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[🇧🇩] Trump's Victory and Bangladesh

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Short Summary: Actions of trump administration regarding Bangladesh.

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Date Occurred: Nov 7, 2024
Prof Yunus congratulates Trump

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Muhammad Yunus, left, and Donald Trump

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday congratulated Donald Trump for his historic win in the US presidential election.

"I am delighted to convey, on behalf of the government and the people of Bangladesh, my heartfelt felicitations to you on your victory in the US Presidential Election 2024," he said in a congratulatory message.

"Electing you as the US President for a second term reflects that your leadership and vision have resonated with the people of the United States of America. I am confident that under your stewardship, the United States will thrive and continue to inspire others around the world," the message read.

Yunus said Bangladesh and the US share a long history of friendship and collaboration across numerous areas of mutual interest, reported BSS.

The relationship continued to grow in depth and breadth during Trump's previous term in the office, he said.

The chief adviser said he firmly believes that the possibilities are endless as the two friendly nations work towards exploring newer avenues of partnership.

"... Aligning with our commitment to a peaceful and inclusive society, the government and the peace-loving people of Bangladesh look forward to partner and collaborate in your efforts in addressing the global challenges in the pursuit of peace, harmony, stability, and prosperity for all," Yunus said.

His Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam at a media briefing at the Foreign Service Academy in the evening said, "We welcome this [his win]. We hope Bangladesh-US relations will be deepened and relations will reach a new height."

Responding to a question on Trump's remarks on Bangladesh recently, Shafiqul said he was probably misinformed, reports UNB.​
 

What does a second Trump presidency mean for Bangladesh?
Trump’s victory has implications for wider world, including Bangladesh

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VISUAL: STAR

The unbelievable has happened. In a moment of historic consequence for American democracy, Republican Donald Trump has won the 2024 US presidential elections that will see him return to the White House come January 20, 2025. This is indeed a remarkable comeback for the former president—"a phoenix from the ashes," as a Fox News anchor described it—as he overcame a criminal conviction, indictments, apparent assassination attempts, and persistent accusations of authoritarianism on his path to re-election. In so doing, he also avenged his loss to President Joe Biden four years ago.

As per the latest count, Trump has secured 292 electoral votes (against Democratic contender Kamala Harris's 226 votes), thus taking control of the Senate and possibly the House of Representatives, with votes still being counted after early projected wins in key battleground states.

What does a second Trump presidency mean for the world, and indeed Bangladesh? While the world braces for potentially disruptive and far-reaching impacts on global policies, Bangladesh, too, has its share of concerns that it will seek clarity on sooner rather than later. To understand some of the concerns, it is crucial to consider Trump's past policies and recent statements. Experts say a Trump presidency is likely to bring some, if not substantive, changes to the US foreign policy for Bangladesh, with potential ripple effects on issues covering trade, political dynamics, climate change, and Bangladesh's relations with regional powers.

It may be recalled that Trump, before the election, commented on the "barbaric violence" against Hindus, Christians, and other minorities in Bangladesh—a portrayal that is both unfair and unfounded. There is a concern among some that the US may be prompted to view Bangladesh through India's lens, and we hope such concerns will be duly addressed in the coming days.

A Trump presidency may also emphasise more transactional diplomacy, echoing his "America First" stance, which could potentially impact Bangladesh-US trade. The US is our biggest trading partner. But given Trump's history of raising tariffs and protectionist policies, Bangladesh's dependence on exports to the US could, theoretically, face disruptions. His climate policy is another issue of concern. Trump's earlier stance on climate change, marked by US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and reduced engagement with global climate initiatives, was alarming for vulnerable nations like Bangladesh that depend on climate adaptation financing. His track record with the WHO also shows potential for strained relations with global health bodies, which could potentially impede Bangladesh's access to international health resources.

There are many other areas of mutual interest where Bangladesh and the US will likely cross paths in an increasingly complex and changing reality. It remains to be seen how the relations between our interim government and the upcoming Trump presidency shape up, however. For his part, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has been quick to congratulate the president-elect, expressing optimism for strengthened bilateral ties and future cooperation. Going forward, we hope the government will properly engage with its US counterpart to ensure that our interests are protected.​
 

The US goes red: Another round of Trump presidency

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Trump won the presidency through the electoral system and the popular vote, which has not happened in the past two decades. PHOTO: REUTERS

The night started off, as it does, with red states. But unlike 2020, there was no confusion. The percentage of votes counted quickly began to show a clear picture: Donald Trump's victory.

Trump won the presidency through the electoral system and the popular vote, which has not happened in the past two decades. He overperformed in several states, following the trends of the previous two elections that polls underestimated his voters. In three consecutive election cycles, pollsters have not gotten a grip on Trump supporters. The media has engaged in many satirical theories to understand the mass support for Donald Trump in the US. What's clear is that the US media and institutions in general need to figure out what can aptly be described as a shift to the far-right. No comparisons with Hitler, no cases, could stop him.

In 2016, when Hilary Clinton lost, precisely the same way by losing the "Blue Wall"—Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin—the underlying reasons behind Trump's victory were not addressed. Rather, the analysis focused on the glass ceiling and Clinton's loss. Doing so for this election would be the gravest mistake. While it could be true that Harris's gender has a part to play in her loss, it is well-known that Joe Biden would have lost against Trump as well. When asked in several interviews what Harris would change about the Biden-Harris administration, she reverted to her pride, steering clear of showing how she would drastically differ from her boss.

