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[🇧🇩] Press Freedom in Bangladesh

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Short Summary: Tracking activities of various sections in Bangladesh to influence press freedom.

Saif

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Jan 24, 2024
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Date Occurred: Nov 13, 2024
External forces must not interfere with the media

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Dr Iftekharuzzaman, executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), talks about the current state of press freedom in the country, recent attempts by certain groups to suppress some media outlets, and the potential way out of the situation with Naznin Tithi of The Daily Star.

Why is the media still unable to operate freely following the political change in the country, despite repeated commitments from the interim government to ensure press freedom?

Let's remember the background of the anti-discrimination movement, which initially began as a quota reform movement seeking justice in public sector recruitment. The underlying factors behind this movement, however, were multi-dimensional and deeply rooted in institutionalised discrimination across all aspects of life and society, shaped by years of authoritarian rule. The student-led movement was soon joined by the broader public, rallying under the main slogan against all forms of discrimination. On August 5, the authoritarian regime fell. But this does not necessarily mean that we have achieved a discrimination-free Bangladesh, nor can we expect the deep-rooted discriminatory structures and practices to be transformed in the short term.

The people's dream for a "new Bangladesh" includes restructuring the state and establishing a new social and political order, with a clear stance against all forms of discrimination. While the government, the movement itself, and other stakeholders are clearly committed to realising this vision, what we are observing post-August 5 is that various groups, considering themselves victors—whether as direct participants, supporters, or opportunists—do not all share the same understanding or vision of a discrimination-free society. This divergence is now manifesting in different ways.

What reforms does the media need in Bangladesh?

The diversity of our society—in terms of gender, religion, culture, ethnicity, etc—is under severe stress as some groups feel newly entitled to impose parochial agendas. Using labels like "collaborators" or "co-opted beneficiaries" of the previous authoritarian regime, these forces now consider themselves empowered—sometimes excessively so—to impose their own agendas, which are not necessarily aligned with the anti-discrimination movement's spirit.

The media has become one of the targets of these groups, which are now trying to impose their own interpretations of media freedom onto others. Certain sections of the media that have played a very supportive role in the whole movement, advocated for a diverse and inclusive society, and have been consistent with the anti-discriminatory spirit are now being selectively targeted. Media freedom is being subjected to campaigns by forces whose basic conceptualisation, indoctrination, and ways of imposing agendas are discriminatory at their core, which is deeply troubling.

Nevertheless, we cannot ignore the factors that contributed to the transformation of an originally democratically elected regime in 2008 into a draconian authoritarian one. It was designed to monopolise political and governance space and to capture state and non-state institutions to create a superstructure perceived to maintain power indefinitely, without accountability. This setup enabled abuse of power, corruption, and the criminalisation of politics with impunity. It is also a fact that the media was among the institutions targeted for capture and control. As a result, some segments of the media struggled to navigate state-sponsored controls and conspiracies while striving for independence and professionalism, though often at the cost of reluctant self-censorship. On the other hand, many media outlets allowed themselves to be co-opted, benefiting from and even becoming components of the authoritarian superstructure. While no one should condone such collaborators or facilitators of the previous regime, indiscriminately victimising the entire media or launching targeted attacks on select outlets for what occurred under authoritarian rule is unacceptable.

How would you explain the recent attempts by certain groups to silence the media or the mob mentality directed against journalists and specific media outlets? What role has the government played in stopping this?

The interim government has repeatedly stated its commitment to a free press. When the chief adviser met with newspaper editors, he encouraged them to be critical and objective in identifying the government's failures. From the government's side, we have not seen anything detrimental to media freedom, except for the recent indiscriminate cancellation of accreditation of a large number of journalists.

When agitations took place against some of the leading media houses, the government provided them support and resisted such moves. However, certain groups who find themselves to be over-empowered—who may or may not have participated in the movement—continue to act as if it is their time to impose their own agenda to target media that is not in their liking for their own reason. While the government has successfully prevented worse outcomes, there is no guarantee that these forces have been fully controlled or managed to the extent that such indoctrinated groups won't strike back. So, the government must be vigilant to safeguard media freedom. History is replete with examples that failure to ensure free media can only be self-defeating.

Mob justice is the manifestation or a weapon these forces are using. And the media has obviously become one of the targets. However, this is not the first time that it has been used. Mob justice has taken place in other contexts as well since August 5. This is also not unusual in the context of such a huge popular uprising against a deep-rooted authoritarian regime. Many people would consider it normal because people have deep-rooted sentiments against the former regime. People have strong emotions against those who are in any manner considered to be associated with or part of the authoritarian regime and those who facilitated the ruthless killings, tortures, all kinds of discrimination and violation of fundamental rights. Mob justice is the outburst of that emotion of people against such grievances. But there is a limit to it and the government must strategically address and manage it in due process through effective communication.

Incidentally, the two most prominent media houses in the country, which are under attack now, were directly victimised in the worst possible way by the authoritarian regime. They were blacklisted from any government programmes or press conferences and deprived of government advertisements. It is no secret that they were consistent targets of manipulation, harassment, and intimidation by the intelligence agencies, the main powerbase of the previous regime. Both houses had to endure a series of politically motivated cases due to their role as free media. Their fate symbolised the criminalisation of free media driven by a hunger for power. Despite this, they survived the challenging situation without compromising their commitment to upholding the spirit of a free press. Whether they are targeted in the "new Bangladesh" because of their alleged "linkage" with India or the previous regime, or for upholding the spirit of a free press, is anyone's guess.

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VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

The interim government has announced plans to repeal the Cyber Security Act (CSA). How do you view this development?

It was the right decision and an expected one. There was widespread demand for this from the public, and the civil society and the media played a role in advocating for its repeal. Here, I would like to mention a number of things that should be done. The government should immediately undertake a comprehensive programme of duly compensating the victims of this draconian law and their families and rehabilitate them professionally, psychologically, and socially. Secondly, they should withdraw all the ongoing cases, although there is a legal issue in that. But if the government is willing, there can be ways of addressing the issue. Thirdly, in the present global context, there is no other option but to have a Cyber Security Act. But while drafting the new cyber security law, they should be able to take the right lessons from the DSA and the CSA. It has to be drafted through a fully participatory process, involving all stakeholders, including experts and professionals on cyber security. Plus, whoever is drafting this law must remember that it is not meant to control or dictate terms of freedom of expression or media freedom on cyber platforms—the Internet system, social media, and other digital platforms. The purpose of this law should be restricted to ensuring the safety and security of users on the Internet and the digital sphere. But any form of control of free expression, dissent, free speech, or free media should be outside the new law's scope.

