[🇧🇩] July uprising

[Saif]

Date of Event: Jun 18, 2025

Source : https://thefinancialexpress.com.bd/national/govt-issues-ordinance-to-preserve-history-of-july-uprising Short Summary: Recording history of July uprising

Govt issues ordinance to preserve history of July uprising

Published :
Jun 18, 2025 00:05
Updated :
Jun 18, 2025 00:05

The government has issued an ordinance aimed at preserving the history and ideals of the July 2024 mass uprising and ensuring the welfare and rehabilitation of the families of those killed and injured during the movement.

The ordinance, signed by Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Secretary Hafiz Ahmed Chowdhury, was issued on Tuesday under the authority granted by Article 93(1) of the Constitution, as the Parliament currently stands dissolved, UNB reports.

The ordinance notes that Bangladesh’s Liberation War in 1971 was triggered by the systematic oppression and racial policies of the then-Pakistani regime.

Despite the country’s independence and decades of public struggle, the goals of justice, democracy, and equality remain unfulfilled, it says.

It states that since January 2009, under the “fascist Awami League government,” widespread corruption, nepotism, political repression, forced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and the erosion of democratic rights and institutions have created deep concern among the people.

In this context, the July 2024 student-led anti-discrimination movement transformed into a full-scale public uprising. On August 5, 2024, the then ruling regime was overthrown and forced to flee the country following massive nationwide protests.

The ordinance highlights the sacrifices made during the uprising, including the deaths of thousands of unarmed student protesters and civilians, with many more injured.

It declares that their contribution must be honored and remembered as a proud chapter in the nation’s democratic struggle.

The interim government has pledged to recognise and support the wounded and families of those martyred in the uprising, ensuring their welfare and rehabilitation.

The ordinance was enacted as an urgent measure due to the absence of Parliament and the need for immediate action.​

 

[Saif]

REALISING UPRISING ASPIRATIONS: Differing opinions persist among political parties

With sharp differences in their opinions, political leaders on Saturday underscored the need for unity among parties, fundamental state reforms, and a democratic transition to fulfil the aspirations of the July uprising.

www.newagebd.net

REALISING UPRISING ASPIRATIONS: Differing opinions persist among political parties
Staff Correspondent 22 June, 2025, 00:25

With sharp differences in their opinions, political leaders on Saturday underscored the need for unity among parties, fundamental state reforms, and a democratic transition to fulfil the aspirations of the July uprising.

Speaking at an event marking the 21st anniversary of the Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh at Dhaka Reporters Unity in the capital, leaders from various political parties said that though recent political developments had caused concerns, discussions on reform and the possibility of upcoming elections had revived public hope.

There is now -- despite a history of division and mistrust -- a collective commitment to build a democratic, accountable, and inclusive political system in response to the sacrifices made during the uprising, they observed.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir expressed cautious optimism about the country’s political future, highlighting recent developments as signs of progress towards a democratic transition.

He said that though the events of the past 10 months had created uncertainties, a recent meeting between BNP acting chair Tarique Rahman and interim government chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus had renewed hope.

The two leaders have reached agreements on several issues, raising expectations for a possible election in February, said Fakhrul.

He praised the interim government’s efforts so far, describing their actions as constructive and encouraging.

Fakhrul hoped that all parties involved in the anti-authoritarian movement would support the interim administration in continuing its work.

Regarding political reforms, the BNP secretary general acknowledged both agreement and disagreement on various issues.

He said that the agreed matters would be implemented, while unresolved ones would be discussed and settled in Jatiya Sangsad after the election.

Fakhrul welcomed the forthcoming application of the National Citizen Party to the Election Commission for its registration as a political party.

He voiced very positive expectations from the party’s youth-led leadership, noting their active role and sacrifices during the July uprising.

Nagarik Oikya president Mahmudur Rahman Manna called for a renewed commitment to democratic principles, stressing the central role of elections, political unity, and responsible leadership in shaping a new Bangladesh based on public welfare.

‘There is no alternative to elections for Bangladesh to progress,’ he affirmed.

He acknowledged the prevailing fragmentation in the political landscape, citing internal conflicts and confusion about political alliances and adversaries.

‘It is now hard even to understand who the enemy is in politics,’ Manna observed, urging everyone to pursue unity and collective progress despite ideological differences.

Rejecting the notion of politics as an emotional or reactionary pursuit, Manna likened it to an art form that demands skill, strategy, and vision.

BNP standing committee member Iqbal Hassan Mahmud Tuku, too, stressed the importance of maintaining unity among all the political parties that had come together to bring an end to the authoritarian rule of Sheikh Hasina.

He went on to express his conviction that no future government in Bangladesh could act arbitrarily and that continued collective efforts would be necessary to prevent further national crises.

Indicating Shikh Mujibur Rahman, Tuku lamented that the post-independence government, led by the leader who came to power after independence, had broken the dreams of the people by failing to uphold the democratic ideals for which the youth and the ordinary people — such as farmers, labourers, blacksmiths, and potters — had sacrificed their lives.

National Citizen Party joint convener Ariful Islam Adib said that while a complete ideological alignment among all political parties might be uncommon, a unified national platform was essential to steer the country through the current period and prevent repeated political instability.

To uphold the principles underlying the July uprising, there is no alternative to holding a constituent assembly election, which will provide the foundational direction of the state to reflect the views of all political parties and the general public, Ariful asserted.

A national referendum is a crucial tool to directly engage citizens in major decisions and thus legitimise a new political framework, he emphasised.

Ariful further said that the aspirations behind the uprising — expressed by the sacrifices of thousands of students, workers, and ordinary citizens — should not be defined solely by political parties.

He voiced concerns about how the voices of the public, youth, and students, who played a pivotal role in recent movements, should be meaningfully incorporated into future state-building efforts.

He advocated for the inclusion of all stakeholders in the decision-making processes, unlike along conventional party lines.

Referring to the London meeting, Ariful cautioned against any attempt by the chief adviser to be influenced by a single political force, especially in relation to setting the next election date.

Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh general secretary Saiful Haque presided over the event, while BNP chair’s adviser Md Abdus Salam, Socialist Party of Bangladesh general secretary Khalequzzaman, and Ganosamhati Andolan chief coordinator Zonayed Saki, among others, spoke.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising: Give priority to circumstantial evidence in trials

Attorney General Md Asaduzzaman yesterday urged judges to set a new precedent in criminal jurisprudence by prioritising circumstantial evidence in trials of July uprising-related murder cases, especially in the absence of autopsy reports.

www.thedailystar.net

July uprising: Give priority to circumstantial evidence in trials
AG urges judges

Md Asaduzzaman

Attorney General Md Asaduzzaman yesterday urged judges to set a new precedent in criminal jurisprudence by prioritising circumstantial evidence in trials of July uprising-related murder cases, especially in the absence of autopsy reports.