While a comprehensive major picture of the voter turnout is yet to emerge, the early voter turnout—more than 80 million US citizens cast their votes before November 5—was high. As it happened in 2020, mail-in ballots proved to switch the game for Biden; we waited days as votes were being counted during the pandemic. The high turnout, especially early, when juxtaposed with the sheer number—not just in the Electoral College—of votes for Donald Trump and the fact that he might also win the popular vote, is telling of the national sentiment in the US. While a lot is to be seen in the coming days, it's clear that the US is shifting to the far-right. It's incumbent on all of us to reconcile, as hard as it may be for some, that US politics has moved to a state that an imprudent person is preferred over diplomatic human beings.

Kamala Harris underperformed in commonly Blue counties in the battleground states, where her boss, President Joe Biden, performed better in 2020. For example, in upscale Detroit, Michigan, Harris performed much worse than Biden in 2020. Though the causes of her underperformance will emerge more in the coming days, and data needs to be gathered to understand where Harris went wrong—one fact is clear: Harris's centrist campaign in a polarised US simply did not work. In many ways, it was a clever strategy on paper: reviving the John McCain and Mitt Romney type of Republican. But for now, it can be concluded that centrism is hardly reading the room in a country so polarised. In North Carolina, for example, where Trump won, several counties shifted left while others shifted right, according to The New York Times. Standing in the middle ground, the classic case of trying to please every party undoubtedly played a role in Harris's unexpectedly disappointing performance in the elections.

And whatever strategy the Democrats have deployed in electioneering along with their policies now stands to be proven as outdated. It must be noted that the Republican turnout machine—largely powered by allied conservative groups—focused on getting reliably conservative voters back to the polls for Trump. And it worked.

Republicans took over the Senate, retaking the chamber for the first time in four years. The House is also poised to be Republican. Everything, from the president-elect's policies on taxes to healthcare, will depend on the makeup of the two chambers of Congress. The Senate is solely responsible for confirming a president's cabinet officials and judges—from the federal, district and Supreme Court. Four of the nine justices—other than Trump's appointees—are in their 70s.

A Republican-led Senate would boost Trump's far-right presidency, and it was the only institution that provided the necessary logjams for Trump's loyalist tendencies and his "I can do whatever I want" mindset as the leader of a democratic nation. Though there are moderate voices in the Senate, including Senator Susan Collins of Maine, who was outspoken against Trump, this Senate is more likely to defer to him, who will be all the more recharged with a second term in the White House.

The implications for a Trump victory are far-reaching for the turbulent political atmosphere in the US. Donald Trump is a man who openly favours loyalty over the country, yet he is still favoured by citizens, for whatever reasons. A second Trump term, along with the Republican sweep, means we are possibly looking at a completely new version of US politics. The country is in need of some soul-searching, now more than ever.

Ramisa Rob is in-charge of Geopolitical Insights at The Daily Star.​
 

Trump’s victory will take US-Bangladesh ties to new height: CA office
FE Online Desk
Published :
Nov 06, 2024 19:43
Updated :
Nov 06, 2024 19:43

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Donald Trump’s victory in the US presidential elections will jack up the bilateral ties between Bangladesh and the US to new heights, a spokesperson of the Chief Adviser said on Wednesday.

“We have a very good relationship with the US and it will further strengthen after Donald Trump’s victory as both the governments are committed to straightening democracy,” said Shafiqul Alam, press secretary to the CA while addressing a briefing.

Asked about the pre-poll comments of Donald Trump on the minorities in Bangladesh, Mr Alam said that Mr Trump was probably misinformed.

He pointed out that ‘highly exaggerated’ reports on minorities were being spread by certain quarters.

The government is fully committed to ensuring the rights of the minorities and has taken every possible measure for their protection, he mentioned.

During the recently ended Durga Puja festival many apprehended violence but it was celebrated peacefully amid due festivities, he noted.

A special app was created to monitor every puja mandala in the country, he said.

Citing media reports on the death of 9 minority people, he said that after a thorough investigation, it was found that most of the killings resulted from personal reasons.

There was no religious reason behind these killings, he added.

Responding to a question, he said that the government is planning to conduct some reform in the education sector also.​
 

What impact will Trump have on the world economy?

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An employee works at a plastic factory in Yiwu, China’s eastern Zhejiang province. Taking into account the probable retaliatory measures from Beijing and Brussels, the impact on the European Union economy will be $533 billion through 2029, $749 billion for the United States and $827 billion for China, according to a study. PHOTO: AFP/FILE

Donald Trump's return to the White House with his protectionist policies poses threats for the global economy, with the prospect of new trade wars, resurgent inflation and slower growth, experts say.

During his first term in office from 2017 to 2021, Trump often resorted to punitive tariffs in disputes with trade partners.

In this 2024 campaign, he pledged to impose an additional 60 percent import tariff on Chinese products and an extra 10 percent tariff on products from the rest of the world.

