh.

Trade and connectivity projects, including those of India and China are also being affected, which is why nobody wants an unstable Myanmar, experts say.

Humayun Kabir further said China has been trying for stability in Myanmar but it is going nowhere.

"Other countries including the US, India and China should come up with a diplomatic initiative to facilitate a reconciliation."

Bangladesh, the worst victim of the Myanmar crisis, can also initiate a diplomatic move and the five-points consensus of the ASEAN -- that includes immediate cessation of violence, constructive dialogue among all parties and provision of humanitarian assistance – can be the starting point, he said.

"The ethnic rebel groups want autonomy, not independence. On the other hand, Myanmar army wants a safe exit.

There should be a big push for a solution by the actors. Bangladesh can definitely play a role here."

Prof Imtiaz says there are sociological aspects of the military in Myanmar's governance process.

"Though the majority of Bamar civilians are now fighting for democracy, military influence is very strong there. So, the western type of democracy may not be a feasible option for Myanmar.

"Also, China and India may not want the US to come into the play of Myanmar affairs."

He also said, "In recent times, we have seen India and China, despite having enmity over land borders, took similar positions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict and Bangladesh's election. They also work together in BRICS. So, they can also work together for stability in Myanmar."

Bangladesh Foreign Minister Hasan Mahmud and Indian National Security Adviser Ajit Doval recently agreed to work together for this purpose, he said.

"I think this is a good move. China can also be involved here."​
 

Myanmar Border: Gunshots, blasts ring out after 3 days’ lull​

After three days of lull, fighting resumed across the Bangladesh-Myanmar border yesterday morning, with sound of gunshots and explosions travelling to residents in the nearby Balukhali area of Teknaf upazila in Cox's Bazar.

"Residents awoke to the loud sounds of gunfire and explosions coming from the other side of the border at 7:00am today [Friday], which continued till 10:00am with brief intervals in between," Sirajul Mustafa, a member of the Whykong union parishad, told The Daily Star.

The resumption of fighting near the border has sparked fresh fear among the residents, he added.

Locals say the rebel Arakan Army has already occupied the region in Myanmar across the Balukhali border, and Myanmar's border guards fled to Bangladesh after failing to put up a resistance.

They believe the latest gunfight near the border took place between members of the Arakan Army and a Rohingya drug trafficking gang known as Nabi Hussain group.

For the past few weeks, fierce fighting has been going on between the Arakan Army and Myanmar junta forces across the border near Ghumdhum union of Naikhongchhari upazila in Bandarban, and Palongkhali union of Ukhiya upazila and Whykong union of Teknaf upazila in Cox's Bazar.

Rohingya leaders living in refugee camps in Ukhiya and Teknaf fear that a possible retaliation by Myanmar forces to regain territories in Rakhine may force more Rohingyas to attempt to enter Bangladesh.

In the midst of tension in Myanmar's Rakhine state along the border stretching from Bandarban to Cox's Bazar, nine Rohingyas tried to enter Bangladesh but were turned away Thursday morning.

Aside from that, Border Guard Bangladesh and Bangladesh Coast Guard intercepted a total of 372 Rohingyas attempting to cross the Naf river on small boats this month.

Early this month, fierce clashes broke out between the junta troops and the Arakan Army across the border from the Tumbru area of Naikhongchhari upazila.

The fighting forced 330 members of the Myanmar junta to flee to Bangladesh. They were later handed over to the Myanmar authorities on February 15.

Later, the fighting moved to the border area in Myanmar opposite Shahporir Dwip in Teknaf upazila of Cox's Bazar.

During the fighting between the Myanmar junta troops and the Arakan Army, one Bangladeshi woman and a Rohingya man were killed after a stray mortar shell landed in Ghumdhum under Naikhongchhari upazila earlier this month.​
 

More military bases seized in Myanmar, Rebels claim​




Myanmar's anti-junta and ethnic armed groups claimed to have captured several more bases from Myanmar Army in some regions of the country in the past five days.

These include Kachin, Rakhine and Mon states, and Sagaing and Bago regions.
 

