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[🇧🇩] Everything about Hasina's misrule/Laundered Money etc.

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Short Summary: Various misdeeds of Hasina regime

Bangladesh’s feasibility study fallacy
Why so many ‘feasible’ projects become utterly infeasible and environmentally disastrous

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The Karnaphuli Tunnel has become a white elephant eating up taxpayers’ money. FILE PHOTO: RAJIB RAIHAN

A recent white paper on Bangladesh's economy has reported that seven mega-projects drained Tk 80,569 crore (approximately $7 billion at today's rates) more from the state coffer than the initial estimates due to cost escalations and time overruns.

Unfortunately, not only mega projects show such appalling scenarios. Most government initiatives with public money (note "public money") would miserably fail post-project performance evaluation. It is not only time and cost overruns; the justification for undertaking them in the first place is often flimsy at best and dubious or non-existent in some cases.

We have recently seen several media reports about the unviability of the Karnaphuli tunnel project. Was a feasibility study not undertaken before the country's highest policymaking body approved the project? Did the study not include elaborate cost and benefit streams, return on investment, and an environmental and social impact assessment (ESIA)? The outcome is a 27 percent cost overrun and a white elephant eating up taxpayers' money. The revenue is far below, and the cost is much higher than those stated in the feasibility study.

The Dohazari-Cox's Bazar Railway Project's price tag shot through the roof, as its cost at completion was almost nine times the initial estimate! Then, it exposed the sorry state of the standards by which Bangladesh conducts ESIAs. The alignment ran through floodplains without adequate cross-drainage arrangements, resulting in massive damage to the tracks immediately after completion as monsoon waters rushed down the hills, hitting it with full force. Interestingly, the parallel-running roads have been operating satisfactorily for several years. Certainly, an economic feasibility study, including a rigorous ESIA, was conducted before an international financial institution (IFI) approved the loan for the railway project.

Hailed as an all-weather link that connects Itna, Mithamoin, and Astagram upazilas in Kishoreganj, a 30 km road running through a huge natural water body ("haor") has instead been wreaking havoc, causing untimely flooding and damaging crops on thousands of hectares of land. The road has impeded natural water flow into the rivers through the haor, causing waterlogging and flooding, which was never seen before in the area. Gobbling up Tk 874 crore (about $100 million at 2022 rates) from public funds, the road has adversely impacted local livelihoods, which depend on fishing when the land is inundated and farming at other times, making both difficult. Littering has become another problem as visitors mindlessly dump waste in the water. The project, reportedly undertaken at a president's behest, also had a feasibility study and ESIA conducted prior. However, it simply glossed over such adverse social and environmental impacts and cooked up its economic viability to get through the government's checkbox-ticking approval process.

The list is endless. Project preparatory studies are never conducted with the professional rigour, ethical standards, or integrity they deserve, whether funded by the government, IFIs (such as the World Bank or the Asian Development Bank) or bilateral financing agencies. The post-project evaluation mechanism is a routine instead of a systemic process of problem identification, lesson learning, and improving next-time exercise.

The Implementation Monitoring and Evaluation Division (IMED) of the Ministry of Finance requires project completion reports, which has also become a useless exercise and another form of public money wastage. Has the government ever asked the implementing agency, the consultant, or the contractor why their work was unsatisfactory? Was the outcome of any study ever questioned when such studies turned out to be grossly faulty? Has the responsible agency or persons ever been made accountable?

All these lead to another question, which is more to the point. Was any project dropped because the economic feasibility study found it infeasible, or the ESIA reported that it would have adverse impacts if implemented?

Let's delve deeper into the project screening process. In a classic case of potential conflict of interest, the same organisation (government, IFI or a bilateral financing agency) that intends to extend the fund usually pays for the feasibility study (which includes an ESIA). Such a study will be inherently biased and likely find the project feasible, toning down the adverse social and environmental impacts with impractical mitigation measures and monitoring mechanisms. A glaring case is the Rampal Coal-Fired Power Plant, located next to the Sundarbans, a fragile ecosystem, which anyone with common sense will consider an environmental disaster in waiting. A Greenpeace study reported that the plant would cause at least 6,000 premature deaths and low birth weights of 24,000 babies during its 40-year life. Burning five million tonnes of coal annually, the power plant would be among Bangladesh's largest sources of air pollution. The ritualistic feasibility study and its ESIA (commissioned by those with a stake in its go-ahead) played on like actors in a meticulously scripted sequence, producing volumes of reports without mentioning these unpalatable facts.

