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Election will be held on time, Yunus tells US Special Envoy

UNB
Published :
Dec 22, 2025 22:58
Updated :
Dec 22, 2025 22:58

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Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Monday reiterated his commitment to holding the general election on February 12 next.

"The nation is eagerly waiting to exercise their voting rights which were stolen by the autocratic regime," he said.

Prof Yunus made the remarks during a telephone conversation with Sergio Gor, the US Special Envoy for South and Central Asia, at around 7:30 pm (Dhaka time).

The discussion, which lasted for about half an hour, focused on trade and tariff negotiations between Bangladesh and the United States, the upcoming general election, the countryโ€™s democratic transition, and the murder of young Bangladeshi political activist Sharif Osman Hadi.

Sergio Gor, who also serves as the US Ambassador to India, congratulated Prof Yunus for his leadership during recent tariff negotiations.

Bangladesh succeeded in reducing US reciprocal tariffs on Bangladeshi goods to 20 percent.

The US Special Envoy also discussed the massive funeral of Shaheed Osman Hadi, said Chief Adviserโ€™s Press wing.

The Chief Adviser noted that supporters of the ousted autocratic regime were allegedly spending millions of dollars to disrupt the electoral process and that their fugitive leader was inciting violence.

He, however, said the interim government was โ€œfully preparedโ€ to deal with any challenges.

โ€œWe have roughly 50 days to go before the election. We want to hold a free, fair and peaceful election. We want to make it remarkable,โ€ Prof Yunus said.

Commerce Adviser Sk Bashiruddin, National Security Adviser Dr Khalilur Rahman and SDG Coordinator and Senior Secretary Lamiya Morshed were present during the phone call.​
 

Election process must stay on track​

 

Yunus urges religious leaders to help raise public awareness about election, referendum

bdnews24.com
Published :
Dec 24, 2025 20:56
Updated :
Dec 24, 2025 20:56

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Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus has urged religious leaders to help raise awareness about the parliamentary polls and referendum scheduled for Feb 12.

He made the call while meeting the leaders of the Christian community on Christmas Eve on Wednesday evening at the State Guest House Jamuna.

The Chief Advisorโ€™s Office later issued a media statement on the meeting.

Archbishop Bejoy N Dโ€™Cruz said the people of Bangladesh, along with millions around the world, are celebrating Christmas this year with enthusiasm and joy, keeping in mind the great ideals of Jesus Christโ€™s forgiveness and service to humanity.

Wishing the Chief Advisor a Merry Christmas, Bejoy, the head of the Catholic Christians in Bangladesh, said: โ€œAfter the July mass uprising, the people entrusted you with the task of rebuilding Bangladesh. You have been fulfilling that responsibility with utmost dedication. We pray that your efforts will succeed through a free, fair, and peaceful election.โ€

The interim government chief said he is working to build a healthy society.

โ€œThat is why the July Charter has been prepared to uphold the spirit of the mass uprising. Through a referendum on this charter, the country will take another step forward,โ€ he said.​
 

Poll concerns must be addressed seriously

EC must ensure proper enforcement of law and electoral code

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VISUAL: STAR

The concerns raised by returning officers and field-level police officials at a meeting with the Election Commission should be taken as a serious warning. Among other challenges, they highlighted the use of illegal firearms, abuse of social media, indiscriminate bail for listed criminals, and weak border security. These form a combustible mix in a volatile socio-political climate, posing a serious threat to our hope for a free, fair, and inclusive election. Clearly, what's important is not only acknowledging these risks, which the top brass often seem unwilling to do, but also acting decisively on them.

In this regard, we acknowledge the chief election commissioner's assurance that the commission "will stand by" officials in charge of conducting elections, directing them to apply the law equally to everyone. Meanwhile, the inspector general of police claimed that police have sufficiently rebuilt their capacity, pledging to counter all attempts to create unrest. "If we cannot establish order, it will not be possible to provide full support to the commission during the polls," he said. These assurances, however, will mean nothing if they are not matched by visible enforcement. And right now, we need some serious enforcement on the ground.