Myanmar trying to wage war against Bangladesh: Rab DG​


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Photo: Collected

Rapid Action Battalion Director General M Khurshid Hossain yesterday said Myanmar has been trying to wage war with Bangladesh for a long time.

The Rab DG said this while speaking to journalists after a programme in Kashiani upazila of Gopalganj.

"Myanmar has been doing it for a while now… they have been pushing in narcotics as well as Rohingyas into our soil," he added.

However, he said, thanks to the visionary leadership and wisdom of the prime minister, they could not succeed.

"Our premier has firmly said Bangladesh will not engage in war with anyone…," he said.

He continued, "Myanmar has a military government. They are at war with the Arakan Army. They are trying to save themselves by provoking war (with Bangladesh)."

"The situation is worsening in Myanmar… as the Arakan Army is claiming new territories within the country," he said.

Mentioning Myanmar as a major drug route, the Rab DG said drugs are being smuggled into Bangladesh in a planned way for political purposes.

However, he said that they (law enforcers) are aware of it and have already taken measures in this regard.

Drug control is a big challenge now. The Myanmar route has to be closed at any cost. Drugs have become one of the biggest businesses in Bangladesh. Anyone can get rich overnight through drug trading, he said.

All the forces have to work together to eliminate drugs, he said. He also called for a social movement against drugs.​
 

How are guerillas in Myanmar raising their funds?​


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Before the launch of Operation 1027 in October last year, the NUG managed to collect taxes from around 38 townships. However, since then, the number of townships from which NUG collects taxes has risen close to 50. FILE PHOTO: AFP

While the Tatmadaw in Myanmar is waging war using state funds, one may wonder: from where is the opposition, the guerillas, getting so many resources? What's the origin of their funds? The surprising fact is that, in their efforts to raise money, the guerillas have successfully established their very own bank—an extremely rare feat in the history of guerilla warfare.

How the 'guerilla bank' started its journey

Guerillas have different names in different regions of Myanmar. In the seven marginal provinces, the guerilla groups comprising non-Bamar tribes mainly raise funds through local businesses and contributions. These businesses involve everything, from timber to narcotics. The groups are quite experienced in this regard.​

The situation in central Myanmar, however, is different. There, the Bamar youths, who went to war against the Tatmadaw to restore democracy, are novices in terms of both warfare and fundraising. These guerrillas, collectively known as the People's Defence Force (PDF), have no bordering countries to conduct business with.

In the beginning, PDF's funds came from foreign supporters, and it was tough to bring the money home due to strict government monitoring. Many of these supporters refrained from making financial contributions, fearing that the government would uncover their identities. To avoid these problems and streamline transactions, the Bamar guerillas opened their very own bank.

In 2021-22, many citizens across the country left their government jobs to oppose the military coup. Accordingly, one of the objectives of the Bamar guerillas' bank was to bring these people under the guerilla administration's umbrella by paying them regular salaries and allowances for the cause.

Through such initiatives, the guerrillas are constantly trying to stay one step ahead of the junta in terms of technology.

Guerilla bank working through 'guerilla technology'

Many may remember that elected representatives against the military coup named their movement the "Spring Revolution" in February 2021. That very movement has slowly transformed into guerilla warfare. Since the bank was created to finance the war, the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar named it Spring Development Bank (SDB). Launched in July last year, around 1,000 individuals opened accounts with the bank on its very first day. That number now stands at one lakh. Akin to the PDF, the SDB operates in a guerilla-like fashion. Run using technology related to blockchain and cryptocurrency, this is a fully fledged digital bank. And this is why the junta is facing difficulties blocking guerilla financing.

Although SDB's primary goal is to finance the war of resistance, its second goal is to block finances to the military government.
— Altaf Parvez​

A group of guerillas with expertise in this field have been assigned to further develop the banking system, and supporting it is Tin Tun Naing, planning minister of the anti-junta government-in-exile. At the time of establishment, SDB also took permission from the exiled government's "central bank." Through this move, the guerillas wanted to show that they were under the umbrella of a formal government, so the customers wouldn't have to worry about being defrauded.

Although SDB's primary goal is to finance the war of resistance, its second goal is to block finances to the military government. This is being accomplished by obstructing the junta's tax collection system, influencing public opinion against the junta's financial products, and by trying to isolate it from the international currency exchange system.