Taking into account the probable retaliatory measures from Beijing and Brussels, the impact on the European Union economy will be $533 billion through 2029, $749 billion for the United States and $827 billion for China, according to a study by the Roland Berger consulting firm.

A separate study by the London School of Economics estimated that the impact on emerging market nations such as India, Indonesia and Brazil would be much less.

Jamie Thompson, head of macroeconomic forecasting at London-based Oxford Economics, said he sees little short-term economic impact due to the delays in implementing policies, but they could be positive for growth.

"While the outlook for 2025 is essentially unchanged, global growth is likely to be a little stronger in 2026 and 2027 on the back of the election result, as the impact of looser US fiscal policy more than offsets the drag from targeted tariff measures," he told AFP.

But if across-the-board tariffs are imposed it "could leave the global economy around 0.75 percent smaller –- and global trade down some three percent -- by the end of the decade," he added.

The prospects for international cooperation, which can boost trade and growth, will also be dimmer under a second Trump administration, said Tara Varma, a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution, a US think tank.

"The multilateral world of the 1990-2000s will no longer exist," she said, adding that she anticipates a brutal change in US policies.

Donald Trump's policies could also rekindle inflation, which cooled following a series of interest-rate hikes that the Federal Reserve began to unwind this year.

The Peterson Institute for International Economics, a US think tank, estimated it could add between two and four percentage points to China's inflation rate.

Trump's promised higher import tariffs would "mean higher inflation, at least in the US, and most probably lower growth throughout the world", Bank of France chief Francois Villeroy de Galhau said -- adding that increased uncertainty would also weigh on growth.

The impact of "immigration policy is as important as global trade" on inflation, noted for his part Gilles Moec, chief economist at insurer Axa.

If Trump follows through with talk of a massive expulsion of unauthorised immigrants it could aggravate the labour shortage in the United States.

The Pew Research Center estimated that 8.3 million unauthorised workers could be affected.

The Peterson Institute for International Economics estimated this could add more than two percentage points to the US inflation rate next year, 0.2 percentage points in Europe and 0.6 percentage points in China.

Moec noted the surge in inflation would force central banks to hit the brakes on the cycle of interest rate cuts they began earlier this year as inflation subsided.

Analysts had been looking at lower interest rates to spur consumers to spend and companies to invest and put some more wind into the sails of the global economy.

The trade war that Trump has threatened to wage against China risks sapping global growth.

Asia accounts for 60 percent of global growth, but would be hit hard by a trade war between the United States and China, the International Monetary Fund warned earlier this month.

The United States has also been one of the fastest growing developed economies but Trump's policies risk shaving two percentage points off US GDP per year between 2027 and 2031 from baseline estimates, according to a forecast from the Peterson Institute.​
 

ট্রাম্প রাষ্ট্রপতি হলে আওয়ামী লীগের লাভ—কলকাতার মিডিয়ার প্রোপাগান্ডা: গোলাম মোর্তোজা

ট্রাম্প রাষ্ট্রপতি নির্বাচিত হওয়ার পর যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের পররাষ্ট্রনীতিতে কী পরিবর্তন আসতে পারে, বাংলাদেশে এর কী প্রভাব পড়বে এসব নিয়ে চলছে নানা জল্পনা-কল্পনা। আওয়ামী লীগ কি এতে কোনো সুবিধা পাবে? অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের সঙ্গে ট্রাম্পের সম্পর্ক কেমন হবে? আন্তর্জাতিক বাণিজ্য বাজারে বাংলাদেশ লাভবান নাকি ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত হবে?


 

Bangladesh hopes no shift in US policy under Trump: Touhid
Diplomatic Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 07 Nov 2024, 21: 25

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Md Touhid HossainFile photo

The interim government believes there will not be any major change in US policy towards Bangladesh after Donald Trump becomes the president of the United States.

In response to questions from newsmen at the foreign ministry, foreign adviser Md Touhid Hossain made the remark on Thursday evening.

When asked about the challenge of relations between Dhaka and Washington after Donald Trump is elected president, Touhid Hossain said, "There is no necessity to speculate anything in advance. There is time, let us see two more months. Afterwards, Donald Trump will take charge, what steps he takes, accordingly.... He didn't say relations with Bangladesh will be good or bad, he didn't say anything."

The foreign adviser said it is not the fact that the relation with Bangladesh develops based on a party.

The matters, which were being discussed with the Biden administration, the demand they made, the negotiations that were going on, had also been discussed with the Trump administration.

So this cannot be said that there will be a major shift in policy of the Trump administration and Biden administration, he pointed out.

Touhid said, "Let us see, afterwards we will communicate. We will see what happens."

When asked about his participation at the UN counter-terrorism conference, Touhid Hossain said, "Bangladesh has once again made clear its commitment to a zero-tolerance policy towards all forms of terrorism. Bangladesh has also said that holding a conference will not yield any result if the main reason of terrorism is not addressed. Anti-terrorism activities are increasing and the number of terror attacks is also increasing simultaneously. This means that the activities that are being taken are not yielding any result."​
 
BD is on Trump's radar for Violance against Hindus and Christians.