Recent weeks have seen a disturbing spike in political and mob violence. A leader of National Citizen Party (NCP) was shot by miscreants in Khulna on Monday. Earlier, an MP aspirant from Dhaka-8 constituency, Sharif Osman Hadi, suffered a critical head injury after being shot from close range and eventually died on Thursday, which then unleashed a wave of violence and arson attacks. Around the same time, a BNP leader's house in Lakshmipur was set on fire, leading to a seven-year-old being burnt to death. These incidents have understandably heightened concerns about whether the February 12 polls can be held on time and without intimidation. The EC must remember that polls derive legitimacy not just from the ballots cast, but also from voters' confidence that their choice can be exercised safely.

When it comes to holding a fair election, the work starts much earlier, right on the campaign trail. A vital task for the EC here is to ensure proper enforcement of the electoral code. Allegations about MP aspirants, especially from major parties, spending crores of taka even before the election schedule was announced risk distorting competition and marginalising candidates without deep pockets. Such activities, if left unaddressed, could compromise the level playing field, fuel criminal patronage networks, and encourage further violence.

We, therefore, urge the EC to take the dual challenge of ensuring law enforcement and proper electoral conduct with equal seriousness. The recommendations presented by officials at Monday's meeting deserve serious consideration. The EC, the administration, and the police all must do their part properly.​
 

Jamaat-NCP in talks over seat-sharing deal
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Updated: 26 Dec 2025, 09: 53

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Discussions are underway between Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizen Party (NCP) over a possible seat-sharing arrangement for the 13th national parliamentary election. While many within NCP support the move, a section of the party opposes it. Whether an agreement will be reached is expected to become clear within the next couple of days.

Earlier, the possibility of a seat-sharing deal between NCP and the BNP was discussed, but no understanding was reached. Since then, talks with Jamaat have progressed positively, according to multiple sources familiar with the matter.

However, following the return of BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman to Bangladesh, senior NCP leaders see renewed prospects for reopening talks with the BNP. They are keen to meet Tarique Rahman to discuss a possible arrangement, though no indication had emerged from the BNP as of Thursday.

Earlier, the possibility of a seat-sharing deal between NCP and the BNP was discussed, but no understanding was reached. Since then, talks with Jamaat have progressed positively, according to multiple sources familiar with the matter.
NCP leaders said the partyโ€™s top leadership has already held discussions with senior Jamaat leaders over seat-sharing. NCP has sought concessions in at least 50 constituencies, a number Jamaat considers excessive. Jamaat has yet to make a final position public. Further talks between senior leaders of both parties are expected within the next few days.

Within NCP, one faction supports a deal with Jamaat, while another strongly opposes it. The issue has triggered internal reactions, and on Thursday, Mir Arshadul Haqueโ€”known as a leader of the anti-Jamaat factionโ€”resigned from the party. He had been joint member secretary of NCP and chief coordinator of its Chattogram city unit.

Meanwhile, Abdul Kader, a prominent figure of the July mass uprising and former coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, claimed that NCP is moving toward an electoral deal with Jamaat.

NCP has sought concessions in at least 50 constituencies, a number Jamaat considers excessive. Jamaat has yet to make a final position public. Further talks between senior leaders of both parties are expected within the next few days.

In a Facebook post on Thursday morning, he said NCP initially sought 50 seats but settled on 30 after negotiations, under which it would not field candidates in the remaining 270 constituencies. He added that the alliance could be announced on Friday if all goes as planned.

Senior NCP leaders have declined to comment officially on the talks. However, one influential party leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, said many prospective NCP candidates who have conducted grassroots campaigns believe victory would be impossible without an alliance or understanding with either the BNP or Jamaat.

As a result, while talks with Jamaat continue, channels of communication with the BNP are also being kept open. The leader said a direct meeting between NCPโ€™s top leadership and Tarique Rahman now appears likely.

Another senior NCP leader said it would become clear within days whether a seat-sharing deal with Jamaat will materialise and, if so, in what form.

Contacted for comment, Jamaat-e-Islami Assistant Secretary General Hamidur Rahman Azad told Prothom Alo late Thursday night that discussions with NCP are ongoing.