"During the July revolution, around two thousand people were killed and over twenty thousand injured or disabled. Due to interference from the fascist regime, post-mortems could not be conducted for most victims," said the attorney general.

He was addressing a seminar titled "Judicial Independence and Efficiency" organised by the Supreme Court at Hotel InterContinental in Dhaka.

Asaduzzaman noted that the absence of autopsy reports could complicate the trial of many such cases. "If we follow the strict rule requiring post-mortems, martyrs like Shaheed Abu Sayed or Shaheed Mir Mahfuzur Rahman Mugdho may never get justice."

He emphasised that judges should allow credible circumstantial evidence if it can be shown that post-mortems were not possible due to deliberate obstruction by a repressive regime.

"This approach can open a new chapter in our criminal justice system. We are not without precedent. In the Mukim Gazi case [51 DLR (AD) (1999) 120], our High Court ruled that in an arms case, the burden shifted to the accused to disprove official testimony," he added.

The attorney general also criticised the judiciary's past vulnerability to both financial and intellectual corruption, particularly during what he termed the last 15 years of fascist rule.

"While some judges have faced disciplinary action for financial corruption, intellectual corruption has gone largely undiscussed -- harming the nation gravely. A prime example is the verdict in the Thirteenth Amendment case…"

He cited reports stating that under the previous regime, around 700 people were forcibly disappeared, over 4,500 were killed extrajudicially, and more than six million faced political persecution.

"In contrast, in the ten months since the July uprising, no enforced disappearance has been reported by any human rights body," said Asaduzzaman.​

 

[Saif]

Govt takes month-long programme to commemorate July uprising

The Interim government has undertaken a month-long programme from 1 July to 5 August to mark the first anniversary of the July mass uprising.

en.prothomalo.com

Govt takes month-long programme to commemorate July uprising

BSS Dhaka
Published: 24 Jun 2025, 20: 02

The Interim government has undertaken a month-long programme to mark the first anniversary of the July mass uprising.

The details of this special programme were announced in a statement issued by the Chief Advisor's Press Wing on Tuesday.

At a press conference on 19 June, Cultural Affairs Adviser Mostofa Sarwar Farooki said a special programme has been taken to commemorate the mass uprising.

He said the programme will begin on 1 July but the main event will start on 14 July and it will continue till 5 August.

The cultural affairs adviser said the main purpose of the programme is to bring back the feeling that united the whole of Bangladesh in July.

The programme details are given below:

1 July
On this day, doa and prayers will be offered in mosques, temples, pagodas and churches, including other places of worship, in memory of the martyrs. July calendar will be announced. A mass signature campaign will be launched demanding justice for the murderers of the July massacre; which will continue till 1 August. National University scholarships will be launched in memory of the July martyrs.

5 July

A nationwide postering campaign will be launched on 5 July to inform people of how oppression and repression the ousted illegal Awami government carried out at different times.

7 July

A website called Julyforever.org will be launched on 7 July.

14 July 'Mora Jhanjar Moto Uddam'

Video of 14 July will be shared and testimony of a martyr's family will be taken; which will continue until July 36. This day has been mentioned as the July Women's Day. On this day, a July martyr memorial will be established in every district. Shilpakala Academy will screen July videos in 64 districts and every university in the country. Documentary screening, projection mapping and July songs will be arranged at TSC. Drone show will be exhibited.

06 Aug 2024

Victory for students and the people, exodus for Sheikh Hasina

15 July 'Ami Chitkar Koria Kaditea Chahiya'

15 July videos will be shared. July remembrance and documentary screening and July songs will be arranged. LED wall installation will be held at Dhaka University. Projection mapping and documentary screening will be organised at various universities.

16 July 'Katha Ka'

16 July videos will be shared. Shilpakala Academy will screen 'VR shows' in three divisional cities. Shaheed Abu Sayeed memorial programme will be held at Rangpur Begum Rokeya University. July songs and drone show will be exhibited in Chattogram.

17 July 'Shikal-pora Chhol'

17 July videos will be shared. Symbolic coffin procession will be held. 'July remembrance' programmes will be arranged at public universities in the country. 17 July experience narration programme will be held by teachers of various private and public universities. Documentary exhibition of teachers will be exhibited in different universities of the country.

18 July 'Awaaz Uda'

18 July videos will be shared. One-minute symbolic internet blackout, July songs, documentary screening and drone show, and 'July remembrance' programme will be arranged at different private universities of Dhaka. Traction show and marathon will be held.

19 July 'Koto Biplabi Bandhur Rokhtea Ranga'

19 July videos will be shared. Rallies will be held in Narsingdi and Savar remembering martyrs. July documentary screening will be held at important places across the country including Dhaka. This day has been mentioned as the day of resistance of genocide.

20 July 'Deshta Tomar Baper Naki?'

20 July remembrance videos will be shared. July documentary screening will be organised at important places across the country including Dhaka. Rally in memory of martyrs will be held in Basila, Mirpur 10.

21 July 'Rakhto Gorom Matha Danda'

Videos will be shared commemorating July 21. Screening of July documentary will be held at important places across the country including Dhaka. Events commemorating July will be held in all madrasas initiated by the Madrasa Education Board. A rally in memory of martyrs will be held in Jatrabari.

22 July 'Abhas'

Videos will be shared commemorating 22 July. 'Adomya-24' memorial monument will be inaugurated in Jahangirnagar. Poets will recite July poems in front of Raju sculpture.

23 July 'Karar Oi Lowha Kapat'

Videos will be shared commemorating 23 July. An event will be arranged connecting remittance warriors. Global Solidarity: Online and offline events will be held with foreign social media influencers who played a positive role in the July movement. Exhibition of some selected July photos and documentaries will be arranged at embassies. Graffiti drawing programme and July graffiti exhibition will be organised.

24 July 'Ki Korchea Tomar Baba'

On this day, various programmes will be taken, including video sharing of July 24, nationwide programme in memory of child martyrs, 'Graffiti and painting in the colors of 24' competition in secondary and higher secondary schools nationwide, programme in memory of child martyr Riya Gope in Narayanganj, programme remembering child martyrs, July documentary exhibition and song, installation of an iconic sculpture with the theme of July child martyrs at Shishu Academy and publication of a graphic novel based on the July movement for children.