Though Hindus have not been able to wield an influence that is comparable to the Jewish or Islamist lobbies yet, but at least there is a start​

How Trump’s concern for Bangladeshi Hindus shows Hindu community gaining a political voice

The statement posted by Donald Trump where he has condemned the persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh is an important one. AP
In the final days of campaigning, heated exchanges between US presidential election contenders Kamala Harris and Donald Trump accelerated at an expected rate. But one remark made by Trump last week particularly captured my attention when he spoke on the plight of the Bangladeshi Hindus.

At a time when India’s own opposition parties have abandoned them to be slaughtered by the now emboldened Islamist forces, this gesture was exceptional.

While posting a message on the Hindu festival of Diwali on social media platform X, Trump condemned the “barbaric violence” taking place against Hindus, Christians, and other minorities in Bangladesh. He also accused Kamala and Joe Biden of ignoring Hindus across the world and in America.


Advertisement

Interestingly, Trump also called out the anti-Hindu agenda of the radical leftists as well and vowed to protect Hindu Americans after coming to power. In the same message, he also promised to strengthen the country’s great partnership with India, where he referred to Prime Minister Narendra Modi as his good friend.

These remarks by Donald Trump came on the eve of US elections, and there is no doubt that besides a legitimate concern for the plight of Bangladeshi Hindus, it also has some degree of politicking to it.

After all, a whopping 80 per cent of the population of Indian-Americans is Hindu and in a close electoral contest where Kamala Harris is giving a tough fight to Trump, every constituency of support matters. In fact, Trump has courted the Hindu diaspora community settled in the United States even on previous occasions as well for political reasons. During the 2016 presidential elections, he attended a massive rally in New Jersey trying to woo the Hindu-American community. He had also carried forward the precedent set by President George W Bush in 2003 of celebrating Diwali at the White House by lighting the ceremonial lamp every year during his presidency.


However, despite all the attempts by Republican candidate Donald Trump to woo the Hindu electorate in the US, the Indian-American community has long been a supporter of candidates from the Democratic Party instead. This is because of its stand on immigration, healthcare, and other issues, which resonates more with Indian-Americans.

At a population of around 5.2 million, they make up the second largest immigrant community in the US, showing a deep preference for the Democratic Party historically. But this trend is also changing sharply now. As per a survey released this year by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the number of Indian-American respondents who identified themselves as Democrats has fallen to 47 per cent from 56 per cent in the last four years. While those who identify themselves as Republicans have increased to 21 per cent from just around 15 per cent since 2020. If these numbers hold true, they will also significantly impact their voting pattern in the current elections. This means the support base for the Grand Old Party is widening among the Indian-Americans, of which the majority are people from the Hindu community.

Advertisement

Interestingly, Trump’s outreach to the Hindu Americans has come at a time when one of the major grudges that they have with the Republicans is their perceived intolerance towards minorities, especially under the influence of the Christian evangelical lobby. In such a scenario, some past statements by Republican leaders calling the countrymen to embrace Christian nationalism haven’t gone down well with its political base among the Indian-American community.

But now the Republican Party is fast transforming its past image where many pro-Hindu leaders have risen up to the top ladders and are wearing their credentials with aplomb. This includes Nikki Haley, Vivek Ramaswamy, and the vice presidential nominee JD Vance’s wife, Usha Vance. Unlike Kamala Harris, who, despite having Indian ancestry, has played up her identity as a black woman, these leaders who come from a Hindu background have always expressed immense pride for their roots.

Advertisement

The trend of politicians embracing their Hindu identity more openly is not limited to American politics alone. We have seen Rishi Sunak do the same in the United Kingdom as well. In fact, in recent years, there have been many instances of various international leaders raising the issue of Hindu rights on global platforms. Last year, Geert Wilders, a Dutch politician, vowed to support the cause of persecuted Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh after a surprise election victory in December 2023. In fact, Wilders has been a long-standing advocate of Hindu rights; he has even raised the matter of attacks on Hindus in Islamic countries in the parliament of the Netherlands.

Advertisement

Similarly, Tulsi Gabbard, who is herself a practicing Hindu, has played a key role in elevating the status of the community in American politics. Way back in 2013, she sent a loud message to the entire world when, after winning her election to the Congress as the first and only practicing Hindu, she took an oath on Srimad Bhagvad Gita.

Trump’s reference to Bangladeshi Hindus is an extension of the same trend. This shows that Hindu identity and Hindu rights are gaining more prominence across the world, and in a much welcome move, this community is finally looking to increase its stakes in the global political discourse.

Advertisement

In India, Hindus are often accused of majoritarianism and demonised for seeking a political identity. This despite the fact that other communities are rather encouraged to mobilise politically due to the compulsion of vote-bank politics by certain mainstream political parties in the country. This name-calling and suppression of political free will of Hindus has an effect on their global identity as well. For instance, in Canada, a large section of the immigrant population is Hindu and often faces attacks on its places of worship, among other forms of harassment, and yet it is the Khalistanis who dominate the narrative and compel politicians to appease them by deploying their collective strength.

Hindus may be a comfortable majority in India, but if we look at the global level, then Hindus are not a majority community but just a small minority in comparison to Abrahamic religions such as Islam and Christianity. If Christians constitute 31.6 per cent of the world population and Muslims comprise around 25.8 per cent then only a small section of 15 per cent identifies itself as Hindus globally.