Within NCP, one faction supports a deal with Jamaat, while another strongly opposes it. The issue has triggered internal reactions, and on Thursday, Mir Arshadul Haqueโ€”known as a leader of the anti-Jamaat factionโ€”resigned from the party.

Signs of Strain Within the Alliance

Ahead of the 13th parliamentary election, NCP, Amar Bangladesh Party (AB Party), and Bangladesh State Reform Movement formed an alliance on 7 December under the banner of the Democratic Reform Alliance.

At the time of its formation, the alliance said it aimed to emerge as a strong third force outside the BNP and Jamaat. However, efforts by NCP and AB Party to pursue understandings with either the BNP or Jamaat have angered the State Reform Movement.

Didar Bhuiyan, joint general secretary of the Rastra Sanskar Andolan, told Prothom Alo that there had been a consensus among the three parties that the Democratic Reform Alliance would function independently of both the BNP and Jamaat. โ€œThat understanding has already been violated by holding talks with both sides,โ€ he said, adding that the party would soon issue an official statement on the matter.​
 

Shafiqur Rahman sets 3 conditions for electoral alliance with Jamaat
Urges Shibir to act as guardians of the student community

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File photo of Shafiqur Rahman

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman today said any political party can forge an electoral alliance with Jamaat if it agrees to three conditions.

The conditions are: refraining from corruption and from patronising corrupt individuals, ensuring equal justice for all at every level of society without any political interference in the judicial process, and committing to the implementation of all reform recommendations.

He made the remarks while speaking as the chief guest at the central members' conference of Islami Chhatra Shibir, Jamaat's student wing, at the Bangladesh-China Friendship Conference Centre in Dhaka's Sher-e-Bangla Nagar.

Shafiqur said Jamaat wants to build an education system that leaves no one unemployed. "Jamaat aims to turn every pair of hands into skilled builders of the nation," he added.

Urging Chhatra Shibir to act as guardians of the student community, the Jamaat ameer said, "For the last 54 years, pens were snatched from students' hands. Innocent students were misled and weapons were put in their hands. Educational institutions were turned into mini cantonments."

He added, "There was no guarantee of women's dignity, or of students' lives and careers. That dark chapter has begun to recede. But its dark shadow has not yet lifted from the nation. Until this shadow is eliminated, Chhatra Shibir must continue its struggle."

Addressing the conference, Jamaat Secretary General Mia Golam Porwar said, "Failing to confront Shibir with logic and ideology, the opposing forces have resorted to lies and propaganda. They have labelled Shibir as anti-independence, and 'rogkata', but failed to prove it. In student union elections at four public universities, the people rejected them."

In the opening session, Omar Bin Hadi, elder brother of martyred Inqilab Moncho spokesperson Sharif Osman Hadi, also spoke. He said, "Not as Osman Hadi's brother, but as a fellow fighter, I want to say that it is you who must decide how Bangladesh will be built in the days ahead. If anyone retreats from here or collaborates with a neighbouring state or the deep state to help re-establish fascism in this country, you will be held accountable before Allah."

He added, "May this Bangladesh be freed from hegemony in exchange for Osman Hadi's blood, and may justice be established in this country."

Alongside other top Jamaat leaders, those present at the conference included Ashraf Ali Akon, presidium member of Islami Andolan Bangladesh; Mostafizur Rahman Iran, chairman of Bangladesh Labour Party; and Rashed Pradhan, spokesperson of Jatiya Ganotantrik Party (JAGPA), among others.

The opening session, presided over by Chhatra Shibir Central President Zahidul Islam, was conducted by Central General Secretary Nurul Islam Saddam.

In the second session of the conference, attended by several thousand Shibir members, Nurul Islam Saddam was elected president for the 2026 session through a vote of members.

According to the organisation's constitution, the newly elected president nominated the secretary general. Accordingly, Sibgatullah has been appointed as the new secretary general of the student organisation.​
 
Touhid calls for cooperation among political parties during elections

bdnews24.com
Published :
Dec 27, 2025 19:39
Updated :
Dec 27, 2025 19:39

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The interim administration will step aside after handing over power to a government elected through a peaceful parliamentary election, according to Foreign Advisor Touhid Hossain.