Also, the names such as the Cyber Security Act or the Digital Security Act should not be used anymore. These names have created an atmosphere of intimidation, a sense of insecurity in society. The new law can be called something like the Internet Safety Act. Finally, since the government is the largest user and worst possible abuser of the Internet and digital system as per track record, to avoid conflict of interest, the authority to be created to oversee the implementation of this new law must be an independent body outside the control of the government.

The government has established a media reform commission. What types of media reforms are needed in this changed political climate and how can the media in Bangladesh regain public trust?

First of all, media as a fourth estate must be committed to upholding the fundamental principles of media ethics and integrity. The media as an institution cannot and does not need to be controlled by external forces. But in Bangladesh, we have seen that the media has been subjected to government control motivated by partisan political bias or influence for which draconian laws and state institutions including intelligence agencies were used. One of the tools used against media was divide and rule and cooption. As a result, while a few media houses may have their own integrity and ethical standards and practices, there has always been a lack of efforts on part of the media as a sector to develop and uphold the basic principles of independent and ethical journalism, or professional integrity among media personnel. I think now the media houses should try to sit together in the spirit of a new Bangladesh. They should themselves create a media code of ethics, ethics structures and implementation roadmaps. There must be mechanisms for the media to self-regulate and work transparently and accountably, maintaining professional integrity without external influence, political or otherwise. There has to be some serious system of sectoral oversight rather than anything coming from outside.

Secondly, like anywhere else in the world, media houses here are also essentially business entities. That's part of the reality. Nevertheless, there are good global practices. The capacity of the investors to differentiate between business interests and media freedom is very important. To instil this ideal into the media houses, their investors and media leaders, relevant professionals and experts should come together to make their own policies. However, no matter how much we talk about media reforms, unless and until there is a paradigm shift in the culture and practices of our politics and bureaucracy, which remain hostage to a media control mindset, changes will not happen.

Thirdly, media organisations must ensure that journalists and reporters are properly compensated and protected, with adequate job security and safety from all risks associated with the discharge of their professional duties. Many journalists are underpaid or irregularly paid, which must change for the media to maintain integrity.

Media, unlike most other institutions, have to be accountable to its constituency—the readers and viewers—every day, and in fact, every moment. Therefore, to survive credibly it must develop its own inbuilt system of ethics and integrity. No freedom is unlimited or unaccountable, but in the case of media, the limit to freedom and the process of accountability must be defined and ensured by the media itself within its constitutional mandate.​
 

Government must make itself available to questions from the press

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Visual: Aliza Rahman

I am mindful of the risk that criticism even from a friend keen to see the interim government (IG) succeed could be misrepresented by those who would rather the IG failed. Such people will find nothing in the following to cast doubt on the legitimacy of the IG. Rather, the remarks here are offered in the spirit of constructive advice with a view to helping the IG accomplish its goals.

Democratic governments are held accountable by popular elections, parliamentary scrutiny, and the review of independent institutions such as the courts. Beyond such features, one is hard pressed to find any practice of democracy that does not include the rigours of a vibrant, free press.

At the time of writing this, there are only three members of staff in the press office of the chief adviser. The office's woeful under-resourcing alone, rather than failures of staff, could explain its shortcomings.

Instead of acting as a passive conduit for government bulletins, a press office should take the initiative on communications, anticipating needs and acting accordingly. Consider the IG's announcement on September 17 to grant temporary magistracy powers to the military. Without reasons for such a grant of powers, the announcement naturally raised concerns. The home affairs adviser did subsequently provide further explanation in a speech to new army recruits, but that came two days after news media had reported the story and damage had been done.

Examples of "small" avoidable errors are plentiful; their impact cumulatively, however, is far from small. Here is another example. After first supporting the IG's resolve to reform the constitution, BNP leadership was reported to say, on September 22, that reforms should take place only under an elected government. This came after earlier reported claims that the public would not tolerate an IG staying in place for too long. The press office should have grasped the significance of the BNP statement, not least as a test of the traction that calls for elections might enjoy. A press office with initiative would quickly have landed on a readily available response to provide journalists. With the law adviser's help, the office could have drafted something along such lines as: "The IG shares the BNP's concern for democratic endorsement of a constitution. Constitutions, everywhere, are typically approved by constitutional assemblies and ratified by parliaments. The IG respects the need for the people, directly or through elected representatives, to ratify a constitution." Such a response would not have bound the IG and, moreover, it would have sent a cautionary signal to all those who would call for elections prematurely. As a bonus, it would have reframed the BNP's own statement.

Perhaps the press office's shortcomings are most vividly illustrated by the CA's recent interview with Voice of America and the subsequent furore. Though first reported on October 3, the interview itself took place on September 27. Presumably, a press officer was present (and made a separate recording), as should be the case at all media interviews.

After referencing the destruction of Bangabandhu Memorial Museum and the cancellation of the national day of mourning, while further noting that Sheikh Mujib had long been recognised as the father of the nation, the interviewer asked "What's the viewpoint of your IG?"

To say that the CA's answer was regrettable is hardly controversial. In hindsight, I imagine he wishes he had worded things differently. His reply was: "You're talking about the past. Apparently, you don't remember that a mass uprising has since taken place. You're speaking as if it never happened. You need to see what's happening in this new situation. You do not seem to have any questions about how many students have sacrificed their lives, why they sacrificed their lives. First, we must admit that they, the students, said that we have pushed a reset button. The past is gone for sure. Now we will build up in new way. People also want that. And this new way means we must bring reforms."

What gave rise to controversy, specifically, were the words "...we have pushed a reset button. The past is gone for sure." My own view is that the CA did not intend to be understood as promoting revisionist history or Stalinist photographic airbrushing of a persona newly deemed non gratis. But it is unreasonable to expect everyone to read his words as I did: on its face, the text is indeed troubling.

Moreover, the controversial words aside, the rest of the CA's response to the question reflects a lack of having been prepared by his press team. His tone is defensive, bordering on belligerent, which does not look good at all. My attention here is not on what the CA said but on what the press office failed to do both beforehand and afterward. Professor Yunus is not a seasoned politician emerging from the trials of political interviews over long years. He is an academic. His team should have warned him that, although he will be celebrated by leaders gathered in New York for the UN general assembly, he should not expect an easy ride in every press interview. They should have cautioned him that criticising a journalist for the choice of questions leaves the impression of someone defensive and unfamiliar with accountability. Under the old regime, of course, Awami League politicians all but wrote the questions put to them at press conferences. But that is not the case wherever there is a free press—choice of questions is the interviewer's prerogative.