Besides India and Nepal and, to a certain extent, Mauritius, Hindus in any other country of the world are identified as a minority community. In such a scenario, their rights are often ignored, with grim stories of their persecution in many countries going completely under the radar. But in recent years, thanks to India’s economic performance and the increasing purchasing power of the Hindu community in the country, there has been a willingness to back campaigns for Hindu rights across the world.

This doesn’t mean that Hindus have been able to wield an influence that is comparable to the Jewish or the Islamist lobbies yet. But at least there is a start. The statement posted by Donald Trump where he has condemned the persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh is an important one. The Hindus are finally finding a political voice globally.

The author is a New Delhi-based commentator on geopolitics and foreign policy. She holds a PhD from the Department of International Relations, South Asian University. She tweets @TrulyMonica. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.

Get all the latest updates of US Elections 2024

Tags
Donald TrumpHindusUS Presidential Elections

Read More

 
BD is on Trump's radar for Violance against Hindus and Christians.

Though Hindus have not been able to wield an influence that is comparable to the Jewish or Islamist lobbies yet, but at least there is a start​

How Trump’s concern for Bangladeshi Hindus shows Hindu community gaining a political voice

The statement posted by Donald Trump where he has condemned the persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh is an important one. AP
In the final days of campaigning, heated exchanges between US presidential election contenders Kamala Harris and Donald Trump accelerated at an expected rate. But one remark made by Trump last week particularly captured my attention when he spoke on the plight of the Bangladeshi Hindus.

At a time when India’s own opposition parties have abandoned them to be slaughtered by the now emboldened Islamist forces, this gesture was exceptional.

While posting a message on the Hindu festival of Diwali on social media platform X, Trump condemned the “barbaric violence” taking place against Hindus, Christians, and other minorities in Bangladesh. He also accused Kamala and Joe Biden of ignoring Hindus across the world and in America.


Advertisement

Interestingly, Trump also called out the anti-Hindu agenda of the radical leftists as well and vowed to protect Hindu Americans after coming to power. In the same message, he also promised to strengthen the country’s great partnership with India, where he referred to Prime Minister Narendra Modi as his good friend.

These remarks by Donald Trump came on the eve of US elections, and there is no doubt that besides a legitimate concern for the plight of Bangladeshi Hindus, it also has some degree of politicking to it.

After all, a whopping 80 per cent of the population of Indian-Americans is Hindu and in a close electoral contest where Kamala Harris is giving a tough fight to Trump, every constituency of support matters. In fact, Trump has courted the Hindu diaspora community settled in the United States even on previous occasions as well for political reasons. During the 2016 presidential elections, he attended a massive rally in New Jersey trying to woo the Hindu-American community. He had also carried forward the precedent set by President George W Bush in 2003 of celebrating Diwali at the White House by lighting the ceremonial lamp every year during his presidency.


However, despite all the attempts by Republican candidate Donald Trump to woo the Hindu electorate in the US, the Indian-American community has long been a supporter of candidates from the Democratic Party instead. This is because of its stand on immigration, healthcare, and other issues, which resonates more with Indian-Americans.

At a population of around 5.2 million, they make up the second largest immigrant community in the US, showing a deep preference for the Democratic Party historically. But this trend is also changing sharply now. As per a survey released this year by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the number of Indian-American respondents who identified themselves as Democrats has fallen to 47 per cent from 56 per cent in the last four years. While those who identify themselves as Republicans have increased to 21 per cent from just around 15 per cent since 2020. If these numbers hold true, they will also significantly impact their voting pattern in the current elections. This means the support base for the Grand Old Party is widening among the Indian-Americans, of which the majority are people from the Hindu community.

Advertisement

Interestingly, Trump’s outreach to the Hindu Americans has come at a time when one of the major grudges that they have with the Republicans is their perceived intolerance towards minorities, especially under the influence of the Christian evangelical lobby. In such a scenario, some past statements by Republican leaders calling the countrymen to embrace Christian nationalism haven’t gone down well with its political base among the Indian-American community.

But now the Republican Party is fast transforming its past image where many pro-Hindu leaders have risen up to the top ladders and are wearing their credentials with aplomb. This includes Nikki Haley, Vivek Ramaswamy, and the vice presidential nominee JD Vance’s wife, Usha Vance. Unlike Kamala Harris, who, despite having Indian ancestry, has played up her identity as a black woman, these leaders who come from a Hindu background have always expressed immense pride for their roots.

Advertisement

The trend of politicians embracing their Hindu identity more openly is not limited to American politics alone. We have seen Rishi Sunak do the same in the United Kingdom as well. In fact, in recent years, there have been many instances of various international leaders raising the issue of Hindu rights on global platforms. Last year, Geert Wilders, a Dutch politician, vowed to support the cause of persecuted Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh after a surprise election victory in December 2023. In fact, Wilders has been a long-standing advocate of Hindu rights; he has even raised the matter of attacks on Hindus in Islamic countries in the parliament of the Netherlands.

Advertisement

Similarly, Tulsi Gabbard, who is herself a practicing Hindu, has played a key role in elevating the status of the community in American politics. Way back in 2013, she sent a loud message to the entire world when, after winning her election to the Congress as the first and only practicing Hindu, she took an oath on Srimad Bhagvad Gita.