Through these efforts, Myanmar's state assets have been frozen in many countries.

While the bank is primarily based on cryptocurrencies, account holders can also transact in at least 10 currencies, from the US dollar to the Thai baht, and funds can be transferred internationally as well.

SDB, facilitated by currency swaps in the beginning, said in 2023 that it would connect to the international SWIFT system of financial transactions this year, and even obtain its own debit card. The government-in-exile is able to trade assets of the country through this bank alone. A "customer" can open up an account with the bank by disclosing very basic information, and SDB has over 100 "relationship managers" across the world.

Last year, the NUG raised over $100 million, a large part of which was raised from the "bazaar" through SDB issuing treasury bonds. In November, the bank sold 10 percent of its stake and earned $10 million in just 10 days. The guerilla warfare in Myanmar has reached its current heights due to these very funds.

Whose assets is NUG trading, and how?

Many are surprised to know that Myanmar's government-in-exile is trading the country's assets despite having no offices in the capital or in the country's other major cities. The NUG came up with this idea when it began its official fundraising programme. This involved virtual selling of the real estate of leading military generals, including the head of the junta, Min Aung Hlaing. NUG officials, who have acquired the necessary documents, have given buyers the assurance that if the Spring Revolution succeeds, it will hand the properties over to them. The programme was implemented with great enthusiasm and many properties were thus sold. In the process, the guerilla administration earned $150 million.

An incentive for such a programme is that those who are buying these properties are supporting the guerrilla warfare for their own gains. Some mineral resources have already been sold in advance within the framework. But the guerrilla economy is not entirely virtual.

According to various sources, before the launch of Operation 1027 in October last year, the NUG managed to collect taxes from around 38 townships. However, since then, the number of townships from which NUG collects taxes has risen close to 50, according to sources, because of their operational successes.

There have been cases of alleged coercion taking place because of such measures. However, the NUG's financial capacity is still quite weak compared to that of the junta. It can now spend up to $5 million a month on the guerrillas for warfare purposes, but the junta's budget is many times larger. However, for the junta, the financial backing that the guerrillas are getting is a permanent challenge.

The NUG once called for a boycott of about 111 products and organisations of various companies run by the generals, which weakened the junta's financial strength. On December 12, news agency AP published the results of a survey and stated that various cloth manufacturing companies in Myanmar were producing only 60 percent of their capacity.

Meanwhile, the exchange rate reached about 2,100 kyats per US dollar, which was 1,300 kyats before the military coup.

The fall of the kyat's value and the dwindling income of state institutions, as well as the rising value of cryptocurrencies, is good news for the PDF guerrillas, as SDB is enjoying double the benefits.

Recently, as the Tatmadaw's grip on the bordering areas with Bangladesh, India, and Thailand is loosening, the junta's income from inter-country trade has gone down, and continues to go down. Meanwhile, the guerilla groups' income is rising through various types of legal and illegal businesses in these areas. Although the bulk of this money will go to non-Bamar guerrillas, the Bamar-PDF has friendly relations with them. The declining junta control over border trade is also good news for the NUG.

The many faces of contributions


Many may know that lotteries are very popular in Myanmar, and the government itself used to conduct lotteries. Banking on this, since the beginning of the guerilla war, the NUG has also been raising funds by issuing various types of lottery tickets. It is through this initiative, and the need to make lottery payments, that the idea of the digital bank occurred to NUG organisers. Although funds raised from lotteries may not be much, they still help finance the cause and, at the same time, hurt the junta's fundraising efforts. While Naypyidaw rulers are still outmatching the guerillas in terms of ammunition, the latter's ingenuity is chipping away at the junta's armour.

Many local artists are also donating money to the NUG by selling their artworks at open auctions through social media. In addition, in different countries of the world—especially Thailand, Singapore, Australia, and Japan—Myanmar expatriates are organising musical events and selling T-shirts and various cultural products to raise funds. To help in whatever way possible, many even sell homemade noodles at these events. Youngsters, meanwhile, are selling Myanmar-related mobile games to send money back home.