Equally important, the team should have primed the CA on the cardinal rule of political interviews—do not answer a question, when it is wise not to do so, but instead pivot to your own talking point. And it is never wise to answer a question that has raised your ire and made you feel defensive, in the way the question quite evidently had Professor Yunus. His own closing words indicate what the focus of his answer should have been: "...we must bring reforms."

No doubt other things were also at play. For instance, we all recognise a prevailing culture of deference towards "superiors," that inhibits constructive criticism, including in private, which, in turn, leaves people in leadership positions unaccustomed to awkward questions.

A competent communications staffer present at the interview would spot right away that the CA's answer to that one question could well cause problems. The press team should have anticipated the likelihood of a social media outcry, with a response at the ready, if required upon the interview's publication a week later. Instead, it took another seven days following publication for the team to react on October 11. Even then, it did so by releasing a written statement rather than through a press conference, where, by fielding questions, it might have hoped to put matters to rest, not just in the media but in people's minds. None of this is how a serious communications operation is run.

The press office has several functions for which it must be adequately staffed. Clearly, it must guide senior IG officials on how to field questions. More generally, it must anticipate reactions to its own announcements; it must be fleet of foot; it must enlist any part of the IG necessary to inform a response to news and events; and it must have the weight of the CA behind it to promptly receive whatever input it needs from others in the IG.

But there is another critical function, one the press team has yet to serve with enough regularity or effectiveness, a function that brings into focus the unique nature of this administration. As discussed above, there is no doubt the IG has a clear mandate. But a mandate does not constitute accountability. And, in the justifiable absence of parliament, there are scarcely any sources of public accountability aside from the press. The press office should be holding press conferences, taking questions from journalists regularly and frequently, even daily—why not? There is no shame in not having answers always at hand; when necessary, answers can be provided later. But the press has to be respected as an institution by which the government is held accountable by the people. Until elections are called and parliament restored, it is arguably the only such institution.

This insight has another important consequence, to which I now turn. As was to be expected, August saw a flurry of media reports of advisers making bold and broad statements of principle—how this or that practice must stop. But lofty platitudes have continued into October amid an endless merry-go-round of roundtables and conferences, with senior IG figures all too often in attendance. One can be forgiven for wondering if some in the IG have failed to grasp a simple fact: they have ceased to be civil society campaigners making demands of the government; in fact, they are the government.

Most of the advisers are drawn from the NGO or academic sectors, where conferences and roundtables are routine. Such roundtables have a virtue in attracting news media for the purpose of legitimate advocacy work. But governments do not need roundtables to attract attention. Moreover, it should be apparent to anyone who's attended any—and, God forgive me, I have attended too many—roundtables hardly ever yield new insights.

Too much of what we hear about government decision-making is through news reports of roundtables. Even if the government were elected, this would be undemocratic, but it is all the more so given that the IG is not elected, and since such forums are invariably gatherings of the Dhaka elite, who are all too often found at the same dinner parties and weddings.

Governing is about getting things done practically and is not the same as NGO advocacy. Advisers should attend roundtables judiciously, turning instead to press conferences and fielding questions from journalists. Press conferences are the right forum for announcing developments in government policy.

One notes, by the way, that where press conferences are routinely held, with press officers taking questions, news media will put their best journalists on the beat, for the obvious reason that good questions will yield material worth reporting. And this, incidentally, will raise the standard of accountability. Accountability is not to be feared but embraced. It makes each of us better, as well as being better for those to whom we are accountable. Besides, shouldn't we act like the change we want to see? If the IG wants governments to be accountable, it can act now.

Roundtables can go ahead but without advisers, and conveners can make written submissions to the IG, with the benefit of discussions already in hand. Advisers and other government officials must be freed from the terrible time-sink of these roundtables. If I mention Dhaka's horrifying perpetual traffic jam and the hours it takes to travel to and from any venue, it is to underline the fact that time is a precious commodity depleting by the day, and especially precious to an IG with an indeterminate future.

Bangladesh needs a properly resourced and responsive IG press office, one that regards its audience as the nation and not the elite. Making itself routinely answerable to a free press is the pre-eminent means, until elections, by which the government can deliver effective accountability. Without accountability, we will all, in time, inevitably wonder: what the heck is the government actually doing? The cumulative effect of inadequate announcements and infrequent press conferences, where questions are taken, will be the draining of trust and faith, and growing doubt in the IG's capacity to deliver. There is still time to fix all this. But how much time is anyone's guess.

Zia Haider Rahman, a former international human rights lawyer and head of research at Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), is the author of the novel "In the Light of What We Know."​
 

Press freedom faces serious attack: Noab

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The Newspaper Owners' Association of Bangladesh (Noab) yesterday expressed concern over continued attacks on the freedom of the media.

Strongly condemning the recent sit-ins, attacks, and vandalism in front of the Prothom Alo and The Daily Star offices, Noab said such attempts to "create chaos" were disrupting the practice and environment of journalism.

"If anyone has objections to any news or the editorial policy of a particular newspaper, they can clarify their intellectual stance and views through writing," Noab said in a media statement, signed by its President AK Azad.

According to the statement, some individuals over the last few days attempted to create chaos by taking position on the road in front of the Prothom Alo's main office in the capital's Karwan Bazar.

"Later, law enforcers dispersed those individuals. However, such activities continued yesterday [Sunday] as well."

The association called upon the government to take stern action against mob justice that targeted different institutions, including media outlets.

It also urged all the parties concerned to refrain from activities that are contrary to the freedom of the media.​
 

Won’t tolerate attack on media
Says information adviser

The government will not stand for the vandalism of any newspaper office or the shut down of any media outlet through the use of force, Information Adviser Nahid Islam has said.

"Those involved in vandalising newspaper offices and intimidating the media will be brought to book," he said at a press briefing at the Foreign Service Academy yesterday.

"There was tension regarding the Prothom Alo over the last few days. Tension was created in front of its Dhaka office yesterday [Sunday]. The newspaper's Rajshahi office came under attack today [yesterday]. Besides, demonstrations took place in different parts of the country, including in Chattogram and Brahmanbaria [in this connection]."