This day has been organised in memory of child martyrs.

25 July 'Cholo Bholea Jai'

Videos of 25 July will be shared. Revolution on stage: Small theater stages will be prepared in different parts of the country to show plays.

26 July 'Palashiri Prantar'

Videos of 26 July will be shared. Gatherings and programmes of various student organisations will be held at Suhrawardy Udyan. Documentary on the role of madrasas will be exhibited. July rap song programme will be arranged. Book fair featuring books on July will be held at Bangla Academy.​

 

[Saif]

August 5 to be observed as 'July Mass Uprising Day'

The government has declared the August 5 as July 'Mass Uprising Day'. It has been decided to include the date as a 'Ka' category day in the observance of national and international days to be observed as the 'July Mass Uprising Day' every year, BSS reports. All concerned ministries, departm

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

August 5 to be observed as 'July Mass Uprising Day'

Published :
Jun 25, 2025 23:25
Updated :
Jun 25, 2025 23:25

The government has declared the August 5 as July 'Mass Uprising Day'.

It has been decided to include the date as a 'Ka' category day in the observance of national and international days to be observed as the 'July Mass Uprising Day' every year, BSS reports.

All concerned ministries, departments and organizations have been asked to properly implement it.

Cabinet Division today issued a circular to this end.​

 

[Saif]

July Uprising: District committees formed to implement programmes

The government has formed a 35-member committee in each district, headed by the deputy commissioner, to implement the official programmes marking the student-led mass uprising.

www.thedailystar.net

July Uprising: District committees formed to implement programmes

The government has formed a 35-member committee in each district, headed by the deputy commissioner, to implement the official programmes marking the student-led mass uprising.

The committees, titled "District-Level Implementation Committee for the Observance of Mass Uprising Days of Students and People," include top officials from almost all government and non-government sectors in the respective districts.

A circular in this regard was issued on Thursday by the Cabinet Division.

Among others, the members of the committee will include the district civil surgeon, superintendent of police, president of the district press club, president of the district bar association, president of the district chamber of commerce and industries, principals of government and non-government colleges, chief executive officer of the district council, and heads of almost all government offices at the district level.

The committees may expand their membership beyond 35 if deemed necessary.

Earlier, the government formed a 36-member national executive committee to oversee the observance of the mass uprising. The committee is headed by Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus.

The district committees are expected to implement the plans and programmes formulated by the national executive committee to observe the July mass uprising days across the country from July 1 to August 5.

They are also expected to provide recommendations to the executive committee regarding the local context. The committees are set to carry out any responsibilities assigned by the executive committee.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising anniversary: Jamaat announces programmes till 8 Aug

The party will host discussions initiated by journalists, teachers, doctors, lawyers, engineers, and Islamic scholars from August 6 to 8.

en.prothomalo.com

July uprising anniversary: Jamaat announces programmes till 8 Aug

Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 28 Jun 2025, 17: 49

Logo of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami will observe a various programmes, including discussions, seminars, doa mahfil and mass processions, throughout the month of July and until 8 August to observe the first anniversary of the July mass uprising.

Jamaat secretary general Mia Golam Parwar announced these programmes at a press conference at the party’s central office in the capital’s Moghbazar on Saturday afternoon.

The party said its programmes will begin on 1 July with offering doa at the party units across the country for those who were martyred, injured, or maimed in the mass uprising. Food will be distributed among the poor, destitute, helpless, and orphans from 2 to 4 July. Jamaat leaders and activists will visit the families of the martyrs and the injured from 8 to 15 July to exchange views and offer doa.

The party will hold discussions and doa mahfils in Rangpur on 16 July to remember martyred Abu Sayeed. On July 19, Jamaat ameer will join a national rally at Suhrawardy Udyan, as well as various programmers organised by the families of the martyrs. Seminars and symposiums will be held from 20 to 24 July, followed by documentary screenings and cultural programs from 25 to 28 July. Discussions will be held by women and female students on 29 and 30 July.

Jamaat will hold a national seminar on 1 August where the English and Arabic versions of the martyr memorial will be unveiled. A photography exhibition will be organised by students from 1 to 3 August. Jamaat will participate in mass processions nationally and locally in state programmes on 5 August.

The party will host discussions initiated by journalists, teachers, doctors, lawyers, engineers, and Islamic scholars from 6 to 8 August.​

 

[Saif]

July mass uprising and the message that it delivered

The July mass uprising marked the emergence of a brilliant new generation in Bangladesh. Their political consciousness was forged in the crucible of struggle

en.prothomalo.com

July mass uprising and the message that it delivered
Sajjad Sharif
Published: 01 Jul 2025, 14: 58

Protestors cover the walls with expressive graffiti during the July movement. The walls of the capital city are still covered with the graffiti. It remains us of these glorious days of the July uprising. Monday afternoon at Dhaka University Zahidul Karim

It has been a full year since the July mass uprising, a year rife with poignant memories and expectations, and all sorts of uncertainties. The uprising witnessed an extraordinary and daring unity of people across the country, a unit that overthrew the long, one-and-a-half decade of Sheikh Hasina's autocratic rule.

The uprising began with a movement against the unjust quota system in government jobs, led by young students. In response, the prime minister at the time Sheikh Hasina, and her government, tried to suppress the movement with increasing brutality. When the government unleashed indiscriminate killings on innocent protesters through police and party-backed goons, the repression reached a level of extreme ruthlessness. The people could not accept the unrestrained killing of the nation’s youth. People came out onto the streets in large numbers, defying fear of death, and forced Sheikh Hasina to flee from the country.

The movement: Inside and out

The long autocratic rule of the Awami League set the stage for the mass uprising. Through three consecutive controlled and one-sided elections in 2014, 2018 and 2024, Sheikh Hasina gradually centralised power in her own hands. By establishing exclusive control over state institutions, she effectively shut down all forms of dissent and opposition activities. With extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, fabricated cases, and all sorts of repression, the country saw a reign of terror. Expression of dissent became a crime, the media came under unprecedented attacks, and the judiciary was shackled by political control.

Although the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), one of the country’s major political forces, launched various political programmes from time to time, the government suppressed them through force and cunning strategies. The ruling party brutally persecuted BNP activists and suppressed their movements. Over the one and a half decades of Awami League rule, they endured immense repression. Activists of other political parties opposed to Awami League were similarly repressed.