How can Bangladesh screen out projects that are infeasible, detrimental to the environment, and harmful to society? What mechanism will facilitate utilising public money more efficiently and sustainably? I will mention two broad measures in this piece, though there will be others. First, a performance audit mechanism should be set up, and accountability should be instilled in the relevant government implementing agency, its officials, and all external parties involved. Second, all feasibility studies should be conducted independently, without bias following the highest professional standards and ethics.

Ultimately, reform is a bitter pill that must be swallowed if the intent is sincere.

Dr Sayeed Ahmed is a consulting engineer and the CEO of Bayside Analytix, a technology-focused strategy and management consulting organisation.​
 

Joy denies graft in $12.65 billion nuclear deal


Bangladesh's Anti Corruption Commission said on Monday it had launched an enquiry into allegations of corruption, embezzlement and money laundering in the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant project, backed by Russia's state-owned Rosatom​


Sajeeb Wazed, son of the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina gestures during an interview with Reuters at the Prime Minister's residence in Dhaka, Bangladesh, December 29, 2018. Photo: REUTERS/Mohammad Ponir Hossain/File Photo
Sajeeb Wazed, son of the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina gestures during an interview with Reuters at the Prime Minister's residence in Dhaka, Bangladesh, December 29, 2018. Photo: REUTERS/Mohammad Ponir Hossain/File Photo

Sajeeb Wazed, son of the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina gestures during an interview with Reuters at the Prime Minister's residence in Dhaka, Bangladesh, December 29, 2018. Photo: REUTERS/Mohammad Ponir Hossain/File Photo

Ousted Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's son and adviser on Tuesday described allegations of corruption involving the family in the 2015 awarding of a $12.65 billion nuclear power contract as "completely bogus" and a "smear campaign".

Bangladesh's Anti Corruption Commission said on Monday it had launched an enquiry into allegations of corruption, embezzlement and money laundering in the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant project, backed by Russia's state-owned Rosatom.

A deal for two power plants, each with a capacity of 1,200 megawatts, was signed in 2015.


ACC seeks transaction details of Hasina, Joy, Rehana, Tulip over Tk21,000cr embezzlement

The commission has alleged that there were financial irregularities worth about $5 billion involving Hasina, her son Sajeeb Wazed and her niece and British treasury minister Tulip Siddiq, through offshore accounts.

Siddiq and Rosatom did not respond to Reuters requests for comment.

A spokesperson for British Prime Minister Keir Starmer said Siddiq had denied any involvement in the claims and that he had confidence in her. Siddiq would continue in her role, the spokesperson added.

In August, Bangladeshi media quoted Rosatom as rejecting an earlier media allegation of corruption, saying it was "committed to transparent working practices, strict anti-corruption policies, and openness in all procurement processes".

Wazed, speaking on behalf of the family, said they were the targets of a political witch hunt in Bangladesh.

The government in Dhaka said on Monday it had asked India to send Hasina back. New Delhi has confirmed the request but declined further comment

"These are completely bogus allegations and a smear campaign. My family nor I have ever been involved or taken any money from any government projects," he told Reuters from Washington, where he lives.


"It is not possible to siphon off billions from a $10 billion project. We also don't have any offshore accounts. I have been living in the US for 30 years, my aunt and cousins in the UK for a similar amount of time. We obviously have accounts here, but none of us have ever seen that kind of money."

Reuters could not contact Hasina, who has not been seen in public since fleeing to New Delhi in early August following a deadly uprising against her in Bangladesh. Since then, an interim government has been running the country.

The government in Dhaka said on Monday it had asked India to send Hasina back. New Delhi has confirmed the request but declined further comment.

Wazed said the family had not made a decision on Hasina's return to Bangladesh and that New Delhi had not asked her to seek asylum elsewhere.
 