A group of people also demonstrated in front of The Daily Star office on Friday.

"Our position is that if a section of people has any complaint about a media outlet, they can express their resentment peacefully. We don't support vandalising any newspaper office or putting pressure on one to shut it.

"We will not tolerate any such incident in the future."

"People have the right to assembly. If anyone has any specific complaint [against a media outlet], they can take legal actions. We call upon the people not to take part in any anarchic activity, and to refrain from doing anything that would taint the image of Bangladesh."

"I condemn with the strongest terms the attack on the Prothom Alo office at Rajshahi. If you have complaints against the journalism of the Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, or any other media outlets, you can go to courts to seek legal redress. You can also hold peaceful protests. Protests against media outlets aren't new. It has been going on for centuries. But threats and intimidation of journalists or attacking media outlets will not be tolerated," he said.

Meanwhile, Bangladeshi Journalists in International Media (BJIM) and the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) have also expressed concerns over recent protests outside the offices of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, in Dhaka and Chattogram.

BJIM is particularly troubled by the implications for the safety and security of journalists working at Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, according to a press release issued yesterday.

BJIM, an advocacy group for press freedom, urged protesters to express their concerns peacefully and constructively.

"Refrain from actions that could provoke or threaten any members of the press," it stated.

In a separate statement, CPB President Shah Alam and General Secretary Ruhin Hossain Prince condemned the attacks and defamation directed at the two newspapers.

Any interference with freedom of expression will undermine the spirit of the mass uprising, said a press release.

The government cannot evade its responsibility to ensure freedom of expression and maintain law and order, it added.​
 

Targeted intimidation of media disconcerting
26 November, 2024, 00:00

THE untoward incident of chaos and anarchy in front of the office of the daily Prothom Alo is deeply concerning. As reported in New Age on November 24, a group of individuals, some of them identifying themselves as ‘anti-India protesters,’ staged a sit-in programme in front of the Prothom Alo office and also tried to block the surrounding roads, including the road to the city’s largest kitchen market in Kawran Bazar. In the evening, when the protesters tried to slaughter a cow and prepare a meal blocking the entryway of the Prothom Alo and obstructing vehicular movement to the kitchen market, police charged batons and lobbed teargas and sound grenades, which left at least 10 protesters injured. A similar sit-in protest was attempted in front of the Daily Star office. On November 22, the protesters similarly demonstrated in front of the Daily Star office. They alleged that India was dominating Bangladesh in various ways, and the newspapers were working as ‘India’s agents.’ It is unfortunate that a 10-year-old boy was injured in the police action, but the protesters’ way of expressing their displeasure with the newspapers is also disconcerting. The protesters relied on physical intimidation, which amounts to an attempt at silencing an opinion that the group does not ideologically approve.

Ideological opposition to a foreign policy or an opinion against an unequal political-economic relationship with the government of a neighbouring country should be raised and debated, and it is all the more important at a time when democratic transformation is high on Bangladesh’s agenda. The protesters claimed to challenge the India appeasement policy that the deposed Awami League government had pursued and alleged that the Prothom Alo and the Daily Star have served the interest of India. However, taking the path of physical intimidation targeting particular media is rather worrying because, by doing so, the protesters appear to have resorted to somewhat similar authoritarian tools that the AL deployed to muzzle opinions critical of their policies. Instead of mobilising public opinion or relying on other civil means to discuss the many issues contributing to the unequal India-Bangladesh relationship, including unresolved transboundary river water sharing with India, the Indian Border Security Force’s unabated border killings, and numerous unfair economic agreements with India, especially in the energy sector, the protesters have created chaos and public nuances in front of the two newspaper offices. Such targeted intimidation of media is absolutely unacceptable, and the group involved in the said protest should give it a second thought.

It is, however, assuring that the government has taken early steps to protect the press, played a proactive role in containing the situation, and the law enforcers exercised relative restraint when dispersing the protesters. The group taking part in the protest denouncing the opinion of the two newspapers ought to reconsider their direct action strategies.​
 

Troublemakers are out to destroy press freedom: Mirza Fakhrul
BSS
Published :
Nov 26, 2024 20:39
Updated :
Nov 26, 2024 20:55

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Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has said some troublemakers and instigators are making evil attempts to destroy freedom of the press and freedom of expression.

“It is very unfortunate that a dangerous matter has begun, which is launching attack on newspapers and attack on freedom of expression for which we have always struggled and fought,” he said while speaking at a book launching ceremony in a Gulshan hotel in Dhaka on Tuesday.

Fakhrul said: “Today we are witnessing that some troublemakers and instigators have resorted to impede and destroy the freedom of press. Any conscious or patriotic person cannot accept such attempts by any means“.

The BNP secretary general urged all, who are making such attempts, to get rid of this “suicidal path” and extend cooperation to the government to give democracy an institutional shape.

He said the country’s media enjoyed the highest level of freedom during the tenure of BNP from 2001-2006.

A book titled “Tarique Rahman: Politics and Policies Contemporary Bangladesh”, authored by writer, journalist and researcher Mohammad Zainal Abedin, was launched on the event with former Speaker of the Jatiya Sangsad and BNP Standing Committee member Barrister Jamiruddin Sircar in the chair.

About the recent clashes of students in the capital, Mirza Fakhrul urged all to remain patient and extend cooperation to the interim government.

“If the government fails, the revolution and mass uprising will also fail. And again, we will fall in darkness. So, we will have to think positively over these issues,” he said.

Mentioning the remarks of BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman over the reform programme, Fakhrul said BNP is not opposing the reforms. “Reforms must be done.

We want to go for election following minimum required reforms. ” he added.

About why he is repeatedly talking about elections, he said without elections, many problems cannot be resolved and many challenges cannot be faced.

The BNP secretary general said an elected government can face many challenges with people’s mandate.

About the current situation of the country, Fakhrul said: “Today many people are becoming anxious and concern about what is happening in the country. Actually, we have to understand that our enemies, who left from our front but they are creating unrest again in the country from behind the scene. We all will have to remain alert to this end”.

Fakhrul said BNP Chairperson and two-time Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia and her family members, including Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman, had to endure severe and inhumane physical and mental torture since the political changeover of one-eleven as well as during the previous Awami League regime.

Khaleda Zia was sent to jail in false cases during the AL regime while Tarique Rahman was forced to leave the country by giving false cases but they never gave up and bowed down head rather they continued their struggle, he said.