Trump’s reference to Bangladeshi Hindus is an extension of the same trend. This shows that Hindu identity and Hindu rights are gaining more prominence across the world, and in a much welcome move, this community is finally looking to increase its stakes in the global political discourse.

Advertisement

In India, Hindus are often accused of majoritarianism and demonised for seeking a political identity. This despite the fact that other communities are rather encouraged to mobilise politically due to the compulsion of vote-bank politics by certain mainstream political parties in the country. This name-calling and suppression of political free will of Hindus has an effect on their global identity as well. For instance, in Canada, a large section of the immigrant population is Hindu and often faces attacks on its places of worship, among other forms of harassment, and yet it is the Khalistanis who dominate the narrative and compel politicians to appease them by deploying their collective strength.

Hindus may be a comfortable majority in India, but if we look at the global level, then Hindus are not a majority community but just a small minority in comparison to Abrahamic religions such as Islam and Christianity. If Christians constitute 31.6 per cent of the world population and Muslims comprise around 25.8 per cent then only a small section of 15 per cent identifies itself as Hindus globally.

Besides India and Nepal and, to a certain extent, Mauritius, Hindus in any other country of the world are identified as a minority community. In such a scenario, their rights are often ignored, with grim stories of their persecution in many countries going completely under the radar. But in recent years, thanks to India’s economic performance and the increasing purchasing power of the Hindu community in the country, there has been a willingness to back campaigns for Hindu rights across the world.

This doesn’t mean that Hindus have been able to wield an influence that is comparable to the Jewish or the Islamist lobbies yet. But at least there is a start. The statement posted by Donald Trump where he has condemned the persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh is an important one. The Hindus are finally finding a political voice globally.

The author is a New Delhi-based commentator on geopolitics and foreign policy. She holds a PhD from the Department of International Relations, South Asian University. She tweets @TrulyMonica. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.

Get all the latest updates of US Elections 2024

Tags
Donald TrumpHindusUS Presidential Elections

Read More


A good share Krishna.

Bangladesh has effectively now come in Trump's crosshairs and the US deep state machinery will now do the rest.

Interesting times ahead for our neighbours on both flanks.

@Bilal9 @Dogun18

Cheers, Doc
 
A good share Krishna.

Bangladesh has effectively now come in Trump's crosshairs and the US deep state machinery will now do the rest.

Interesting times ahead for our neighbours on both flanks.

@Bilal9 @Dogun18

Cheers, Doc

The unfortunate part is that our coward Prime minister is mum as ever. When election will come closer, he will visit temples and feed cows with grass. On other hand looting of Mandir's wealth is on so as cow slaughter. We need an immediate replacement of this coward from top position.
 

Will Trump's return change Bangladesh-US ties?
Bangladesh-US relationship after Trump's win


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COLLAGE: STAR

In the aftermath of Donald Trump's resounding victory in the US election 2024, Michael Kugelman, the director of South Asia Institute in the Wilson Center, speaks to Ramisa Rob of The Daily Star, about the implications for Bangladesh at large.

What does Trump's victory, and the change in leadership in the US, mean for Bangladesh—in the short-term and long-term?

There won't be any notable implications in the immediate term, for example in the first weeks and months when Donald Trump takes office in January. But I do recognise that in itself is an implication and change for Bangladesh because it's experiencing significant challenges especially in the economic front to reform the country, and it won't really have the US to check in on them.

There are several things we have to remember. One, the relationship between Bangladesh and the US, during the first Trump administration, saw many strategic partnerships. It was during that period that the Trump administration launched the Indo-Pacific policy, and considered Bangladesh to be a big part of that. Trade between the US and Bangladesh also went up as well. Now, the question is: what do those experiences tell us about what could happen now over the next four years?

One has to acknowledge obviously that a lot has changed in Bangladesh—there's now a new leader, Dr Yunus, who was quite critical of Donald Trump previously. But this time, he's leading the interim government and his reaction was obviously very different: a cordial letter was issued to congratulate Trump. I also think the question is how Trump would look at the state of the relationship and whether he would want to refashion the current relationship, which I think he will as I don't think he will prioritize the US robustly embracing development assistance, and so on.

How exactly would he refashion the development assistance, and how much change could we be looking at?

The current messaging that the US wants to help Bangladesh in strengthening the economy and engaging in reforms and with that new agreements, including a USAID agreement that commits new funding to Bangladesh, would probably change. The way Donald Trump looks at foreign policy is very transactional and pragmatic and he also takes an approach of burden-sharing with allies and partners. So I don't think Trump would be interested in continuing the current nature of the relationship. But now, if we are to contemplate the possibility that the Trump administration would want to pull back on the commitments that have been made so far by the current Biden administration—I don't think we should overstate the deleterious impact that could have on Bangladesh just because Bangladesh, especially with a Yunus-led government, is a country that has a lot of friends, partners and multilateral donors around the world.

Just days before the election, Trump had posted a factless, incendiary tweet about Bangladesh. Can we anticipate the rhetoric will continue?