The anti-quota movement emerged within this political vacuum. Its roots can be traced to earlier movements, such as the school students’ movement for safe roads and university students’ protests against VAT. These movements, which had strong public support, were led by young students often labeled as the “apolitical generation.” They sparked a spirit of resistance among the public against the Hasina government, culminating in the July mass uprising. Signs of a new, emergent politics were already visible in these movements, a politics the old order failed to recognise.

Despite government obstacles and repression in July-August last year, student leaders kept the movement alive with innovative programmes, engaging the public and transforming it into a mass protest. On 1 July, the movement was formally named the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. The term "anti-discrimination" deeply resonated with the sentiments of the people who were enraged at the government. On 16 July when student leader Abu Sayeed was martyred by police gunfire in Rangpur, people began to flood the streets.

From that point on, despite the government’s continued brutal crackdown, the tide of public resistance could no longer be contained. Sheikh Hasina deployed the entire state machinery against her own citizens. In the final stages, she even attempted to use the military in her campaign of repression. The military’s refusal to follow her order marked a pivotal turning point in the movement. Ultimately, Hasina was forced to flee the country.

Aspirations of a mass uprising

The July-August mass uprising did not emerge with any political blueprint or vision for the state. But when hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets and joined the students, the movement transformed into a political uprising. It took on a clearly political character when a single-point demand was announced: the resignation of the prime minister Sheikh Hasina. Citizens of all walks of life and affiliations rose up as a unified political force. The government had already closed the path to peaceful transfer of power through elections. With no other option, the people asserted their sovereign will and brought down the regime.

Though the movement had no formal state vision, the mass uprising itself gave birth to towering public aspirations. These aspirations surged visibly along at least three distinct lines:

First, the movement brought together school students, college and university students, madrasa students, teachers, women, workers, professionals, people from all walks of life. Political parties and their supporters from across the spectrum - left, right, and center - joined in. Women, workers, and religious and ethnic minorities - groups often marginalised in society - participated in the movement. Women played a key role in sustaining the movement at every level. In outskirts of the capital, workers held their ground on the streets, even sacrificing their lives.

Their collective expectation was that, along with the fall of the Awami League, the systemic discrimination and deprivation they had suffered would also end. In the final days of the uprising and shortly afterward, vivid expressions of the people’s diverse desires were seen in graffiti covering walls across the country.

Second, many of the student leaders who sparked the movement came from reading circles and university-based cultural spaces. Their minds had been shaped by contemporary global and local schools of thought. Through their study and debate on philosophy, history, and culture, they developed new political imaginations. Their writings, interviews, speeches, and statements reflected this intellectual grounding. The mass uprising gave them an unprecedented opportunity to begin realising their vision of the state.

Third, in the first few months following the uprising, the country witnessed a wave of public discussions and seminars. These forums brought together youth and elders, activists and experts, professionals and public intellectuals, to engage in deep conversations about the state, politics, and the economy. Through media coverage, these dialogues connected with broader civil society. A particularly significant phase of this discourse is still ongoing, spearheaded by the consensus commission formed by the government, chaired by Muhammad Yunus and co-chaired by Ali Riaz. Political parties are now actively exchanging ideas there about comprehensive state reform.

Although the collective aspiration for democratic transformation of the state did not manifest in a single, unified form, the underlying goal was shared, and came to be known popularly as state reform. Broadly speaking, the key agenda items included: drafting a new constitution or democratically amending the current one; decentralisation of power; restructuring the electoral system; establishing citizens' dignity and rights; institutional reforms of state bodies; fostering religious and ethnic harmony; and eliminating gender-based discrimination.

Bangladesh cannot return to the time before 5 August. The July mass-uprising reminded the nation of the enduring power of its own history. No matter how powerful a ruler may be, when the people stand united as a sovereign political force and exercise their collective will

A year of ups and downs

The euphoria that erupted among the people after the mass uprising, and the dream many held of a radically transformed progressive state, gradually began to fade in the face of subsequent developments. After the fall of the Awami League government, the administrative and institutional structures built along partisan lines became almost dysfunctional. The police force, which had fired upon protesters under state orders, lost its morale. With a broken administrative apparatus, it became difficult for the interim government, led by Professor Muhammad Yunus, to maintain control over the state.

In this vacuum, crime, chaos, and violence gave rise to widespread social disorder. Attempts to establish dominance by conservative ideologies and moral policing gained ground. Shrines, temples, and religious sites were attacked; cultural events like jatra (traditional theatre), performances, and film screenings faced disruption. Under growing ideological pressure, threats, and public humiliation, the space for vital participants in the movement - women, workers, and religious and ethnic minorities - began to shrink.

Murder cases came flooding in under various labels. Instigation, violence, road blockades for justified and unjustified demands, coordinated attacks, arbitrary detentions and arrests, the demolition of the house on Dhanmondi 32 in response to a series of inflammatory phone calls allegedly linked to Sheikh Hasina, debates over a humanitarian corridor in Myanmar, and the controversial decision to hand over management of Chattogram port to a foreign company, all fueled a volatile political climate throughout the year.

In this charged environment, various undemocratic forces sought to establish themselves through coordinated violence and mob attacks. While the interim government did take some commendable steps like signing international treaties against enforced disappearances, opening up secret detention centers, and allowing the media to function more freely, it failed to act decisively in many critical areas. In several major incidents, it simply issued statements instead of taking action, sending confusing signals to the public.

The government began to rely again on the old bureaucratic model. Its detachment, indecision, and lack of direction in widely discussed incidents drew criticism from citizens.

Tensions around reforms and elections

The most contentious conflict arose over the question of elections and reforms. The interim government had announced two possible election timelines: December 2025 for limited reforms, and June 2026 for more extensive ones. On 28 February this year, the student-led National Citizens' Party founded under the leadership of Nahid Islam, demanded thorough state reforms before any election. BNP took a firm opposing stance, calling for elections by December 2025 after minimal reforms.

In various interviews and statements, most notably on May 21, the army chief Wakar-uz-Zaman also said that elections should be held by December 2025. These conflicting positions created a political deadlock.
On May 23, news broke that Muhammad Yunus was considering resigning from his role as Chief Adviser. The deadlock finally ended on June 13, following a private meeting in London between Yunus and BNP’s acting chairman Tarique Rahman. A new national election date was set for the first half of February next year.

Rifts in unity

In reality, disagreements between the different factions trying to assert control over the legacy of the mass uprising fractured the unity among citizens. Rifts soon emerged. BNP, NCP, Jamaat-e-Islami and various leftist parties all adhered to their respective positions. This fragmentation, following a successful mass uprising, became one of the most unfortunate developments. The rapid disintegration of citizen unity brought the soaring hopes of the uprising crashing down to earth.