The BNP secretary general said Tarique Rahman has been leading the party with his organizational efficacy and democratic mindset since Begum Zia was sent to jail in false cases.

About maintaining democracy inside the party, he said Tarique Rahman has been holding regular meetings with the party leaders for drawing up programmes of the party and taking any policy decision and maintaining contact with party workers at grassroots, including union level.

It has been possible to oust the Sheikh Hasina’s regime in students-led mass uprising, he said, adding that, “I think Tarique Rahman has the highest contributions to this end. He organized and inspired the nation for long. At the final stage of the mass uprising, he always kept communication with all (stakeholders), even the coordinators.”

Around 422 leaders and activists of Chhatra Dal, Jubo Dal and different other organizations of the party embraced martyrdom during the mass uprising, he mentioned.

About the struggle and sacrifice of BNP during the AL regime, he said 60 lakh leaders and activists faced false cases, 20,000 partymen were killed, over 700 others including BNP MPs became victims of enforced disappearance.

Veteran journalist Shafik Rehman, writer of the book Mohammad Zainal Abedin, Honorary Professor of Department of Oriental Art of Fine Arts Faculty of Dhaka University Dr. Md. Abdus Sattar, Jahangirnagar University Vice-Chancellor Prof Mohammad Kamrul Ahsan, Bangladesh Open University Pro-Vice-Chancellor (Academic) Dr. Dil Rowshan Zinnat Ara Nazneen and academician Mubashar Hasan, spoke on the occasion, among others.

Senior BNP leaders, academics, civil society figures also joined the event.​
 

RSF condemns attacks on Daily Star, Prothom Alo

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Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has strongly condemned attacks on the offices of two prominent independent newspapers in Bangladesh, The Daily Star and Prothom Alo.

The press freedom organisation urged authorities to end such acts of intimidation and work towards rebuilding a safe and pluralistic media environment in the country.

"RSF condemns the unacceptable attacks and attempts of intimidation against The Daily Star and Prothom Alo. The two newspapers tried to maintain their independence at all costs under Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian regime, despite the legal harassment they suffered in retaliation. It is now up to the interim government to help them to work freely, without restrictions or harassment," said Celia Mercier, head of RSF's South Asia Desk.

"An impartial, thorough investigation into the instigators and perpetrators of the recent violent attacks -- and the necessary subsequent legal proceedings -- are crucial to curbing the development of an unsafe work environment for journalists," she added.

In its report, RSF highlighted multiple incidents of violence targeting these newspapers, with coordinated attacks carried out on their headquarters in Dhaka and several regional offices. In Rajshahi, around 200 protestors attempted to storm Prothom Alo's office, vandalising its signboard.

RSF said the attacks are orchestrated by "radicalised anti-India religious groups," who accused the newspapers of being "agents of India and promoting values contrary to Islam.

The attackers issued demands for the newspapers to shut down unless they issued public apologies and retracted their allegedly "anti-Islamic" stances. A concurrent smear campaign on social media further fueled hostility toward the media outlets.

RSF emphasised the urgent need for Bangladesh's interim government to implement reforms to safeguard journalists.​
 

Assaults on media houses deeply alarming
Authorities must act decisively to protect press freedom

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VISUAL: STAR

We're deeply concerned about the ongoing threats to press freedom as epitomised by the spate of attacks, vandalism, hostile mobilisations, and inflammatory rhetoric targeting Prothom Alo and The Daily Star. This is a rude awakening for those who expected the culture of intimidation and repression against journalists to recede with the ouster of an autocratic regime—which, over 14 years, saw Bangladesh's position plummet 42 notches on the World Press Freedom Index. Instead, threats to the media appear to be intensifying in the current political climate, with coordinated campaigns aiming to stoke hostility against media houses that have long stood as pillars of independent journalism. This raises troubling questions about the future of the press in Bangladesh.

The campaign against Prothom Alo has been particularly vociferous since October 25, when a group announced plans to lay siege to its head office in Karwan Bazar but failed to mobilise. Later, starting last Thursday, protesters held sit-ins and caused disorder outside the office for several days, prompting law enforcement to intervene. On Monday, two of the paper's regional offices came under attack: masked individuals vandalised its signboard and windows in Bogura, while in Rajshahi, a group attempted to break into its office, destroyed its signboard, and burned copies of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star. Hostile gatherings against both papers were also reported in Chattogram, Sylhet, Barishal, Chandpur, Munshiganj, and at Savar's Jahangirnagar University. On Friday, a group also demonstrated in front of The Daily Star's head office.

While we welcome and indeed look forward to any constructive criticism of the media—which can be a learning experience for journalists—the current campaign, rooted in neither truth nor reason, offers no such opportunity. No credible grievances or evidence have been presented to justify these attacks and disruptions. Instead, they appear driven by an agenda to discredit independent media and deter it from fulfilling its watchdog role, exploiting the fluid security situation. As the Editors' Council and the Newspaper Owners' Association of Bangladesh (Noab) have rightly pointed out, any objections to the news or editorial policy of a newspaper can be expressed constructively, through writing. There are also legal means available to anyone feeling aggrieved. Even peaceful protests are permissible. But intimidation or violence targeting newspapers—and by extension their staff—are not only unacceptable but also a disservice to the democratic aspirations of the July uprising.

We are, however, encouraged by the solidarity shown by various platforms amid ongoing assaults. Government officials, including the information adviser, have also condemned this wave of aggression, vowing to prevent any unlawful activities to silence the media. We hope these assurances will be matched by swift action to create a secure environment for journalists, and that those behind ongoing assaults will be held accountable. The anti-media campaign coincides with the ongoing trend of disruptive activities by various errant groups, highlighting the complex challenges facing the pro-uprising forces. It is, therefore, imperative that civil society, political leaders, and the public stand united in protecting our hard-earned freedoms.​
 

Political parties strongly endorse press freedom
Call for an end to intimidation of the media during talks with Noab

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Participants at a views exchange meeting with political leaders on recent attacks on independent journalism and media outlets. The event was organised by the Newspaper Owners Association of Bangladesh at the Sonargaon hotel in Dhaka yesterday. Photo: Rashed Shumon

Political parties yesterday expressed their unwavering support for press freedom, highlighting its vital role in strengthening democracy and securing the nation's future.

They blasted the recent attacks on the press and called for an immediate end to such activities. They also cautioned that if such activities go on, the aspirations of the July uprising would not be fulfilled.