Joy denies graft in $12.65 billion nuclear deal


Bangladesh's Anti Corruption Commission said on Monday it had launched an enquiry into allegations of corruption, embezzlement and money laundering in the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant project, backed by Russia's state-owned Rosatom​


Sajeeb Wazed, son of the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina gestures during an interview with Reuters at the Prime Minister's residence in Dhaka, Bangladesh, December 29, 2018. Photo: REUTERS/Mohammad Ponir Hossain/File Photo
Sajeeb Wazed, son of the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina gestures during an interview with Reuters at the Prime Minister's residence in Dhaka, Bangladesh, December 29, 2018. Photo: REUTERS/Mohammad Ponir Hossain/File Photo

Sajeeb Wazed, son of the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina gestures during an interview with Reuters at the Prime Minister's residence in Dhaka, Bangladesh, December 29, 2018. Photo: REUTERS/Mohammad Ponir Hossain/File Photo

Ousted Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's son and adviser on Tuesday described allegations of corruption involving the family in the 2015 awarding of a $12.65 billion nuclear power contract as "completely bogus" and a "smear campaign".

Bangladesh's Anti Corruption Commission said on Monday it had launched an enquiry into allegations of corruption, embezzlement and money laundering in the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant project, backed by Russia's state-owned Rosatom.

A deal for two power plants, each with a capacity of 1,200 megawatts, was signed in 2015.


ACC seeks transaction details of Hasina, Joy, Rehana, Tulip over Tk21,000cr embezzlement

The commission has alleged that there were financial irregularities worth about $5 billion involving Hasina, her son Sajeeb Wazed and her niece and British treasury minister Tulip Siddiq, through offshore accounts.

Siddiq and Rosatom did not respond to Reuters requests for comment.

A spokesperson for British Prime Minister Keir Starmer said Siddiq had denied any involvement in the claims and that he had confidence in her. Siddiq would continue in her role, the spokesperson added.

In August, Bangladeshi media quoted Rosatom as rejecting an earlier media allegation of corruption, saying it was "committed to transparent working practices, strict anti-corruption policies, and openness in all procurement processes".

Wazed, speaking on behalf of the family, said they were the targets of a political witch hunt in Bangladesh.



"These are completely bogus allegations and a smear campaign. My family nor I have ever been involved or taken any money from any government projects," he told Reuters from Washington, where he lives.


"It is not possible to siphon off billions from a $10 billion project. We also don't have any offshore accounts. I have been living in the US for 30 years, my aunt and cousins in the UK for a similar amount of time. We obviously have accounts here, but none of us have ever seen that kind of money."

Reuters could not contact Hasina, who has not been seen in public since fleeing to New Delhi in early August following a deadly uprising against her in Bangladesh. Since then, an interim government has been running the country.

The government in Dhaka said on Monday it had asked India to send Hasina back. New Delhi has confirmed the request but declined further comment.

Wazed said the family had not made a decision on Hasina's return to Bangladesh and that New Delhi had not asked her to seek asylum elsewhere.
ACC investigation will reveal the truth. He leads a lavish life in the USA with money stolen from Bangladesh. He is unemployed but owns a golf course in the USA. He is a thief.
 

ACC to probe allegations against Hasina, family over RAJUK plot allocation
Staff Correspondent 26 December, 2024, 17:06

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Anti-Corruption Commission logo.

The Anti-Corruption Commission on Thursday decided to conduct an inquiry against six people, including now ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh Rehana, over allegations of corruption in the allotment of Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha plots in Purbachal.

This is the third inquiry by the commission against Sheikh Hasina over corruption allegations since the fall of her regime, leading her to flee to India on August 5 amid a student-led mass uprising.

The anti-graft agency also filed three cases against former state minister for power and energy Nasrul Hamid and his family members on the charges of amassing illegal wealth worth Tk 64 crore and suspicious transactions of over Tk 3,000 crore in their bank accounts.

It took the decision for a probe against Sheikh Hasina and five others at a meeting held by commission chairman Mohammad Abdul Momen at its Segun Bagicha headquarters in Dhaka city, said agency director general (prevention) Md Akter Hossain.

The four others to be probed are Hasina’s son Sajeeb Ahmed Wazed Joy, her daughter Saima Wazed Putul, Rehana’s son Radwan Mujib Siddiq Bobby, and her youngest daughter Azmina Siddiq.

According to the allegations, Sheikh Hasina, in collusion with top officials of Rajuk, facilitated the allocation of six plots—each is 10 katha in size—in her and family members’ names through irregularities and corruption during her prime minister’s tenure.

These six plots are situated on Road 203 in the diplomatic zone of Sector 27 of the Purbachal New Town project, as per the allegations.

Rajuk issued an allotment letter on August 3, 2022, allotting a 10-katha plot to Sheikh Hasina (plot number 009), while it allotted two plots to Sajeeb Wazed (plot number 015) and Saima Wazed (plot number 017).