On 29 June, Ali Riaz, co-chair of the national consensus commission, also expressed concern, saying that no agreement on reforms was likely to be reached soon.

In this broader context, many who had actively participated in the uprising found themselves pushed to the margins, some withdrew, while others sought to realign themselves within new polarisations of the old way of things.

Who will have the last word?

All said and done, Bangladesh cannot return to the time before 5 August. The July mass-uprising reminded the nation of the enduring power of its own history. No matter how powerful a ruler may be, when the people stand united as a sovereign political force and exercise their collective will, they can change the course of history as they did in 1952, 1969, 1971, and 1990. The July uprising has made it clear that the people are the true owners and guardians of the state.

The message was not only for the people but also for those in power: however ruthless and absolute the authority of a dictator may seem, in the face of a public uprising, they can be swept away like straw in a flood.
Above all, the July mass uprising marked the emergence of a brilliant new generation in Bangladesh. Their coming-of-age took place by crossing valleys soaked in blood; their political consciousness was forged in the crucible of struggle, within the framework of a new vision for the state. The future of Bangladesh lies in their hands. The July uprising will return again and again, not just as a tale of downfall, but as a reminder of immense possibilities.

* Sajjad Sharif is executive editor of Prothom Alo​

 

[Saif]

Yunus urges all to resist dictatorship resurgence

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Tuesday urged people to resist any resurgence of dictatorship in the country, emphasising that history testified that when the people wake up, no force can resist them...

www.newagebd.net

Yunus urges all to resist dictatorship resurgence
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 01 July, 2025, 17:49

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus inaugurates a month-long programme on Tuesday to commemorating the July Uprising.

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Tuesday urged people to resist any resurgence of dictatorship in the country, emphasising that history testified that when the people wake up, no force can resist them.

He also urged the people to observe the July Uprising every year to resist re-emergence of autocracy.

‘We will observe this [July Uprising] every year so that we do not have to wait 16 years for another uprising again. We will do this every year so that we can destroy it immediately if there is any sign of dictatorship,’ Yunus said while inaugurating a month-long programme at his office in Dhaka’s Tejgaon, commemorating the July Uprising.

The chief adviser said that a year ago, in the July, the movement that the students started gave the people a taste of freedom by creating an unprecedented mass uprising. The July was an unforgettable call, an awakening of the people in the struggle to restore democracy in the country.

Professor Yunus said that the essence of that movement was - ‘Build a new Bangladesh by eliminating fascism, return the state to the hands of the people’.Bangladesh-themed souvenirs

‘Today, we have taken up the programme to commemorate the July Uprising. This is not just a matter of emotion, it is not a matter of expressing anger,’ he said.

The immediate target of the mass uprising was fulfilled but there was a great dream behind it – to reconstruct a new state system and build a new Bangladesh, he opined.

In his speech, Yunus remembered with deep respect all those who took to the streets and held the flag of democracy high, and became the symbols of courage, sacrifice and determination during the uprising.

He said that the month-long programme beginning Tuesday was not just a remembrance, but a new oath. ‘We want the unity that was created among people of all classes, professions and ages of this country in July last year to be consolidated again this July.’

The chief adviser said that the main goal of the programme was to make the people aware of their democratic rights, demand political accountability, and not to miss the opportunity for reforms obtained at the cost of blood.Bangladesh-themed souvenirs

‘The path ahead of us is very difficult, but there is also great potential. History testifies that when the people wake up, no force can resist them,’ Yunus said.

With that belief, the chief adviser called upon all to make the July, month of mass awakening and unity.

Through the programme, throughout the month of July-August, he said that they would revive every day of the last year for which the young students, commoners, rickshaw pullers, and workers were martyred and injured, and they would take a new oath to implement that goal.

Yunus inaugurated the month-long programme to commemorate the July Uprising and wished the programme a success. On the occasion, he unveiled the QR code of the programme. He also handed over scholarship cheques to three National University students.

Cultural affairs adviser Mostofa Sarwar Farooki and education adviser CR Abrar also spoke.​

 

[Saif]

Govt moves to recognise Rohingya youth’s role in July uprising

The government is moving to formally recognise Rohingya youth Noor Mostafa for his role in the July 2024 uprising. Information Adviser Mahfuj Alam revealed the move in a Facebook post on Wednesday, which was later shared by the Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary, Shafiqul Alam. According to th

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Govt moves to recognise Rohingya youth’s role in July uprising

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jul 02, 2025 19:28
Updated :
Jul 02, 2025 19:28

The government is moving to formally recognise Rohingya youth Noor Mostafa for his role in the July 2024 uprising.

Information Adviser Mahfuj Alam revealed the move in a Facebook post on Wednesday, which was later shared by the Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary, Shafiqul Alam.

According to the post, Mahfuj Alam presented the recognition proposal at a cabinet meeting held on 22 June.

The Department of Mass Uprising is currently processing the recognition, and an official notification is expected soon.

In his post, Mahfuj Alam concluded: “July belongs to everyone.”​

 

[Saif]

July 2, 2024: Protesters brave rain, warning

Defying rain, warnings, exhaustion, anti-quota protests gained momentum

www.thedailystar.net

The July that rocked Bangladesh
July 2, 2024: Protesters brave rain, warning

Students block the Shahbagh intersection on July 2, 2024, demanding the reinstatement of the 2018 government circular that abolished the quota system in civil service recruitment and the introduction of a merit-based system. FILE PHOTO
Defying rain, warnings, and exhaustion, the anti-quota protests gained momentum for the second consecutive day as hundreds of students and job seekers poured into the streets of Dhaka on July 2. Carrying the energy of the previous day's mobilisation, demonstrators continued their demand to reinstate the 2018 circular that had abolished quotas in government jobs -- a circular recently nullified by a High Court verdict.

The day's protests were part of a three-day nationwide programme declared a day earlier by the Boishomybirodhi Chhatra Andolon (Students Against Discrimination), which was spearheading the agitation. The programme began around 2:45pm with a large rally from the Dhaka University Library premises. The procession moved through Nilkhet, Science Laboratory, and Bata Signal, finally arriving at Shahbagh intersection.

There, demonstrators occupied the streets, blocking traffic and chanting slogans such as "Quota na medha, medha medha" (Merit, not quota) and "Boishomyer biruddhe, direct action" (Direct action against discrimination). By the time they reached Shahbagh, a heavy police presence had already taken position. Students, undeterred, shouted "Bhua bhua" (fake, fake) at the law enforcement agency. No clash occurred, and the police eventually stepped aside.