Speaking on Saturday afternoon at the inauguration of a voter awareness vehicle caravan at Bhola Government School ground, Touhid said the administration expects political parties to cooperate among each other during the election process and avoid any form of disorder.

He said the government would withdraw after the polls and the country would return to a normal democratic course.

Touhid described the approaching election as particularly important, saying Bangladesh had not experienced a โ€œgenuinely credibleโ€ election over the past 15 years.

He said the last meaningful election took place in 2008 and that no proper election had been held since then.

โ€œThe national election will be held on the 12th of February. We expect a festive voting atmosphere,โ€ he said.

Addressing international oversight, the advisor confirmed that global observers have been invited. He noted that the European Union and the American International Republican Institute will be sending delegations.

He said he had already met and spoken with those expected to arrive and assured them that necessary arrangements would be ensured.

At the same time, he said the government would not extend assistance to observers unless it was specifically requested, as any unsolicited involvement could be viewed as interference.

He said the interim administration would refrain from influencing observers in any manner.

According to him, the governmentโ€™s role would be limited to ensuring the security of observers.

โ€œIf they later seek assistance, it will be provided. Beyond that, the decision on who will serve as observers rests entirely with the Election Commission,โ€ he said.

He noted that observer applications were being reviewed by the Election Commission, which would approve those it considered neutral.

โ€œWe want a large number of observers so that no one gets the chance to create disorder during the election,โ€ he said.

He urged political parties to engage directly with voters and present their programmes to the public, saying there was no need for violence as the people would decide whom they wish to elect.​
 
Election is not the real story, what counts is how it is conducted


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File Visual: Anwar Sohel

By now, we all know that February 12 is election day, and BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman's return after 17 years in exile has added December 25 as another date to remember. In some circles, the big showdown witnessed on Thursday has been pitted against the large turnout at the funeral of July warrior Sharif Osman Hadi on December 20, turning both into rallying points. Dates and rallies consume us as a nation. There are also rumours circling about secret alliances and overt and covert operations. But the real story of the next two months will not be about dates; it will be about the execution of a free and fair election as promised by the interim government. Given that two of its advisers resigned shortly before the announcement of the election schedule in order to participate in the forthcoming polls, some concerns over the rules, the referees, and the level playing field have already been raised. The outcome of the election will largely depend on how contestation is managed.


Parties and camps long demanding overarching systemic reforms have by now shown signs of hesitation. Among them are emerging parties who have understandably struggled with organisation, candidates, finances, and grassroots reach. They redirected the momentum they gathered during the July uprising into various strands. Some among them adopted delay as a political strategy. Their programmes seem intended to buy time, shift blame, or unleash fearmongering in order to delegitimise outcomes in advance. In doing so, however, they risk losing voter confidence. While they framed election postponement as a principled stand in the name of reform, they are quietly eroding institutional timelines and delaying the transition to democracy.

All this poses an intriguing dilemma for first-time voters. The voterless elections held under the previous regime have pushed many young voters into prolonged cycles of confrontation. Their political memory is defined by an urgency to "save democracy". Yet in recent months, the electoral system's processes and protections have received minimal clarity. We have seen those in charge of electoral reform meet with selected stakeholders and produce a complicated "buy one election, get one referendum free" model where voting appears as both a sacred duty and a venture into the unknown. The younger generation, whose political memory is tied to their "muscle" memory, now finds itself often subscribing to a school of thought that privileges cynicism over participation.

A wholesale rejection of the old can create problems even for those committed to change. Such an attitude makes the role of election observers more important than ever, however. Undoubtedly, we must steer clear of monitoring agents who endorsed previous flawed elections. At the same time, participating parties and alliances must come to a consensus about credible domestic and international observation mechanisms.

The Election Commission does not have much time left to invite monitors, assign mandates, and grant meaningful access. Nobody wants symbolic reassurance from rubber-stamp observers. One way to avoid post-election chaos is to guarantee robust procedural safeguards. The interim government must protect voters, not merely certify an outcome. Observers must be carefully selected, empowered, and clearly defined in their scope.