Top leaders of 13 political parties made these remarks at a views-exchange meeting on "Independent Journalism and Media Institutions Under Threat".

The Newspaper Owners' Association of Bangladesh (Noab) organised the programme at the Pan Pacific Sonargaon Hotel.

Speaking at the event, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said it is quite unfortunate that he had to discuss press freedom in a free environment after the fall of a fascist regime.

"Over the last 15 years, people, including political activists, had been in constant fear of being sued or landing in jail for writing in newspapers or speaking out. It is unfortunate that even after a mass uprising, attacks on media outlets remain a concern," he said.

He said the BNP always fought for freedom of speech, right to vote, and democracy.

"Some people are attempting to divide the people. Certain remarks are being made that could lead to complete anarchy. Together, we must stop this; or else, the sacrifices of the students and the masses will go in vain."

Fakhrul pointed out that certain actions lead to depoliticisation at times, which must be consciously avoided. He said that an elected government is the best option, but imposing control on it or on democracy is unacceptable.

"Creating anarchy or acting recklessly would lead the nation towards the gravest danger."

Urging caution, he warned against taking actions that could allow the ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina to manipulate incidents from abroad and this would ultimately spoil the opportunity to rebuild the nation.

He reaffirmed his party's commitment to protect freedom of the press, freedom of expression, and voting rights at all costs.

Andaleeve Rahman Partho, chairman of Bangladesh Jatiya Party, said it is not unlikely that press freedom would be under threat after the fall of such a fascist regime.

He said that when the interim government assumed office on August 8, the media outlets had said that the government should stay in power for two to three years. "They also said there is no difference between an Awami League government and that of the BNP's, and that the two parties are two sides of the same coin. This view of the media hurts us."

Partho said no one should think that if one government is replaced by another one, nothing will change. "Thinking along such line is another form of fascism."

"It is ultimately up to the people to decide. A gap has been created between political parties, the government, and the media. Many have tried to capitalise on this gap."

He also said the interim government has failed to keep in touch with the people.

"Had the government maintained more matured informal and formal relationships with the political parties, these problems would not have arisen."

Terming the incumbent government a weak government, Partho said no one can expect they would be protected by such a weak administration.

"Only a people's government, be it good or bad, can be held accountable. A political government can stand by the media and protect it."

Hamidur Rahman, assistant secretary general of Jamaat-e-Islami, said democracy and independent journalism are intrinsically linked.

He said his party thinks any attempt to weaken independent journalism is a conspiracy to undermine the state.

"Such actions constitute a new conspiracy aimed at obstructing the path of democracy and paving the way for the return of old fascism."

Highlighting Jamaat's continued support for independent journalism, Hamidur said, "Arson and other attacks and vandalism targeting newspaper offices are regrettable. We do not support such activities."

He called for a national consensus to address any such crisis.

Nagorik Oikya President Mahmudur Rahman Manna said, "When you talk about practising inclusive politics and democracy, you will also have to accept the idea of letting a hundred flowers to bloom. You cannot gag any opinion. Democracy is undoubtedly the rule of the majority, but at the same time, you must also acknowledge you cannot muzzle the minority communities."

He said every opinion must be allowed to be expressed.

"From this perspective, I believe that be it the Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, or any other newspaper or TV channel, they must be granted full freedom. If we cannot foster the expression of diverse opinions freely, it will be difficult for us to move forward."

Zonayed Saki, chief coordinator of Ganosamhati Andolon, said press freedom was the "key verdict" of the 1971 Liberation War and the 2024 mass uprising.

"For that, we need to stand for the media and its rights. Even if a media outlet is ideologically opposed to me, I will stand for its rights as well."

He said he believes there should be one standard for everyone.

"Even if we do not consider a particular media outlet ideologically correct, it still has the right to exist as a media entity. Ideological and political debates will continue, but committing a nuisance in front of a newspaper office aligns with fascist practices. Shutting a media outlet is an extension of this approach, and everyone should realise this."

Saki said there can be criticisms, and ideological differences among the people, but their freedom of speech should not be obstructed by any means.

"These issues should be clearly mentioned in the constitution in future."

There should be no compromise on press freedom because people rely on the media, he added.

Nasiruddin Patwary, convener of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, called for unity among the stakeholders to resolve the problems facing the media through dialogue.

"Those who have resentment or complaints about any particular media outlet can resolve those issues through discussions," he said.

Nasir urged the media owners, workers, political figures, and all other stakeholders to come to a common platform so that no media house in the country would fall victim to aggression.

"Wherever there is an attack, we will collectively stand against it," he added.

Bazlur Rashid Firoz, general secretary of Bangladesh Samajtantrik Dal, said attacks on newspapers and media outlets are effectively assaults on democracy and the mass uprising of 2024. "To counter these attacks, we must unite and move forward collectively."

Saiful Haque, general secretary of Biplobi Workers Party, described the slaughter of a cow for a feast in front of a newspaper office as an unbelievable, unimaginable and worrying act.

Condemning the incident, he said, "The question of who was behind this remains unaddressed. Who will uncover this? There must be provocation and instigation behind it."

Communist Party of Bangladesh General Secretary Ruhin Hossain Prince criticised the arbitrary cancellation of the accreditation cards of some journalists and filing of murder cases against some others.

He said people must stand united against the attacks on the media.

Rashed Khan, general secretary of Gono Odhikar Parishad, said his party strongly believes in freedom of speech and freedom of press.

"If the journalists cannot write independently even after the mass uprising, it would be deeply saddening."

He said the media did not play its due role over the past 15 years, and the authorities should investigate into this failure.

Mujibur Rahman Manju, member secretary of Amar Bangladesh (AB) Party, highlighted a "gap" between the media stakeholders and those protesting against some media outlets.

"It was the government's responsibility to engage with the demonstrators outside the Prothom Alo office. What could have been resolved through discussion has instead been allowed to evolve into an ideological or commercial issue."

Manju suggested that the Media Reform Commission or the Noab make recommendations to prevent such incidents.

Maulana Imtiaz Alam, assistant secretary general of Islami Andolan Bangladesh, said, "We believe in freedom of the media and we want to assist them. However, the media also need to make sure it do not write or say anything that goes against the belief of the majority. The media also need to show respect to our belief."

Jalaluddin Ahmed, joint secretary general of Bangladesh Khelafat Majlish, urged the owners of media outlets not to discriminate between political parties while running news on them.