Sajeeb’s allotment letter was issued on October 24, 2022, while Sayma’s allotment letter was issued on November 2, the same year.

A 10-katha plot (plot number 013) was also allocated to Sheikh Rehana. The same size plots were also allotted in the names of his son Radwan Mujib (plot number 011) and daughter Azmina Siddiq (plot number 019).

Earlier in October, the High Court also formed a three-member committee to investigate into the allegations in response to a writ file after media reports surfaced about irregularities committed in allocating Purbachal plots to the six members of Sheikh Hasina’s family.

The High Court also asked the committee to investigate allegations of irregularities in the allocation of plots by Rajuk during the past 15 years of the Awami League regime from 2009 to 2024.

On December 17, the ACC decided to conduct an inquiry against Sheikh Hasina, Sajeeb Wazed, Sheikh Rehana, and Tulip Siddique over allegations of embezzlement and corruption involving Tk 80,000 crore in nine mega projects.

As a part of the inquiry, the commission sent a letter to the office of the chief adviser on Tuesday, seeking information related to embezzlement of Tk 21,000 crore in eight special priority projects, including Ashrayan, BEZA, and BEPZA projects.

The team will also probe allegations of corruption worth Tk 59,000 crore in the Rooppur nuclear power plant project.

Apart from this, the anti-corruption agency, on December 22, also decided on an inquiry against Sheikh Hasina and her son Sajeeb Wazed over the allegations of laundering $300 million.

As part of the inquiry, the commission sent letters to various offices to collect documents related to offshore banking accounts and identity cards in the names of Hasina and her family members.

The ACC, meanwhile, filed three separate cases against Nasrul Hamid Bipu, his wife, and his son on the charges of amassing illegal wealth worth Tk 64 crore.

The cases were filed with its integrated district office in Dhaka-1, said commission director general Akter Hossain, while talking to journalists at the commission’s headquarters in Dhaka on Thursday.

Of them, Nasrul was sued on the charges of amassing illegal wealth worth Tk 36.37 crore and unusual transactions worth Tk 3,181 crore in his 98 bank accounts.

Another case was filed against his son Zarif Hamid for amassing illegal assets worth Tk 20.87 crore and suspicious transactions of Tk 13 crore in his 13 bank accounts.

Apart from this, Nasrul’s wife, Seema Hamid, has also been sued on the charges of accumulating illegal wealth worth Tk 6.94 crore and suspicious transactions of Tk 24 crore in her 20 bank accounts.

On August 22, the anti-corruption commission started an inquiry against Nasrul Hamid, also a former lawmaker from the Dhaka-3 constituency, who went into hiding since the fall of the Awami League regime.​
 

How Hasina’s kleptocracy destroyed good governance and the economy
Moinul Islam
Published: 26 Dec 2024, 18: 06

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Toppled from power in a mass uprising on 5 August this year, autocrat Sheikh Hasina fled to India. On 29 August, chief advisor Dr Muhammad Yunus announced that a committee headed by Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya would be formed to prepare a white paper on the economy.

The committee was given the task of looking into the state of the country's economy over the past 15 years of autocracy and to hand over a white paper in this regard to the government within three months.

On 1 December the committee handed in a draft of its white paper to Muhammad Yunus. The white paper was titled 'Dissection of a Development Narrative'. The draft report of around 396 pages consisted of 24 chapters in total. Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya claimed that the economy system during Sheikh Hasina's rule transformed from crony capitalism to kleptocracy.

Sheikh Hasina clinched a landslide victory in the 2018 election. As soon as they came to power, Awami League's ministers and the prime minister's relations unleashed unrestrained corruption and embezzlement. Some say that the prime minister has encouraged this. This white paper remains as a dispassionate dissection of the unbelievable reign of plunder. A detailed study of the white paper will reveal the following points.

These looters have rendered the executive, the civil administration, the judiciary, the financial sector institutions, the government revenue collection departments, and the investment regulatory departments extremely corrupt

One

The white paper's research revealed that by means of autocrat Sheikh Hasina's 15-year reign of plunder, a total of 234 billion dollars had been siphoned out of the country, at around 16 billion dollars a year. The most loot and plunder took place in the banking and financial sectors, the energy and power sectors, infrastructure and IT. The white paper studied the sector-wise facts and figures of this looting and published an estimate of the looted funds.