"This movement is not just about students or job seekers -- it's about the kind of state we want to build," said Nahid Islam, coordinator of the movement, addressing the gathering. "The spirit of the Liberation War is not a hereditary privilege; it is a national ideal. We, the youth, are upholding that spirit by standing against discrimination."

He announced that the protests would continue the next day with a sit-in at 2:30pm in front of the Dhaka University library and urged students across all universities and colleges in the country to join the movement simultaneously under a united banner.

For nearly an hour, the protesters held their ground at Shahbagh before lifting the blockade around 4:45 pm. From there, they marched towards the vice chancellor's residence of Dhaka University, where they demanded the reopening of the university library, which had remained shut for two days. Teachers, officials, and staffers of public universities have been abstaining from work since July 1 in protest against the government's Universal Pension Scheme, prolonging the stalemate in the activities of higher educational institutions across the country.

While Dhaka University became the epicentre of the day's protests, similar demonstrations unfolded across other campuses as well. At Jahangirnagar University, a group of students blocked the Dhaka-Aricha highway around 3:00pm, demanding the cancellation of the reinstated quota system along with three other demands. The blockade lasted for about 20 minutes and resulted in a two-kilometre traffic snarl in both directions. Earlier, the students had held a protest rally from the base of the Shangshaptak sculpture near the university's central library.

The protesters had also announced plans to enforce a two-hour highway blockade again on July 3, from 3:00pm to 5:00pm—further intensifying the spread of the movement beyond the capital.

Students from Barishal University, Jagannath University, Chittagong University, and Islamic University in Kushtia also organised processions and rallies, occupying campus roads and entry points.

Earlier in the day, around 10:30am, members of the pro-government organisation Bangladesh Muktijoddha Sontan Sangsad gathered in front of the Raju Sculpture at Dhaka University, opposing the anti-quota protests and advocating for the preservation of the 30 percent quota for children of freedom fighters.

By its second day, the anti-quota protest showed no signs of slowing down. With swelling participation, coordinated action, and a powerful moral claim, the movement was rapidly transforming into a nationwide youth uprising -- challenging not just a single policy but the deeply rooted structures of privilege and inequality.​

 

[Saif]

First phase of July Uprising was ‘meticulously designed’, says Advisor Mahfuj

Information Advisor Mahfuj Alam has described the initial phase of the July Uprising as a “meticulous design”, crediting it for preparing the ground that ultimately led to the fall of the Awami League government. He has also firmly denied that the Uprising had any connect

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First phase of July Uprising was ‘meticulously designed’, says Advisor Mahfuj

bdnews24.com
Published :
Jul 05, 2025 00:06
Updated :
Jul 05, 2025 00:07

Information Advisor Mahfuj Alam has described the initial phase of the July Uprising as a “meticulous design”, crediting it for preparing the ground that ultimately led to the fall of the Awami League government.

He has also firmly denied that the Uprising had any connection to “mob violence” across the country.

In a pair of Facebook posts over the past 24 hours, Mahfuj has re-entered the political conversation after remaining largely silent since facing backlash two months ago for urging Jamaat-e-Islami to apologise for its alleged role in the 1971 Liberation War.

His new posts, one on the design of the uprising and another on “mob violence”, have each drawn several hundreds shares, though the comment sections remain locked.

Mahfuj has drawn a sharp line between the planned political groundwork and the mass uprising that followed.

He explained the July Uprising unfolded in two phases: between Jun 5 and Jul 18, a foundation was built for leadership and mobilisation; from Jul 19 to Aug 5, students and citizens across the country took charge of the movement.

The first phase, he said, was “strategically” crafted, while the second phase was shaped by the sacrifice and participation of revolutionary students.

‘WHAT’S THE ISSUE WITH METICULOUS DESIGN?’

In a speech delivered in the United States last year, Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus described the July quota reform protests as “meticulously designed” -- a remark that has since been repeatedly used by fugitive leaders of the now-banned Awami League as evidence of conspiracy behind the Uprising that led to the end of the party’s 15-year rule.

In his post, Mahfuj defended the idea of strategic planning, arguing that many of Bangladesh’s most defining struggles were “not spontaneous but carefully designed”.

He pointed to the Agartala Conspiracy, the 1969 mass uprising, and the March 1971 non-cooperation movement as precedents.

“What’s wrong if the 2024 Uprising was also meticulously designed?” he asked. “No revolution in the world has ever succeeded without a plan. People need strategic guidance and political clarity until the conditions are ripe.

“Once that’s achieved, they move on their own -- but that doesn’t mean the design was unnecessary.”

The advisor argued that a well-planned people’s movement should be “a source of pride”.

“If Serajul Alam Khan, Tajuddin Ahmad, Siraj Sikder, Bhashani -- even Sheikh Mujib himself -- didn’t feel guilty for being part of strategic efforts to defeat Pakistan, and we honour them despite their flaws, why shouldn’t this generation be proud of removing Hasina through a well-planned uprising?”

Mahfuj also rejected claims of foreign involvement.

Apart from a statement by the UN before the one-point declaration on Aug 3, 2024, he said there was “not a shred” of influence or coordination from foreign powers or the military.

He added, “If Sheikh Mujib and others deserve respect for coordinating with India in Agartala to launch the war of independence -- and they do -- then why are the Uprising’s leaders and participants being criticised when no such foreign or third-party involvement existed?”

“Look at the series of events from Maulana Bhasani’s 1968 gherao movement to the 1969 uprising, or March 1971--you will find examples of both meticulous design and spontaneous rebellion,” Mahfuj wrote.

Attempts to contact Mahfuj were unsuccessful.

‘REVOLUTIONARY STUDENTS AREN’T A MOB’

Turning to the wave of violence that followed the Uprising, Mahfuj drew a sharp contrast.

“A mob,” he wrote, “is an opportunistic group driven by vengeance, with no political vision or purpose.”

By contrast, he said the July student protesters had a defined mission, deep respect for democracy and human rights, and a historic role in shaping the country’s future.

He described mob violence as “a form of social fascism”, which, he argued, was a direct product of 16 years of “political fascism” under Sheikh Hasina.

“Unless we understand this connection,” he said, “we won’t be able to confront ‘mob mentality’ and ‘social fascism’.”

Labelling groups as “Islamofascists” would not solve the issue either, he warned.

Instead, he pointed to July’s ability to open space for dialogue across ideological lines and urged that this momentum be used to tackle the real roots of social fascism: the collapse of democracy and the rule of law under Hasina.