Reading out a written statement, Noab President AK Azad expressed deep concern that at a time when media outlets should be operating in a pressure-free environment after the mass uprising, some newspapers and media houses are still facing threats, and even warnings of closure.

He said incidents such as laying siege to newspaper offices in the name of protests, creating chaos, attacking regional offices, and obstructing the distribution of newspapers in different parts of the country are totally unacceptable.

These actions are fostering an atmosphere of fear and intimidation, posing a serious threat to press freedom, he said.

"The actions and campaigns against the Prothom Alo and The Daily Star are not merely protests or expression of dissent, rather those involve issuing threats, making provocative statements, spreading hatred, creating chaos outside their offices, and resorting to violence whenever possible. Such actions are causing financial losses to the newspaper industry."

Azad stressed the need for taking strong measures against such undemocratic activities that threaten press freedom.

He said the safety of the media outlets and their employees must be ensured at all costs.

The Noab leader called upon all political parties to assist and cooperate with the media to safeguard press freedom.

Mahfuz Anam, executive member of Noab and also the president of the Editors' Council, said the media want to see an end to the oppressive measures taken to suppress independent journalism and stifle the press over the last 15 years.

He said the media had hoped that the situation would improve after the mass uprising, allowing journalists to carry out their duties freely and independently.

"Unfortunately, independent journalism is being attacked in new ways, which is highly condemnable and alarming. We believe political parties play a significant role in supporting independent journalism," said Anam, also the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.

He urged political parties to ensure press freedom.

Muntasir Ali, joint secretary general of Khelafat Majlish, also spoke at the event.

Khalekuzzaman, adviser of Basod; Maj (retd) Abdul Wahab, convener of AB Party; Jahangir Hossain, senior joint secretary general of Khelafat Majlish, and its Joint Secretary General Mahabubul Haque; and Abdul Kaiyum, central publicity affairs secretary of Islami Andolan Bangladesh, were present at the meeting, moderated by Dewan Hanif Mahmud, editor and publisher of daily Bonik Barta.

Shahidullah Khan Badal, Noab vice-president and publisher of New Age; Matiur Rahman, editor and publisher of Prothom Alo; Nurul Kabir, editor of New Age; Altamash Kabir, editor of Dainik Sangbad; Saiful Alam, editor of daily Jugantor; Shamsul Haque Zahid, editor of Financial Express; Mozammel Haque, editor of daily Karatoa; and Mostafa Mamun, editor of Desh Rupantar, were also present.​
 

Has the media gotten out of the grip of (self-)censorship?

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File Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty

In Bangladesh, the stories citizens read are often shaped not by journalistic choice alone but by an invisible force—censorship. Whether imposed directly by government actions or adopted defensively by journalists, this practice casts a long shadow over press freedom. Its roots lie in the country's legal and political framework, where repressive laws and political pressures compel journalists to avoid sensitive issues that might provoke legal repercussions or retaliation. This dynamic creates a delicate dance between journalists and the government, in which the former treads carefully so as not to cross the invisible line.

Since the regime change on August 5, 2024, there has been a surge in legal cases and intimidation against media outlets, amplifying fears and deepening the grip of self-censorship. Despite Dr Muhammad Yunus's stated commitment to press freedom, actions like the cancellation of press credentials and the incarceration of journalists send troubling signals, leaving media freedom in Bangladesh at a perilous crossroads.

The constitution of Bangladesh promises freedom of thought, conscience, and expression, alongside press rights under Articles 39(1) and 39(2), with caveats of "reasonable restrictions" for national security, public order, and morality—vague terms often misused by authorities to limit dissent and critical journalism. In addition to the constitution, the Press Council Act of 1974 supports press freedom and upholds journalistic integrity. Yet, the effectiveness of this Act is limited, and it lacks the enforcement muscle to shield journalists from legal and extra-legal threats.

For years, successive governments in Bangladesh have wielded repressive laws to penalise speech deemed, in their broad understanding, to be false, offensive, defamatory, or disruptive to law and order. Among the earliest and most contentious of these laws is the Special Powers Act of 1974, which established far-reaching state censorship by criminalising vaguely defined "prejudicial" content. This Act, and others like it, have been routinely exploited to silence dissenting voices and restrict the media's ability to report freely. Its impact is particularly alarming for two reasons: the government's expansive interpretation of what qualifies as "prejudicial" and the troubling conflation of legitimate criticism with threats to national security. These dynamics have allowed the Act to become a powerful tool for suppressing opposing views, undermining the free exchange of ideas that a vibrant democracy requires.

Subsequent laws, including the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act, the Digital Security Act (DSA), and the Cyber Security Act (CSA), have continued this trend. Notorious provisions like Section 57 of the ICT Act penalised digital content deemed defamatory or religiously offensive with harsh sentences, fostering a culture of fear. Subsequently, the DSA of 2018 was enacted in response to public outcry over the ICT Act, while the CSA of 2023 followed as a reaction to international criticism of the DSA. Each of these laws has drawn criticism for pulling similar language from Section 57 of the ICT Act and repackaging it to retain authoritarian control over freedom of expression under broad pretexts like defamation, "negative propaganda," or hurting religious sentiments. Hundreds of arrests were made under this never-ending cycle of repressive laws, leading to accusations that the DSA (and then CSA) was used to silence dissent and discourage investigative journalism.

Since the fall of the past regime, the sacking of journalists for reportedly being linked with the previous government, without concrete criminal charges having been brought against them, is unsettling to say the least. Most recently, the government rescinded the press accreditation of numerous journalists, effectively restricting their access to government secretariats. Previously, the ICT Adviser Nahid Islam had, on several occasions, suggested that journalists could be prosecuted and punished due to their possible nexus with the erstwhile regime. The press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, gave a similar vague message. The cancellation of press passes and the administration's statement against journalists sends an ambiguous message: while the government maintains that it supports press freedom and expresses its willingness to repeal the draconian laws, its words and actions may pressure the media to cautiously choose its contents and stories.

It is important to mention that journalists are held to high professional and ethical standards and must uphold truth and accuracy in news reporting. The current legal framework, such as the 1993 Journalists' Code of Conduct, provides a grievance procedure if journalists breach their duties. The Code prohibits maliciously distorting or slanting news in commentary and headlines, requiring clear and fair presentation without bias. Newspapers are also expected to resist and expose crime and corruption. If any newspaper, news agency, editor, or journalist breaches journalistic ethics and codes of conduct, the Press Council, under Section 12(1) of the Press Council Act of 1974, may investigate complaints and warn, admonish, and rebuke the concerned parties after giving them an opportunity to be heard. There are legal recourse available in the existing Press Council Act and the Journalists' Code of Conduct.