Since Myanmar's guerrilla groups are not listed as "terrorist" organisations in Europe and the US, supporters are facing no problems in raising public funds. The money is not only being used to buy ammunition from the illegal market, but also to run hospitals and educational institutions in the free zones, and even to entice government soldiers to switch sides. Besides the Bamars, the Karens, Kachins, and Rakhines are also raising a lot of money this way. All this is being done to help the guerillas, even if a tiny amount, and fight for the cause.

Translated from Bangla by Shoaib Ahmed Sayam.
Altaf Parvez is a researcher of history and has authored 'Burma: Jatigoto Shonghater Shaat Doshok.'

 

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Civil war in Myanmar: Bangladesh should beef up border security​


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Members of Myanmar's Border Guard Police take shelter at a Border Guard Bangladesh outpost in Ghumdum, Bandarban on February 5, 2024. PHOTO: COLLECTED

Since the Three Brotherhood Alliance—comprising Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Arakan Army (AA), and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)—launched Operation 1027 on October 27, 2023, and took the fight to the despotic ruling military junta, Myanmar is being torn apart by the two unstoppable forces.

While the military is leaving no stones unturned to suppress the resistance fighters—including indiscriminate shelling of occupied civilian townships, cities and villages, resulting in collective punishment and killings of unarmed civilians—the Three Brotherhood Alliance is making short work of routing the junta, capturing strategic regions and towns, including Chin State's Paletwa, northern Shan State and Rakhine State, bordering Bangladesh's Chattogram division in the northwest and the Bay of Bengal to the west.

Bangladesh is already feeling the heat of escalating clashes in the bordering regions, with the sound of gunfights keeping the locals in bordering areas awake at nights. In the last five days, fighting between the Arakan Army and the military junta flared once again. As a result, mortal shells are falling inside the Bangladeshi territory and has caused at least two deaths and multiple injuries. Some 264 members of Myanmar's border and security forces have entered the Bangladesh side illegally to escape fighting, according to Border Guard Bangladesh (as of 3:45 pm Tuesday). Some of them have bullet injuries.

Overall, with civil order rapidly deteriorating in Myanmar, things are not looking good for its three neighbours: China, India and Bangladesh.

The recent violent fighting in Rakhine has created panic among the Bangladeshi population living in the bordering areas in Bandarban's Naikhongchhari upazila. Residents of Tumbru village in the upazila's Ghumdum union are fleeing their homes to escape stray bullets. Academic activities in five primary schools and a madrasa had to be suspended amid the growing security concerns. Vehicular movement has been somewhat restricted and people are being advised to stay indoors.

Bangladesh has done the right thing by engaging with China and asking for its intervention to diffuse the tensions as a key party with influence with the ruling Myanmar junta. But it is high time the country beefed up surveillance and security in the bordering areas with Myanmar.

In response to the growing concerns after Myanmar's border and security force members infiltrated Bangladeshi territory, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal has said that security has been strengthened in the bordering areas with Myanmar and local police and coast guard have also been put on alert. Perhaps the government should also consider keeping the armed forces ready and the navy on heightened alert, should things go beyond control on the other side of the border, while also making sure that they are being cautious in their actions. The parliament is in session; now could be a good time to discuss this national security concern to raise consensus about the potential course of actions in the coming months, if not weeks.

For Bangladesh, the spillover effect of this conflict will be multipronged: national security, socioeconomic, and geopolitical. The border areas with Myanmar, even before the recent wave of conflict, have been vulnerable. The two countries share a 271-kilometre porous border, which has been used by refugees, resistance fighters and smugglers for their own means. In the face of escalations, where Myanmar border guards themselves are fleeing to Bangladesh, others might leverage this vulnerability to smuggle in drugs, arms, people, and even their causes.

The Rohingya camps are already tense with sporadic turf war among gangs. ARSA is reported to have been operating inside the Bangladeshi territory for some years now, adding to the seething tensions in the camps. Yaba pills being smuggled into Bangladesh from Myanmar, for both local sales and cross-border transshipment, is no new information for our intelligence agencies either. These non-state, rogue actors will be on the lookout to make the most of the tensions along the borders to make gains.