He complained that even though July's student protesters were not part of any violence, they have been unfairly blamed for later incidents of “mob violence”.

“If a mob had emerged after July, we wouldn’t have seen so much civility or this flood of apologetic narratives,” Mahfuj wrote.

Citing past examples of mob violence, Mahfuj listed the attacks on the Bihari community, on anti-Mujib young freedom fighters, and on religious minorities -- often with alleged backing from major political parties.

“If you stretch the definition of a ‘mob’,” he wrote, “you’d have to include the ‘people’s court’, the ‘people’s stage’ of ’96, Oct 28, and even Shahbagh -- all examples of ‘mob justice’ and ‘mob violence’.”

As an advisor, he said the state’s duty was to uphold the rule of law. That was why he had spoken out several times about the dangers of mob action -- from attacks on shrines to incidents at book fairs.

He criticised political leaders who are now trying to paint the July Uprising as “a mob movement”.

“It’s alarming that Mujibist leftists and the Awami League’s cultural thugs are now portraying the July revolution as mob violence and linking it to the law and order situation that followed.”

“If this was really mob rule,” he added, “the student revolutionaries wouldn’t have kept the country safe for one and a half months without police or Ansar.”

He brushed off the account of saving Obaidul Quader during the uprising as a “scripted fabrication”.

“The scriptwriters assumed it would be believable because the revolutionary students were not vengeful.”

He urged supporters to remain lawful but also prepare for political resistance.

“If laws are violated, or if communal or political violence occurs, take legal action. The student masses of the July uprising must act responsibly in upholding the rule of law.

“But in facing Mujibism and imperialism, you must also build resistance with your utmost effort,” he added.​

 

[Saif]

A year since the mass uprising: Not wanting what we get

Politicians have taught us that if we listen to them and follow their path, we’ll reach the shores of happiness. And so we walk, roam and run, but the road never ends. Happiness never arrives. Leaders present one manifesto after another, with such attractive names. They promise that we’ll reach...

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A year since the mass uprising: Not wanting what we get
When we look at the bigger picture, one year is nothing in the life of a nation. But we’re not starting from zero. Elections have been held in this country since 1919. Several political parties are over a hundred years old. Have we learned anything from that history? Or do we start all over again every five years?

Mohiuddin Ahmad
Updated: 04 Jul 2025, 17: 37

When we look at politics in Bangladesh, Rabindranath’s poem 'Morichika' (Mirage) comes to mind. In the final stanza, he writes: "That which I cling to, in that I no longer/Find any music at all./What I seek, I seek in error/What I get, I do not want" Are we chasing a mirage?

We first encountered the concept of a mirage in childhood textbooks: a weary traveler walking through an endless desert sees water shimmering in the distance. But it’s only sunlight reflecting off scorching sand, an illusion that ultimately leads to collapse and death. We seem to be running after just such a mirage, forever out of reach.

Politicians have taught us that if we listen to them and follow their path, we’ll reach the shores of happiness. And so we walk, roam and run, but the road never ends. Happiness never arrives.

Leaders present one manifesto after another, with such attractive names. They promise that we’ll reach the pastures of democracy, that socialism has arrived, a land without inequality. They tell us the country’s sovereignty is under threat. If we vote for them, it will be protected. Then, they say, all our needs will be fulfilled.

And we do have so many wants. Rabindranath gave voice to them in such beautiful language: "We want food, we want life, we want light, we want free air/We want strength, we want health, a life full of joy and vitality."

Two.

There was bloodshed and war. The country became independent, but the people did not. Since birth, I’ve seen a "wounded homeland". There have been movements, regime changes, broken dreams, then all over again -- movements, regime changes, shattered dreams. It’s a vicious cycle. We return to where we started. The circle never breaks.

Patriotism is a sentiment. The desire for development goes hand in hand with it. Without development, what good is a country? A few well-established syndicates of seasoned players toy with this sentiment like a game of "kabaddi". They grow stout and strong. They turn from riding ramshackle tempos for flashy BMWs. One syndicate opposes another, meting out promises of hope. We forget what happened five or ten years ago. Once again, we run after the mirage.

Why has Golden Bengal become a cremation ground? That question had once taken our nationalist movement to the peak. We won independence. Our political guardians gifted us the worst famine of the century. While rice rotted in warehouses, people died of hunger on the streets. Since then, we’ve witnessed one ruler after the other, sometimes in civilian garb and sometimes in military uniforms.

The aspirations and sentiments of the people have been turned into political capital, leading to one regime change after another: 1971, 1975, 1990, 1996 and most recently, 2024. We witnessed the longest July in history. It felt like the poem: "We pledge our lives and deaths/Comrades, the final battle begins today/Come, let us unite." A massive boulder has rolled away, but then what?

Three.

Was 36 July an uprising, a rebellion, a revolution or a riot? Orators and writers are still debating over this. We cannot even agree on even a single word. Some say we’ve gained a "second independence." Everyone is now so free, they can do whatever they want. “Grab so-and-so, beat up so-and-so”-- that’s the daily routine now. Apparently, this is the nature of revolution: it obeys no rules. One is reminded of that line from Bhupen Hazarika’s song: “Old rules shatter in the storm of chaos.” We’ve been caught in that storm.

Except for a handful of beneficiaries and dynasty-worshippers, everyone wanted Hasina to step down. The movement wasn’t built with elaborate planning, blueprints or lofty statements of missions and visions. So now, after Hasina has fled, the question arises: which path will we take?
The country remains where it was. Authorities are floundering over the wording of the constitution. Government offices fail to provide services. The mafia still reigns over public transport. Boys from the villages are building drones and airplanes, while our top engineers are crafting rickshaws in backstreet workshops. What we really needed was a few thousand modern buses. What kind of backward mentality afflicts a nation that ends up like this?

Now we’re hearing talk of the "Three Zeros." Jokes are going around - zero growth, zero employment, zero law and order. What do we need first? Europe, after scaling the heights of industrialisation and growth, is now pursuing human development. We haven’t even managed a proper take-off. Are we going to hitch the cart before the horse? Can’t we understand what our priorities should be? The crop that’s most widely flourished in this country right now is "despair".

We haven’t yet moved beyond the rhetoric of politics. Everyone is stuck in their same old rhetoric. Some talk of 31 points, others of a new settlement, still others of politics rooted in accountability and empathy. Beautiful phrases!

When we look at the bigger picture, one year is nothing in the life of a nation. But we’re not starting from zero. Elections have been held in this country since 1919. Several political parties are over a hundred years old. Have we learned anything from that history? Or do we start all over again every five years?