My view is that it doesn't necessarily reflect his actual positions but rather the US electoral politics at play. There have been several prominent Hindu American activists who have said publicly that Trump's statements were a product of their advocacy, and these activists are essentially Modi supporters as well. The comments that Trump made were not only directly at Bangladesh—he did mention he looks forward to working with his good friend, Modi. I think this does get to an important issue. Clearly, the government of Bangladesh understands that this was an electoral strategy, but I suspect it did not go down well in Dhaka, so the US-Bangladesh relationship will take off to a tricky start when Trump takes office because these comments must have left a bitter taste in the mouth of the Bangladesh government. From a public diplomacy standpoint, there has been a pushback against this disinformation about Bangladesh since August, and Trump's comments must have negatively affected that. But it's something that can be worked through. It's clear to me that Dr Yunus wants this relationship to work and the onus will be on him and the interim government to get through to the Trump administration that it wants this to work. I don't expect to see initiations from the Trump administration towards Bangladesh.

What is the current relationship and how will that tangibly change, especially in the context of delicate state of Bangladesh-India relations as well?

It is very clear that the politics of Dr Yunus don't align with Donald Trump. For his work as an economist and pioneer of the microfinance industry, many Western liberals and members of the Democratic Party respect Dr Yunus. We know when Yunus took office, the Biden administration responded very positively, which was significant given that we had seen tensions creep into the US-Bangladesh relationship in the last few years of the Sheikh Hasina government. When the Chief Advisor was in Washington for the UNGA, he was hosted by the Clinton Foundation. So obviously, those things are going to be different now because Donald Trump embodies a very different type of worldview. But the personality differences between the leaders in due course can be overcome when you look at the broader interests. Trump would recognise that there is a significant trade partnership between Bangladesh and the US. And there should be recognition, from the perspective of the Trump administration, based on geopolitical considerations that it's important for the US to not back away too much from Bangladesh which would drive the nation even closer to China.

Getting to the India factor, it's very clear to me that Donald Trump and Narendra Modi have a good rapport, and their ideological views are in many cases convergent. But I just don't think that would affect Bangladesh as the US and Bangladesh have a trade partnership—the US being a top destination for exports—and that would not concern India. And regarding the great power competition, Trump's ideologies would very much align with what India would like to see, which is that the Bangladesh government does not get closer to China. On the other hand, the fact that you're not going to have a US President who would go out of his way to strengthen the relationship with the current interim government, and show commitment to working with it. That kind of messaging would have been heard with the Harris administration but it won't come from the Trump administration, and in the context of current tense Bangladesh-India relations, it would be more reassuring for India.

Given Trump's hardline position on China, how would that affect the relationship between Bangladesh and the US?

If Trump takes a hardline on US-China competition—he likely will but you never know with him—and he may try to push Dhaka to sort of move away from the Indo-Pacific Outlook—a document that was passed by the previous government in Bangladesh to balance the relationship between the US and China. He could be more direct that Dhaka has to work more with Washington, which could cause tensions. But as you know, Trump is a maverick. While you can make inferences based on what he's done in the past, we can't rule out the possibility that he could decide after taking office, to reach some sort of understanding with President Xi Jinping. He just likes to do things like that. Let's not forget that during his first year in office, he did suggest that he saw China as a friend. So if we were to have this sort of "black swan" development and Trump decided that he wants to tone down the US-China competition, it would be very helpful for US-Bangladesh relations and Bangladesh's geopolitical interests on the whole.

Trump's campaign presented protectionist economic policies, so would that hamper the trade relationship with Bangladesh?

If you look at the data compared to 2022 and 2023, there has been a notable reduction in trade volume. Though not significant, there also has been a reduction in the US foreign direct investment (FDI) to Bangladesh. It is honestly because of the economic slowdown we're seeing in Bangladesh, so to speak. So I think if Trump were to come in and start making recommendations on tough tariff policies, that would certainly impact US-Bangladesh commercial relations. But it's important to know there are other ways to pursue commercial relations, through the development-finance corporation (DFC). If Bangladesh is able to strengthen its labour rights, then DFC theoretically would be able to provide support to Bangladesh's infrastructure projects and so on. Bangladesh is not authorised yet on DFC because of labour rights concerns that US officials have had, but if that were to change, it would be good for Bangladesh. And it could change, as I don't know if a Trump administration would be as strict regarding labour concerns compared to a Democratic administration.

Regarding the Rohingya issue, how would Trump's victory affect the mounting crisis in Bangladesh?

Given the situation in Myanmar, the Biden administration has been firmly behind Bangladesh, in terms of committing and maintaining assistance, mainly for USAID. By contrast, the Trump administration probably won't be as generous to disperse resources. But the security implications of a worsening war in Myanmar for Bangladesh could get the attention of the Trump administration, if the government in Dhaka presented the Rohingya issue not just as a humanitarian issue, but from a broader stability perspective.

We have seen Dr Yunus try to get the world's attention on the Rohingya issue. He has raised the issue of relocation to other countries, more so than repatriation because I don't think the Yunus-interim would repatriate the Rohingya to Myanmar given the lack of their safety over there. Regarding this, the Trump administration would not be a supporter of facilitating the efforts to relocate Rohingya to a third country, and certainly not the US, given his politics on immigration. That aspect of it could be a challenge as we look at the possibilities of easing the burden on Bangladesh.​
 

Trump's win won't put Bangladesh under pressure
ANM Muniruzzaman
Updated: 08 Nov 2024, 14: 08


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"Not only has Trump returned to power for the second time, but has also won the majority in the Senate and House of Representatives."