The white paper analysed 28 methods of corruption in this process of plunder. The United Arab Emirates, Canada, United States, United Kingdom, Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong, India and several tax havens have been identified at the major beneficiaries of capital flight. With active patronage of the corrupt politicians, the main actors of this kleptocracy are business oligarchs, financial sector players, corrupt bureaucrats, contractors and middlemen, Hasina's relatives as well as influence peddlers and wheeler-dealers.

In collusion with each other, these looters have rendered the executive, the civil administration, the judiciary, the financial sector institutions, the government revenue collection departments, and the investment regulatory departments extremely corrupt and made then partners in the plunder. They have weakened investment and revenue collection. They have caused the foreign exchange reserves to collapse. They have destroyed macroeconomic management and good governance.

Two

Around 47 billion to 100 billion has been siphoned out to Canada. A total of 972 Bangladeshis own real estate in Dubai. At least 3600 Bangladeshis have bought houses under the 'second home' scheme in Malaysia. Every year on average 23 to 40 per cent of the country's Annual Development Programme (ADP) is misappropriated.

Three

Under the directives of the former planning minister Mustafa Kamal, from 2014 the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) became a hub of manipulating data. Every year the GDP figures were inflated. At the same time, in order to display a higher per capita GDP, the country's total population was shown to be lower than actual.

Inflated export revenue was put on display. Inflation rates were always shown to be lower than actual. The population under the poverty line was shown lower than it actually is to magnify the government's success in poverty alleviation.

The birth rate and mortality rate was shown to be lower than actual so that the population growth rate could be artificially shown to be low. The total fertility rate of the country was also depicted lower than actual so that this would depict the government to be successful in controlling population growth. In this backdrop, export earnings have fallen by around 5 billion dollars compared to the amount projected in the 2023-24 fiscal as projected by the previous government.

Four

Funds were looted by inflating the estimate for the expenditure on seven mega projects by 70 per cent more than the preliminary estimate. This is around 805.69 billion taka (80,569 crore taka). The mega projects included the Padma bridge project, the Karnaphuli tunnel project, Dhaka metro-rail project, the Dhaka-Mawa-Jashore-Payra rail route via Padma bridge project, the Chattogram-Dohazari-Cox's Bazar rail route project, the Payra port project and the Matarbari coal-fired power project. As no proper feasibility studies or cost analyses were carried out on these projects, this created the scope to increase costs by 70 per cent.

Five

The actual defaulted loans in the country's banking sector amount to 6,750 billion taka (6.75 lakh crore taka). The white paper terms the defaulted loans as distressed assets. According to the white paper, 13.5 metro-rails or 22.5 Padma bridges could have been constructed with these distressed assets. And 13,400 billion taka (13.4 lakh crore taka) has been siphoned out of the country by means of the illegal hundi channels. Meanwhile, 10 banks are technically bankrupt. Of these, two banks are state-owned banks and eight are Islamic Shariah-based banks. The banks are steeped in deep liquidity crisis.

The state-owned Janata Bank and BASIC Bank are victims of massive loan theft. The biggest loans have been taken from Islami Bank and other Shahriah-based banks, around 1500 billion taka (1 lakh 50 thousand crore) and siphoned out of the country by the looters.

Six

At least 27 billion dollars has been directly filched from the country's share market. Certain specific persons have looted over one trillion taka (one lakh crore taka) from the share market my various manipulations. No heed was paid to the report of the committee formed to look into the deliberate crash of the share market in 2010-11 fiscal. As a result, confidence in the Dhaka and Chattogram stock exchanges has seriously plummeted.

Seven

The country's Gini coefficient, that measure inequality in income, reached 0.5 in 2022. Among 72 countries where the World Bank carried out an income disparity survey, Brazil, Colombia and Panama had a higher Gini coefficient than this. Bangladesh's Gini coefficient for resource disparity reached an even worse level, going from 0.82 to 0.84 from 2016 to 2022. Bangladesh is now a country of excessively high income inequality and resource disparity.

Eight

From 1995 Bangladesh per capita growth has been shown to be higher than actual. That is why many development economists dub this GDP growth of Bangladesh as a paradox. After the fall of the autocratic ruler, the GDP growth rate will likely fall from the 6.5 per cent projected rate of the former government to 5.8 per cent.

Nine

The white paper said that around 770 billion taka to 980 billion taka (77 thousand crore to 98 thousand crore taka) has gone into the hands of the government officials in the form of bribes and corruption. And 700 billion to 1,400 billion taka (70 thousand crore taka to 1 lakh 40 thousand crore taka) has gone to the hands of politicians by similar means. And the wives and children of these bureaucrats and politicians have settled overseas.