The sheer desire for or taste of power, which some construe as a necessary evil, has contaminated our political culture over the years. Many of us have grown accustomed to systems and traditions averse to compromise. We need to move away from the "do whatever you can in court, the palm tree is mine" kind of mentality that has long plagued our politics. Conversely, the urge to remain within the orbit of power can drive intense pre-election backroom bargaining or executive overreach, both of which may likely cause post-election paralysis.

Despite a number of surveys, it remains difficult to predict the voting behaviour of new voters or of supporters of the previous regime who find themselves with limited choices but may still play an important role. This raises the possibility of a fractured verdict. Meanwhile, AI-driven misinformation and disinformation can be deployed to manufacture consent or divisions, further harming the democratic process. Monitoring, therefore, must extend to all such aspects and spaces, both physical and digital.

The alleged selective flexibility shown for certain camps, combined with alleged rigidity towards others, also highlights how uneven application of rules may corrode trust faster than outright exclusion. One electoral buzzword has been "inclusivity." International pressure groups have already urged the government to include individuals or groups whose rights have not been legally revoked by courts of law. For inclusivity to be meaningful, it must be applied consistently. Otherwise, it risks becoming yet another tool of manipulation.

The road to democracy has many obstacles. The way muscle power has dominated the streets and silenced dissenting voices over the past months is a worrying sign for the planned revival of democracy. Even student leaders have at times justified the need for showdowns, falling into the same trap that equates influence with money power, whether for nominations or for countering opponents. Perhaps the greatest concern, however, lies in the neutrality of the civil and military bureaucracy. It is important for those in charge and those on the ground to maintain quiet centrality as the ultimate stabiliser. If these institutions fail to operate within transparent oversight at all times, the election may fall short of delivering its promised outcomes.

Another pressure point involves our international partners. On paper, they all want "inclusive and credible elections." Yet we carry the lived memory of a previous regime that manipulated democracy by turning elections into a procedural theatre while some of those actors watched in silence. The challenge for the interim government will be to craft a sovereign democratic standard; it needs to carefully navigate between the "rock" of defiance and the "hard place" of compliance to rebuild institutional self-respect.

As the calendar year draws to a close, few wish to carry forward the exhaustion and anxiety of the past. People are tired. They want normalcy and stability. And this can only be achieved through discipline. All parties and stakeholders concerned must therefore return to the principles of rules, fairness, and civic courage. Democracy is not a once-in-five-years moment; it is a way of life that needs to be constantly practised across society.

As 2025 gives way to 2026, we stand at a familiar threshold where hope is battling with fear. The greatest fear is that narrow personal interests may override the national good, and that internecine clashes and infighting may pave the way for external actors to exploit our vulnerabilities for geopolitical gain. It is not too late to rebuild trust in a democratic system where people of all races, religious sects, classes, and communities feel welcome to participate. The recovery of trust can be done through the consistent application of order and justice. The task of the new year is not simply to survive another election. Election 2026 must restore meaning to the act of participation itself. This is something we owe to the generation that ushered in change, especially those voting for the first time. We must ensure their right to step into the future with pride and dignity.

Dr Shamsad Mortuza is a professor of English at Dhaka University.​
 
Jatiya Party's two factions want to grab Awami League's votes

Anowar Hossain Dhaka
Updated: 29 Dec 2025, 13: 16

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Jatiya Party logo

Hussain Muhammad Ershadโ€™s Jatiya Party (JP) has once again split. Ahead of the election following the July uprising, a new Jatiya Party has emerged under the leadership of Anisul Islam Mahmud, bringing together several โ€œheavyweightโ€ leaders. Separately, another faction of the Jatiya Party is being controlled by Ershadโ€™s brother, GM Quader.

Meanwhile, Awami League, whose activities remain banned, cannot take part in the election. However, there is no bar on its ally, the Jatiya Party, contesting the polls. So now there is now discussion over which Jatiya Party, the one led by Anisul Islam Mahmud or the one led by GM Quader, will outdo the other in the upcoming election.