Donald Trump has won a landslide victory in the US election. Such a victory is rare in US history. Not only has Trump returned to power for the second time, but he has also won the majority in the Senate and House of Representatives. In other words, by means of this election, Trump has secured the power to exert his singular influence over US politics.

As a result, Trump will no longer have any obstacle to implement the policies which he believes in and which he projected during the election. He will uphold the 'America First' policy, holding US interests above all. On the domestic front, he will enforce strict rules on immigration. He may even force those without proper immigration papers to leave the country. He will also enforce strict measures to ensure that no immigrants can enter the US from Mexico or through any other border.

He may also bring about radical changes in the energy, environment and tax policies. Above all, US politics will be completely "Trump-ed".

Narendra Modi has personal ties with Trump, but this is often over exaggerated. Personal relations or sentiment hardly have any place in foreign relations, particularly when it comes to a superpower's relations with any country. Realpolitik is all that matters

Two major conflicts prevail in the present-day world -- the Russian-Ukraine war and the Israel-Hamas war (which has now extended to Lebanon). Trump had announced from beforehand that he would bring an end to these two conflicts. He has not, however, made it clear how he will do so. It is assumed that the one-sided support that the US has been giving Ukraine in the Russia-Ukraine war so far, will abate somewhat. While US military assistance to Ukraine may continue to an extent, there will be a drop in financial support.

Trump will want the European countries to extended financial assistance to Ukraine. Many apprehend that Trump may put pressure on for a peace accord, accepting the reality of the prevailing military presence in Ukraine territory. In that case, much of Ukraine's occupied territory will go over to Russian hands.

US support for Israel in the Hamas-Israel war will not only continue in Trump's second term, but will increase further. In Trump's first term we saw he had very close ties with Israel. Trump may put pressure on Hamas for a peace accord as directed. But Trump will make an effort to ensure that the Middle East war does not spread further.

Trump's attitude and policy towards Iran may become extremely stern. Trump firmly believes that Iran is the main reason behind the instability and the disruption of peace in the Middle East. Fresh military, economic and diplomatic pressure will come upon Iran.

The US Middle East policy may be revamped in light of the Trump policy. The Abraham Accords signed during Trump's term, which were placed somewhat on the backburner, may be revived. The Trump administration may use pressure or persuasion to make Israel more acceptable to the Middle East countries.

In his first term, Trump had a tough stance regarding China. That will be even tougher in his second term. He will increase pressure on China particularly in the area of trade. Fresh tariff will be imposed on products exported by China to the US. China will face major obstacles to its exports of electric vehicles, solar products and mobile phone technology to the US market. The US may enter into a technology war with China.

The US will also keep a sharp watch on China, militarily speaking. The US will be prepared to ensure that China cannot create any pressure on Taiwan. The US will also want Taiwan to take initiative for its own defence. Presently Taiwan spends 3 per cent of its budget on defence. Trump will want Taiwan to increase this considerably.

The US has been attaching much importance to its regional strategic polices such as the Indo-Pacific Strategy. This will continue during Trump's term, and its importance will even increase further in some instances. During the Biden administration we saw after the advent of AUKUS (the trilateral security partnership between the US, Australia and the UK), the importance of Quad (the security grouping of the US, India, Australia and Japan) decreased to a degree. That is because AUKUS included hard security power components. Traditional security will gain precedence over non-traditional security during the Trump term.

The US has strategic partnership with our neighbour India. India is important to the US as part of its strategy to thwart China. This strategy will continue and not undergo any change during Trump's second term.
Indian prime minister Narendra Modi has personal ties with Trump, but this is often over exaggerated. Personal relations or sentiment hardly have any place in foreign relations, particularly when it comes to a superpower's relations with any country. Realpolitik is all that matters. Pragmatically speaking, the US will do whatever it needs to do in its own national interests. Personal friendship does not factor in.

The stable relationship that the US has with India will continue to be stable. But the US has adopted an expanded view regarding its future sphere of influence. This will stand to be a bone of contention for India in many areas. India can use its clout now to enter many areas easily. In the future it may not have that scope. The US will adopt a stern stance in this regard.

Bangladesh enjoys good relations with the US. That will continue in Trump's second term. This will not face any major challenge. We must keep in mind that many countries are considerably higher up than Bangladesh on the US list of countries with which it has foreign relations. Bangladesh does not loom very large in US' national interest considerations.

Much of Indian media has exaggerated issues pertaining to the direction of Bangladesh-US relations. They are trying to create a scare. That is not at all realistic.

It is both baseless and unrealistic to imagine that Trump's win will create any form of pressure on Bangladesh's interim government. The interim government is working towards restoring democracy in Bangladesh. This is in keeping with US policy. The US wants true democracy in Bangladesh. The US and Trump will continue to support the process for election and restoration of democracy in Bangladesh within a realistic timeframe.
Many on social media have expressed their view that Bangladesh will be in a difficult position with Trump back at the helm. This is nothing but unrealistic ideas. Some quarters may deliberately be touting such ideas to invigorate their activists and supports. But this is nothing but absurdity.

* Major General ANM Muniruzzaman (retd) is President, Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies.​
 

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