* Moinul Islam is an economist and former professor at the economics department of Chittagong University.​
 

টিউলিপ ও তার পরিবারের বিরুদ্ধে ৫৯ হাজার কোটি টাকা দুর্নীতির অভিযোগ


 
More damning evidence. The scale of the theft boggles the mind.

I believe Hasina's contemporaries' allegations that she wanted to destroy our nation, because we killed her family.

So plain in front of our eyes, but so easy to fool the people of Bangladesh. They keep getting fooled again and again.

 

Making and unmaking Hasina
Dismantling the systemic corruption

Mohammad Enamul Hoque
Published :
Dec 31, 2024 21:21
Updated :
Dec 31, 2024 21:21

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The political journey of Sheikh Hasina, one of Bangladesh's most polarising leaders, was deeply intertwined with allegations of corruption, authoritarianism, and misuse of state resources. Her tenure has been marred by systemic complicity and unchecked power, sustained by a network of enablers across various sectors of society. The complicity of her allies, who have personally or professionally benefited from unethical practices, highlights a broader issue within Bangladesh's institutions. While some have faced consequences, many remain entrenched in positions of influence, continuing to erode public trust and reinforce corrupt systems.

To dismantle this entrenched network of complicity, several commissions have been established to investigate Hasina's and her collaborators' alleged misdeeds. Numerous committee reports have already been published, shedding light on corruption within the Hasina regime. These commissions must operate with transparency and impartiality while identifying the individuals and groups responsible for undermining democratic principles and economic stability. The task is immense, requiring a thorough examination of years of systemic corruption and collusion. Addressing this entrenched culture demands innovative and decisive measures that go beyond traditional accountability mechanisms.

One innovative solution to address systemic corruption is the introduction of the "Dalal Tax." The term "Dalal" refers to individuals who actively supported or benefited from corrupt practices. This concept, derived from the Bengali term for brokers or intermediaries who enable corrupt practices, seeks to impose lifelong penalties on individuals who have directly or indirectly facilitated corruption.

The Dalal Tax aims to address the pervasive issue of political corruption by establishing clear objectives.

First, it seeks to enforce accountability by holding individuals responsible for their involvement in enabling corrupt practices. By targeting enablers, the policy emphasises the importance of individual roles in upholding integrity and discourages the normalisation of unethical behaviour.

Second, it serves as a deterrent, sending a strong warning against future complicity in political corruption. The tax is designed to create significant consequences for those who engage in or facilitate dishonest activities, making such actions less appealing.

Third, it holds symbolic value, signalling a decisive stand against corruption and collusion. This public declaration reinforces the idea that malfeasance will not be tolerated, fostering trust in governance and rule of law.

Last but not the least, the tax seeks to exclude individuals subjected to its penalties from participating in public life, including elections or influential roles. This measure reduces their ability to further harm the country's institutions and ensures that key positions are held by individuals committed to ethical governance.

Together, these objectives form a comprehensive framework for combating corruption and promoting a culture of transparency and accountability.

For the Dalal Tax to work effectively, it is essential to identify those who supported or benefited from corruption. This includes government officials, bureaucrats, and judiciary members involved in unethical policymaking and administration; corrupt bankers involved in illicit money transfers; and share market players accused of fraud; academics who sided with political groups to influence decisions; and civil society members who endorsed corrupt actions for personal gain.

Business leaders who profited from favourable policies or contracts and media figures who protected corrupt regimes through biased reporting must also be investigated.

Establishing responsibility requires thorough investigations using financial audits, document reviews, and interviews. Transparency and fairness in this process are vital to building and maintaining public trust.

Implementing the Dalal Tax effectively requires careful planning and a strong legal foundation. The first step is to establish laws that formalise the tax while ensuring they align with constitutional standards and include necessary safeguards. It is important to clearly define who will be subject to the tax, using specific criteria and solid evidence to support these decisions. The tax rates should be proportional, taking into account the individual's income and their role in corrupt activities. Transparency is key, with the names of those taxed and the evidence of their involvement made public. To ensure fairness, a process must be in place for individuals to appeal their inclusion and contest the evidence against them.

The Dalal Tax is more than a punitive measure; it represents a commitment to meaningful reform and sustainable change. Its primary objective is to rebuild public trust by affirming that no one is beyond accountability and that justice will prevail. By curbing the influence of corrupt individuals in governance, it aims to fortify institutions and foster a culture where accountability is the norm.