Jatiya Party broke up several times while Ershad was still alive. Each time, however, the faction under Ershadโ€™s leadership stood as the main Jatiya Party. In the 2008 election, Jatiya Party became the third-largest party in parliament. After the 2014 election, it assumed the position of the main opposition in parliament, but also joined the government, a move that drew considerable attention at the time. Ershadโ€™s party played a role in lending โ€œlegitimacyโ€ to three controversial elections held under Awami League governments.

Jamaat-e-Islami, National Citizen Party (NCP) and Gono Odhikar Parishad have been demanding a ban on Jatiya Party, describing it as an ally of Awami League that was ousted from power in the July mass uprising. However, while the interim government has imposed a ban on the activities of Awami League, it has not taken any such decision regarding Jatiya Party.

There is discussion in political circles that the parties calling for a ban on Jatiya Party on the grounds that it supported fascism are, in fact, aiming to draw the partyโ€™s vote bank into their own fold. On the other hand, with the opportunity to participate in the election, both factions of Jatiya Party have now set their sights on attracting Awami League voters.

Awami Leagueโ€™s top leadership is either in jail or on the run. The partyโ€™s chief, Sheikh Hasina, has been sentenced to death on charges of crimes against humanity. She fled to India on 5 August last year in the face of the uprising and remains there. In the 2008 election, Awami League secured 48 per cent of the vote, while in the 2001 election it received 40 per cent. What its actual vote share is now remains a major question. A survey conducted by Prothom Alo last month found that 28 per cent of people favour allowing the Awami League to participate in the next election unconditionally. A large portion of this group can be considered Awami League supporters.

The interim government has made it clear that the Awami League will not be able to participate in the upcoming election. Attempts to allow a โ€œcleansedโ€ Awami League to contest, excluding Sheikh Hasina, have not succeeded. The government had also assumed that relatively โ€œmoderateโ€ Awami League leaders might run as independent candidates, but no such signs have appeared. In fact, there are reportedly no such plans or discussions within the party at present. Many parties, including the BNP and Jamaat, now aim to use this opportunity to draw in Awami League votes. The emergence of both factions of the Jatiya Party as claimants to the Awami League vote has drawn additional attention.

Political analysts note that historically Jatiya Party has maintained good relations with the Awami League. During Ershadโ€™s rule, the BNP boycotted the 1986 election, but the Awami League participated. In 1996, after 21 years, the Awami League returned to power with the support of the Jatiya Party. In 2006, the Jatiya Party sided with the Awami League in the anti-BNPโ€“Jamaat government movement. Later, in the 2008 election, it reached an understanding with the Awami League and participated in the vote, joining the government. This long-standing association makes it reasonable for the Jatiya Party to expect some share of the Awami League vote.

Will the new JaPa surpass the old one?


GM Quader, chairman of one faction of the Jatiya Party, served as a minister in the Awami League government from 2009 to 2014. The new Jatiya Party, led by Anisul Islam Mahmud with Executive Chairman Mujibul Haque Chunnu, also had leaders who served in the Awami League-led government, back when the party was still united. Currently, almost all top leaders are with Anisul Islam Mahmud, many of whom have been ministers and members of parliament at different times.

Many leaders who had previously split Jatiya Party to form new parties have now joined this new faction. Among them is the Jatiya Party (JP) led by Anwar Hossain Manju, who was a minister twice under Sheikh Hasinaโ€™s government. This alliance has been named the โ€œNational Democratic Front (NDF),โ€ which includes 18 registered and unregistered political parties. Notable parties in the alliance include JaPa, JP, Janata Party Bangladesh, Trinamool BNP, Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Andolan, Bangladesh Sangskritik Mukti Jote, and Gono Front. The alliance has allocated party nominations in 119 constituencies.


Analysis of the NDFโ€™s nomination list shows that at least 18 individuals have served as members of parliament one or more times, and seven of them have held ministerial or state minister positions at different periods. Many of them have been regarded as โ€œheavyweightsโ€ in politics. In comparison, the Jatiya Party led by GM Quader now lacks such well-known leaders. As a result, the focus of discussion is currently on the new Jatiya Party.