The most talked-about word in the country now is "reform". But is reform only for the constitution? What are our real priorities? Can people survive on the constitution alone? To give people peace and relief, four services are most essential: education, healthcare, public transport, and public safety. We score poorly in all four. Do we really need to wait until the next election to start working on these? Can’t we begin now? We see no tangible progress.

Four.

Some are happy as long as the word "socialism" stays in the constitution. It must not be removed. Yet, some also want a “Caliphate.” Let the politicians keep wrestling with these words. They, after all, don’t have to worry about food or shelter.

If people are to survive, many things must be arranged for them. What’s most needed right now is the restoration of law and order and the creation of employment. Who is thinking seriously about these two issues? What good will it do to roar empty political slogans? The conventional political model won’t work in this country anymore.

In the July movement, we saw men and women, children and the elderly, all stepping out into the streets, risking their lives. These millions weren’t protesting about BCS exams or quotas. They wanted freedom from a suffocating and cruel system of governance. The quota reform movement was led by students. But the spontaneous participation of the people transformed it into a one-point movement. Except for a handful of beneficiaries and dynasty-worshippers, everyone wanted Hasina to step down. The movement wasn’t built with elaborate planning, blueprints or lofty statements of missions and visions. So now, after Hasina has fled, the question arises: which path will we take?

There’s no way forward without a social contract involving everyone. If anyone thinks they understand everything while others don’t, and that it’s their duty to guide everyone, they are mistaken. Our ability and willingness to move forward together will determine whether we can emerge from this stalemate.

Bangladesh is still burning. There’s no reason to think that 36 July brought history to a standstill. Nothing has been resolved yet.

* Mohiuddin Ahmad is a writer and researcher.​

 

[Saif]

July 5, 2024: Nationwide protests persist despite holiday

Even on a holiday, the quota reform protests show no sign of slowing. Students across Bangladesh take to the streets, block roads, form human chains, and voice their rejection of the reinstated quota system in government jobs.

www.thedailystar.net

The July that rocked Bangladesh
July 5, 2024: Nationwide protests persist despite holiday

A group of students from Khulna University formed a human chain in the city on July 5, 2024, protesting the reinstatement of quota system in government recruitment. FILE PHOTO

Even on a holiday, the quota reform protests show no sign of slowing. Students across Bangladesh take to the streets, block roads, form human chains, and voice their rejection of the reinstated quota system in government jobs. What began as student anger has now grown into a nationwide movement, with teachers, political groups, and ordinary citizens extending their support.

In Chattogram, students of Chittagong University gather at Shaheed Minar and later block the Sholoshohor road from 4:00pm, halting traffic for nearly an hour and a half. They chant slogans demanding an end to discrimination and call for the complete abolition of the quota system.

In Dinajpur, braving rain, students of Hajee Mohammad Danesh Science and Technology University (HSTU) hold their protest in front of the campus gate. They raise slogans such as "Merit, not quota!" and "No place for discrimination in Golden Bengal," standing firm in their demand for fair recruitment.

In Tangail, students from Mawlana Bhashani Science and Technology University form a human chain at the campus entrance, joining the growing national chorus for justice and equality.

Protests also erupt at Jahangirnagar University, where students block the Dhaka-Aricha highway for about 20 minutes in the afternoon. Their blockade creates a two-kilometre-long traffic jam as they press their four-point demand, including the immediate cancellation of the quota system.

In Khulna, students of Khulna University stage demonstrations and block roads in the Shiromoni area, bringing traffic to a halt and amplifying their demands.

In Gopalganj, students from Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Science and Technology University hold protests for the third consecutive day, demonstrating the movement's resilience and growing geographical spread.

Teachers, too, join the tide of protests. At Dhaka University, many teachers express solidarity with the anti-quota movement. The Dhaka University "white panel" -- a platform of pro-BNP and Jamaat teachers -- extends formal support to the students.

The movement of teachers and staff against the proposed Universal Pension Scheme also continues across 39 public universities nationwide.

Meanwhile, progressive political alliance Gonotontro Moncho holds a rally in front of the Jatiya Press Club in Dhaka, where its leaders accuse the government of trying to crush these movements through repression. Jonayed Saki, chief coordinator of Gonosonghoti Andolon, declares, "The government has entered a death game. It is killing people, abducting dissenters, and destroying the country, yet it refuses to relinquish power."

Saki affirms that the student protests are genuine and not politically manipulated. "We support the students' movement. We support the teachers' movement. We stand with every movement of the people of this country," he says. He warns that the government is deploying goon squads and helmet gangs to suppress protests on campuses, but insists that these tactics cannot defeat the collective uprising.

As the day ends, it is clear that the July uprising is spreading its roots deeper into the country's political landscape -- transforming into a broader movement for democracy, accountability, and fairness.​

 

[Saif]

Constable in Kushtia suspended for making ‘derogatory remarks’ about July Uprising

A police constable in Kushtia has been suspended for making “derogatory remarks” about the July Uprising on social media. District Police Superintendent Mizanur Rahman said on Saturday, “As the investigation has found primary evidence, it has been recommended to suspend and dismi

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Constable in Kushtia suspended for making ‘derogatory remarks’ about July Uprising

bdnews24.com
Published :
Jul 05, 2025 20:43
Updated :
Jul 05, 2025 20:43

A police constable in Kushtia has been suspended for making “derogatory remarks” about the July Uprising on social media.

District Police Superintendent Mizanur Rahman said on Saturday, “As the investigation has found primary evidence, it has been recommended to suspend and dismiss Constable Farzul Islam Rony.”

On Jul 1, Rony made a Facebook post about the student-led mass uprising that toppled the Awami League government, but deleted it shortly afterwards.

He later claimed his account had been hacked. The post, however, had already drawn widespread criticism.

That night, leaders and activists of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement protested in front of the district superintendent of police’s office on the Kushtia-Ishurdi Highway, demanding Rony’s arrest and dismissal.

On Jul 2, a committee was formed to investigate the incident, comprising Additional Superintendent of Police Sikder Mohammad Hasan Imam, Additional Superintendent of Police (Sadar Circle) Pranab Kumar, and Inspector Debashish Roy.

Anti-discrimination Student Movement’s (Kushtia) Member Secretary Mostafizur Rahman said, “There is no opportunity to belittle the July achieved through the sacrifices of the students and the public against the fascist regime. This step taken against Rony will set an example.”

Rony hails from Shailkupa Upazila of Jhenaidah. He had been working in the Kushtia Traffic Department since Jul 13, 2023. A police official said he is currently in hiding.​