The tax also seeks to inspire ethical governance, encouraging leaders and officials to prioritise transparency and integrity in their actions. Beyond its practical effects, it carries a powerful symbolic message, demonstrating a decisive stand against corruption. Penalising those involved in malfeasance emphasises the importance of justice and strengthens confidence in public administration. Furthermore, by barring those penalised from holding influential positions or participating in elections, the tax ensures that leadership is entrusted to individuals who value ethical conduct and good governance.

While the Dalal Tax is an ambitious proposal, it is not without potential drawbacks. Critics may argue that it could be used as a tool for political retribution or infringe on individual rights. To address these concerns, independent oversight bodies must monitor the implementation process. Transparency, fairness, and adherence to due process are crucial to preserving the policy's legitimacy.

Another challenge is ensuring that the tax does not disproportionately affect certain groups or become a political weapon. Clear guidelines, robust evidence, and impartial investigations are essential to maintaining credibility and fairness.

This lament for Sheikh Hasina's legacy is, at its heart, a lament for Bangladesh-a country whose aspirations for democracy and integrity have been undermined by systemic complicity. The Dalal Tax, ambitious and fraught with challenges, represents a cry for change, a call to reckon with the failures of the past, and a striving for a more just future. It offers a path, however imperfect, to reaffirm the principles of transparency, equity, and ethical governance.

By implementing this tax, Bangladesh may send a powerful message that collusion and corruption have lasting consequences. This step can pave the way for a more transparent, accountable, and equitable future, where public trust in institutions is restored and ethical governance becomes the norm.

Dr Mohammad Enamul Hoque is Senior Lecturer, University of Western Australia, Australia.​
 

Tulip given London flat by developer with links to AL: FT report

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Tulip Siddiq, Sheikh Hasina's niece and currently the UK's city minister and economic secretary to the treasury, was gifted a two-bedroom apartment in central London by a person connected to the recently ousted Bangladeshi government, reports the Financial Times.

According to UK-based news outlet, the property near King's Cross, was transferred to Tulip in 2004 for free. Land Registry records, reviewed by the Financial Times, reveal that the property was purchased in January 2001 for £195,000. A neighbouring flat in the same building sold for £650,000 (around Tk 9.8 crore) in August 2023.

Tulip's mother, Sheikh Rehana, Hasina's younger sister, had been dubbed as the heir apparent after Sheikh Hasina. Rehana is reported to be the only other politician who fled Bangladesh with Hasina August 5, 2024 faced with a public uprising. Tulip's brother, Radwan Mujib, was also closely involved with Awami League, and acted as a spokesperson of sorts during visits of foreign dignitaries to Bangladesh.

The FT report said that the donor, Abdul Motalif, is a developer and an associate of figures linked to Tulip Siddiq's aunt, Sheikh Hasina, former prime minister of Bangladesh and leader of the Awami League party. Sheikh Hasina's government was ousted on August 5 last year.

"Any suggestion that Tulip Siddiq's ownership of this property, or any other property is in any way linked to support for the Awami League, would be categorically wrong," a spokesperson for the minister said.

Abdul Motalif confirmed to the Financial Times in a phone call that he bought the King's Cross property but declined to comment on what he did with it. "Following financial support provided by Tulip's parents to an acquaintance during a challenging time in his life, he subsequently transferred a property he then owned into Tulip's ownership as an act of gratitude for her parents' support," said a person familiar with the matter.

Electoral roll data cited by the Financial Times shows that Siddiq lived in the property during the early 2000s, and her siblings resided there for several years afterward. Tulip has declared rental income from two properties, including the King's Cross flat, in her parliamentary financial interests.

The Financial Times report added that the timing of the gift has drawn scrutiny due to Tulip Siddiq's ties to the Awami League, whose members face multiple corruption allegations. Bangladesh's Anti-Corruption Commission launched an inquiry recently after a political rival of Sheikh Hasina accused her family, including Tulip Siddiq, of receiving funds from a Russia-backed nuclear power project. Both Tulip Siddiq and Sheikh Hasina deny these allegations.

The report further highlights that Abdul Motalif, now 70, resides in south-east London. Electoral roll data shows that he previously allowed Moin Ghani, a lawyer who later represented the Awami League government, to live in the King's Cross flat. Additionally, he shared a south-east London address with Mojibul Islam, the son of a former Awami League MP, from 2014 to 2024. Both Motalif and Mojibul confirmed that they were registered at the address.