According to government and political sources, the Jatiya Party led by Anisul Islam Mahmud is receiving support from the government and various influential quarters in multiple ways. Some are even considering positioning the new party as an alternative to Jamaat.

However, the question has again arisen: who will get the plough symbol? Although this has not yet been resolved, most political analysts believe the plough is likely to remain under GM Quaderโ€™s faction.

Jatiya Party has been a leader-dependent party from the start. Its organisational structure outside greater Rangpur is not very strong, and its support base has shrunk. In the most recent survey conducted by Prothom Alo, only 0.1 per cent of people believe that JaPa can form the government in the next election. However, the NDF alliance, led by the experienced and familiar leaders Anisul Islam Mahmud, Anwar Hossain Manju, Ruhul Amin Howlader, Kazi Firoz Rashid, and Mujibul Haque Chunnu, is expected to have the potential to make a political impact.

Fewer prominent leaders in GM Quaderโ€™s JaPa

Even while Ershad was alive, there was conflict between Raushan Ershad and GM Quader over the leadership of the Jatiya Party. Ershad had run the party in coordination with his younger brother GM Quader and his wife Raushan Ershad. However, after Ershadโ€™s death, that arrangement no longer exists. Although Raushan Ershad is unwell, another faction of the Jatiya Party continues under her leadership. In the 2024 election, the Awami League drew GM Quader forward as the main leader, which pushed Raushan largely into the background. Meanwhile, senior leaders under Anisul Islam Mahmud are now challenging GM Quader.

GM Quaderโ€™s Jatiya Party has announced plans to field candidates in all 300 constituencies for the upcoming 13th parliamentary election, and party nomination forms are being sold. However, unlike previous elections, the number of nomination forms purchased is low.

Currently, the secretary general of GM Quaderโ€™s faction is the comparatively younger Shamim Haider Patwary. Beyond him, the party lacks other well-known leaders. Last September, former secretary general Mashiur Rahman Ranga was expelled from the party. On 14 December, he rejoined after seeking forgiveness. At the same time, former MP of Rangpur-6, Noor Mohammad Mondal, has also returned to the party. These moves are part of an effort to revitalise a fragile party.

According to political analysts, in the northern districts, including Rangpur, Lalmonirhat, Kurigram, Gaibandha, and Nilphamari, there is still some residual sympathy among the general public for Ershadโ€™s Jatiya Party. This support is expected to lean toward GM Quaderโ€™s faction under Ershadโ€™s brotherโ€™s leadership. Additionally, the partyโ€™s co-chairman and former mayor of Rangpur, Mostafizur Rahman, has a strong local position. Overall, considering the plough symbol and lingering affinity for Ershad, GM Quaderโ€™s JP may be able to maintain some standing in the greater Rangpur region, though they are unlikely to have any significant influence nationwide.

After the July uprising, the central office of the Jatiya Party in Kakrail was attacked and set on fire several times. GM Quaderโ€™s Jatiya Party has announced plans to field candidates in all 300 constituencies for the upcoming 13th parliamentary election, and party nomination forms are being sold. However, unlike previous elections, the number of nomination forms purchased is low, and interest appears limited. This raises the question of how many qualified candidates the party will be able to nominate nationwide.

During the interim governmentโ€™s 16-month tenure, GM Quaderโ€™s Jatiya Party was unable to conduct substantial political programmes due to its past role. While the government and the Election Commission engaged in dialogue with various political parties, GM Quaderโ€™s faction was not invited. In other words, although they can contest the election, they will not receive any official support.

In contrast, the Jatiya Party led by Anisul Islam Mahmud and Anwar Hossain Manju, along with the alliance they have formed, has not faced such obstacles in pursuing their program. In fact, in some cases, they have even received assurances and sympathy from different sections of the government. As a result, discussion is growing over whether the Anisul Islam Mahmudโ€“Anwar Hossain Manju alliance might take the place of the old Jatiya Party.

Voting for the 13th parliamentary election will be held on 12 February. It is believed that those factions able to capture the portion of the Awami League vote that would otherwise go to Jatiya Party are likely to gain an advantage.​
 

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