The persecution of journalists without any specific allegations have attracted criticism from local and international quarters, raising alarms over the actual extent of media freedom in the country. Antoine Bernard of Reporters Without Borders called on the government to "stop the current legal harassment of more than 130 journalists" who have been charged with trumped-up crimes, as well as the arrest of some journalists without prior investigations. The Committee to Protect Journalists called for guaranteeing the procedural rights of incarcerated journalists.

The interim government's stated objective to right past wrongs and implement reform seems to be out of step with the continued plight of the media landscape in Bangladesh. The gap between the government's declared goals and the actual circumstances raises serious concerns about the current state and future trends of media independence. It may also thwart the goals of the Public Media Reform Commission, which is currently undertaking the job of furthering press freedom in Bangladesh.

Protests in July and August have flagged one of the most severe failures of the media in maintaining neutrality in times of crisis, yet similar patterns of media restrictions persist. If Bangladesh is to break out of this cycle where news outlets act primarily as a mouthpiece for the government, changes must extend beyond cosmetic promises. The interim government now has an opportunity and a corresponding responsibility to show real commitment to freedom of the press, which it can do by letting the Media Reform Commission work independently and by taking tangible steps that create an atmosphere where journalists can work without fear of retribution.

Failing to pursue these fundamental reforms at this critical moment would perpetuate the past practice of media suppression and drastically reduce public expectations of meaningful democratic change. The stakes are particularly high, given Bangladesh's history of political volatility and the critical role a free press must play in guaranteeing governmental accountability and fostering robust public debate.

Sangita Gazi is a postdoctoral research scholar at The Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania.​
 

There should be no interference in press freedom: Zonayed Saki
Staff Correspondent
Chattogram
Published: 29 Nov 2024, 23: 03

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Ganosamhati Andolan chief coordinator Zonayed Saki addresses as the chief guest at a mass dialogue at CRB Ground in Chattogram on 29 November 2024Prothom Alo

Ganosamhati Andolan chief coordinator Zonayed Saki on Friday said there should be no interference in the press freedom, people’s thinking, conscience and right to opinion.

“There should be no interference in the freedom of press, people’s thinking, conscience and right to opinion. Criticise the newspaper, everyone has that right. But attacking the newspaper office or something like that creates a perception around the world as if there is no press freedom in this country. This won’t bode well for us,” warned Zonayed Saki.

He was speaking as the chief guest at a mass dialogue at CRB Ground in Chattogram in the afternoon.

Chattogram unit of Ganosamhati Andolan organised the dialogue titled “Mass dialogue to establish a new political settlement for democratic transformation of the state”.

Over 500 leaders and activists of the party from Chattogram, Feni and other districts and upazilas attended the event.

Speaking about the killing of a lawyer in Chattogram, Saki said, “Saiful Islam was killed in a planned way. The Awami League and ISKCON men under the banner of ISKCON killed him. The banner of ISKCON was used so that the blame goes to the people of the Hindu community and the Muslims carry out attacks out of grievances, and they could send the photographs to the US.”

He stated, “We saw acclaimed media like Reuters carried a report that said the lawyer of Chinmoy Das has been killed. This is their plan. The image of Bangladesh is being presented to the western countries in such a way that the Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and other communities are not safe here.”

Expressing that staying in India, Sheikh Hasina has been conspiring to destroy Bangladesh, Zonayed Saki said, “You have thwarted their plot. You did not let any attack be carried out in Chattogram. As no attack is being carried out, the Awami League activists themselves are attacking the people of Hindu community now. I have heard there was an attempt to carry out an attack even today (Friday). That is why we need to forge a united measure to prevent those. Those who would attack the people of Hindu community are aides of the fascist and agents of local and foreign plotters. They want to destroy the uprising in Bangladesh and this government.”

Zonayed Saki contends there could be such elements within the government too, since many of their aides are still there hiding in various departments. They have to be identified and brought to book.

Mentioning the people as the centre of power, the Ganosamhati Andolan chief coordinator said there should be laws to ensure accountability of the people’s representatives to the people. For this there has to be the constitution and laws. Article 70 of the existing constitution has to be amended. Only the government will not appoint people in the constitutional posts. Instead, the governing party, the opposition and the judiciary will appoint their representatives, so that no partisan person could be appointed there. The judiciary must be made independent.

Indicating the government, Zonayed Saki said, “Maybe the interim government could not perform up to the people’s expected level as of now, we are criticising the government for that. Despite that, this interim government has been trying to carry out its responsibilities aligning with the interests of the people. We will criticise them and at the same time help them. A democratic constitution, reforms of the state and its laws and democratic elections are required for a new political settlement.”

He called on everyone to be united to form such a democratic force.

The dialogue was chaired by Ganosamhati Andolan’s Chattogram district unit coordinator Hasan Maruf.

Other speakers at the event also put emphasis on unity to work so that no autocratic force could usurp power in the new Bangladesh achieved through a mass-uprising.​
 

Environment for free expression must: Matiur Rahman


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Photo: Collected

Prothom Alo Editor Matiur Rahman today said many reforms have to be made in the administration.

Matiur made the remarks as a guest speaker at an award ceremony held in honour of the late Professor Sitara Parveen of the Department of Mass Communication and Journalism at Dhaka University.

And to be successful in state affairs, there should be an open democratic environment and free expression throughout the society, he added.

There must be more open discussions on all important state issues.

"We have to work for journalism with courage from an independent and non-partisan position," Matiur said.

The event took place at the Professor Muzaffar Ahmed Chowdhury Auditorium in the Faculty of Social Sciences.

DU Vice-Chancellor Prof Dr Niaz Ahmed Khan paid glowing tribute to the memory of Prof Dr Sitara Parvin.

A total of 10 meritorious students of the Department of Mass Communication and Journalism of DU were recognised with the Prof Sitara Parvin Award for their outstanding results in BSS (Hons) final examination of 2022.

Prof Dr Sitara Parvin, daughter of former President Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed and wife of retired Journalism Prof Dr Ahaduzzaman Mohammad Ali, died in a tragic road accident on June 23, 2005 in the US.​
 

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