The flat's transfer occurred before Tulip Siddiq became an MP in 2015, meaning she was not obligated to disclose it at the time. Records indicate that in 2018, Tulip Siddiq extended the lease on the property for £90,000. The Financial Times also reports that Siddiq and her husband jointly purchased another flat in her Hampstead and Highgate constituency for £865,000, which is now mortgage-free.

Tulip Siddiq faced a reprimand from the parliamentary standards commissioner last year for failing to declare rental income on the Hampstead flat. Meanwhile, since 2022, Tulip Siddiq has been living in a £2.1 million London home owned by Abdul Karim, an executive member of the UK Awami League. The Financial Times report mentioned that Tulip Siddiq pays market rates for the property and has declared her relationship with Abdul Karim to parliamentary authorities.

Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League have been accused of corruption, rigging elections, and suppressing dissent, with rival parties and human rights groups calling her government authoritarian. In contrast, UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer has expressed confidence in Tulip Siddiq, with Downing Street stating last month that it had seen no evidence of wrongdoing on her part.

The Financial Times report also points out Tulip Siddiq's past involvement with the Awami League, including her work within its EU and UK lobbying unit and election strategy team. UK-based affiliates of the Awami League campaigned alongside Tulip during several British general elections, including the 2022 vote that brought the Labour Party to power.

"Had it not been for your help, I would never have been able to stand here as a British MP," Tulip Siddiq said at a 2015 London event honouring Sheikh Hasina, as quoted by the Financial Times.​
 

BFIU seeks bank account details of 21 more journalists


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The Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit (BFIU) today sought the bank account details of 21 more journalists.

A senior official of BFIU confirmed the matter to The Daily Star.

The 21 journalists are -- Saiful Alam, editor of the Daily Jugantor; Pranab Saha, sacked editor of DBC News, Hasan Zahid Tusher, former deputy press secretary to ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, M Shamsur Rahman, editor-in-chief and CEO of Independent TV; Mamun Abdullah, head of news at Independent TV; Animesh Kar, special correspondent of Independent TV; Md Ruhul Amin Russell, managing editor of Bangladesh Pratidin; and Mahmud Hasan, deputy editor of Bangladesh Pratidin.

The rest journalists are -- Daily Khola Kagoj senior reporter Zafar Ahmed, who is now working at BanglaNews, Daily Jatiya Orthoniti Editor MG Kibria Chowdhury, Amader Somoy and Amader Orthoniti Chief Reporter Deepak Chowdhury, Ekushey TV's Head of Input Akhil Kumar Poddar, Ekattor TV journalist Jhumur Bari, Ekushey Sangbad Editor Ziadur Rahman, Daily Kalbela special correspondent Angur Nahar Monty, My TV Chairman Nasir Uddin Sathi, SA TV journalist Rashed Kanjan, BSS Senior Reporter Shahnaz Siddiqui, Ekushey TV journalist Rashed Chaudhry, SA TV Head of News Mahmud Al Faisal, and Samakal journalist Rama Prasad.

Earlier, the BFIU summoned the bank account details of 12 journalists.​
 

BFIU seeks bank account info of Tulip, family

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The Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit (BFIU) yesterday sought information on the bank accounts of Tulip Siddiq, niece of ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina and UK city minister, and her family members.

The anti-money laundering agency has also asked for details of the accounts of Azmina Siddique, Tulip's sister, her brother Radwan Mujib Siddiq, and mother Sheikh Rehana.

Banks have been instructed to submit all the relevant information, including transaction records, account opening forms, and other related information.

Earlier, the BFIU sought information on the bank accounts of Hasina, her son Sajeeb Wazed, and daughter Saima Wazed.

Tulip recently made headlines in international media as she is now under increasing pressure to resign due to her ties with the fallen Awami League government.

Tulip, who is responsible for anti-corruption efforts, has been linked to multiple properties associated with Hasina and her party. The AL has been accused of siphoning funds from Bangladesh's banking system, although they deny the allegations, reports British daily Financial Times (FT).

The FT disclosed last Friday that Tulip became the owner of a two-bedroom flat near King's Cross in London in 2004 without making any payment for it. The flat had been purchased three years earlier for £195,000 by Abdul Motalif, a developer connected to senior AL figures.​
 

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