At the same time, as Myanmar military shells civilian towns and villages, displacing thousands, there is a high risk of them turning towards Bangladesh for shelter.

Bangladesh is already feeling the pinch of halted trade and commerce with Myanmar—for instance, due to a trade halt at Teknaf land port since November 14 last year, the Bangladesh government is losing about Tk 3 crore each day in revenue alone—while also having to provide for more than a million Rohingya refugees with foreign aid dwindling fast. On top of these existing challenges, a new influx of refugees from Myanmar would add to Bangladesh's economic burdens.

At the same time, the Bangladesh government should proceed with caution in sending back Myanmar's border and security force members and warning the border guards to demonstrate highest restraint, as it should not look like we are taking a side in this conflict of others. So far, Bangladesh has made the right moves, disarming the fleeing security personal and opening communication channels to discuss their return to Myanmar. However, their infiltration is evidence that border surveillance is still not strong in Bangladesh, and should more border police, army personnel or refugees enter Bangladesh, it would become difficult for the country to negotiate the return of so many to Myanmar.
At this point, Bangladesh could consider forming a joint coordination cell with representatives from home, foreign affairs and defence ministries, and national security and foreign policy experts to closely monitor the fast-evolving situation in Rakhine and recommend coordinated measures to protect our national interests.

One the one hand, we need to secure our borders, and on the other, we need to create enough diplomatic pressure on Myanmar military junta to pave the way for inclusive democracy in the war-ravaged country. Only through restoration of democracy and the rights of its people would Myanmar be able to heal from the wounds of decades past. Given China and India are also facing similar challenges, Bangladesh should initiate tripartite discussions on how best to help diffuse the tensions in Myanmar. If this tension is allowed to fester and spill over into other countries unchecked, it will create regional instability and major national security threats for all of Myanmar's neighbours.

While the government is acting calm—and it should be commended on how it has handled the delicate situation so far—it is time we also weighed all possibilities unfolding in the coming weeks and take concerted measures to tackle them.

Tasneem Tayeb is a columnist for The Daily Star. Her X handle is
 

We must pursue multi-track diplomacy with Myanmar​


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Since the very birth of the nation, Myanmar has been dependent on China. Therefore, Chinese influence in Myanmar will remain despite a junta existing. China shares the largest border with the country, is the biggest trading partner and has also been a partner for Myanmar in dire times. We must always remember this context.

Let's come down to the second aspect, which is India. What was India's relation? British India occupied places in Myanmar, in a sense. During that time, it was the Indians who were running Myanmar. Yangon was made by the British. So there were many Indians who lived in Myanmar and were later expelled from the country in the 1950s. The relationship between India and Myanmar has never been that great.

Now let's talk about us. When Pakistan was formed in 1947, Rakhine wanted to come with Pakistan. And they had a leader, who was known as the "Rakhine Jinnah." But Pakistan then declined their request for existent technicalities.
The Tatmadaw's greatest fear is Bangladesh, and the reason is it's a Muslim majority country. They always use refererence of Malaysia, Brunei and Indonesia, that these were countries that did not have a Muslim majority but do now. Bangladesh is overpopulated and will make Myanmar a Muslim majority country. And therefore, the Rohingya are its agents. This is their psyche.

In the present scenario, we have unfortunately failed in our diplomacy. Not just at present, but even earlier. Even after liberation, we haven't done much. Now, what do we do?

In my opinion, by this year, Rakhine will fall. If you look at the map, the areas starting from Paletwa to Mrauk U have been taken over. If you've seen the news, you'll see that the Myanmar authority has demolished two bridges, so that the Arakan Army doesn't come to Sittwe. But as per my estimation, by the end of this year, the whole of Rakhine would be taken over.

So what should Bangladesh do? I think we cannot deal with this situation through a single stream. The biggest mistake in our diplomacy was probably the bilateral approach that we took with Myanmar. Tatmadaw is in a very bad shape because they kept 18,000 troops just for Naypyidaw and Section 144 has been announced. On top of that, they have ordered compulsory military service. So we should also consider a different track for diplomacy, and we must go and try to connect with the people who in future will be calling the shots, which are the NUG and the Arakan Army. Our foreign ministry knows how to best deal with that.

We need to prepare for backup diplomacy with some kind of show of force, otherwise you can't resolve this issue. And we have to work towards making the Arakan Army believe that the Rohingya are their people. They have mentioned in one of their communications that they recognise them as Arakan Muslims, not Rohingya.

Brig Gen (retd) Dr M Sakhawat Hussain is former election commissioner of Bangladesh, and senior fellow at the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance (SIPG), North South University (NSU).
 

Global, regional crises: Experts bat for pragmatic foreign policy​


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Experts yesterday urged Bangladesh to take a pragmatic foreign policy to deal with the challenges, including the worsening situation in Myanmar, in a changing world.

Violent situation prevailing in the eastern part of Myanmar, especially in Rakhine and Chin states bordering Bangladesh, is a big reason to worry, they added.

They said the absence of political consensus in Bangladesh is causing detrimental impact on diplomatic, economic, and geopolitical fronts.

Speaking at a programme in the capital's Brac Centre Inn they also raised concerns about the lack of transparency regarding government negotiations, emphasising the absence of parliamentary discussions on crucial matters such as the Rohingya crisis.

Titled, "Rifts in the Global Order and the Rise of Multipolarity: Counterbalancing Strategies for Bangladesh," South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) organised the programme.

Dr Lailufar Yasmin, professor and chairperson of the Department of International Relations at Dhaka University, chaired the discussion.

Brig Gen (retd) M Shakhawat Hossain, former election commissioner and Senior Fellow at the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance of North South University; Ambassador M Humayun Kabir, president of the Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (BEI); and Dr Imtiaz Ahmed, professor of the Department of International Relations at Dhaka University, took part in the discussion.

Shakhawat said it is still unknown where the ongoing violence in Rakhine will stop. Along with that, the radical nationalism that is developing in India and Myanmar can also threaten the security of Bangladesh.

He also said that the US-led unipolar world order is still in place, which is beginning to crumble.

Shakhawat also said Bangladesh's foreign policy -- friendship to all and malice to none -- is not working right now.

'I am worried about what is happening in our neighbouring country Myanmar. I am especially worried about Myanmar's Chin and Rakhine states. There is instability. We don't know where it will end up," he said

He concluded with a call to action, urging Bangladesh to chart its own path.

Humayun Kabir said changes are now taking place at a rapid pace. He outlined three layers of transformation, starting with the erosion of global norms and order.

Reflecting on past consensus, he noted, "The idea was that the international community should respect sovereignty and the world should enjoy equity."

Addressing the concept of multi-polarity, he questioned, "China wants to become like the US. India wants to become like the US. So where is the multi-polarity everybody is talking about?"

He expressed concerns over diminishing guarantees of sovereignty and privacy, saying, "Sovereignty is no longer a guarantee… privacy is no longer a guarantee. Everybody is being spied on. Where is human sanctity, human dignity?"

Concluding with a note of caution, he urged vigilance in assessing regional developments, stating, "We have to be careful about how our region is evolving."

Dr Ahmed positioned Bangladesh favourably in this multipolar world, stating, "Bangladesh is better placed when it comes to multi-polarity."

He underscored the importance of professionalism and global engagement for Bangladesh's success.

Dr Ahmed emphasised the inevitability of multipolarity, stating, "In no way can we go back to unipolarity."

He urged Bangladesh to enhance its engagement with regional powers like India and China, asserting, "Bangladesh needs to engage with India and China on a much bigger scale."

Dr Lailufar Yasmin noted the emergence of a new assertive Bangladesh on the global stage, prompting the necessity to develop indigenous policies tailored to the country's population.

She advocated for interdisciplinary collaboration to foster the holistic development of Bengalis, highlighting the importance of a multifaceted approach to national growth.

She highlighted the evolving centre of gravity in international politics, noting, "In international politics, the centre of gravity is gradually shifting toward Asia."

She underscored Bangladesh's pivotal role as a gateway to Northeast India.

She said, "When you do not write your own story, another person will write it from their vantage point. That is why we have to write our own story."​
 
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