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[๐Ÿ‡ง๐Ÿ‡ฉ] The U.S.A.---A Strategic Partner of Bangladesh

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[๐Ÿ‡ง๐Ÿ‡ฉ] The U.S.A.---A Strategic Partner of Bangladesh
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Uncle Sam wants you and your social media accounts

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Gone are the days when immigration checks were about smuggling muri ghonto in your suitcase. Now, itโ€™s about whether your digital persona is spicy. VISUAL: MAHIYA TABASSUM

They say love means never having to say you're sorry, and apparently, visiting America means having to say, "Here's my Instagram, Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, TikTok, Reddit, YouTube, Pinterest, MySpace revival fan page."

Because in 2025, if you're a bright-eyed Bangladeshi student dreaming of the Ivy League or just hoping to pose with a pumpkin spice latte on a New England campus, you'd better come armed not just with academic transcripts or SAT scores, but with public social media profiles, sparkling clean and whiter than the visa officer's poplin shirt.

Yes, the land of freedom, fireworks, and filtered liberties has spoken: your feed shall be examined, dissected, and judged like a reality show contestant who dared to post #DeathToHomework in 2019. It's all part of the US State Department's new diplomatic love language: "I trust youโ€ฆbut let me check your digital footprint anyway."

Under the new rules, all F, M, and J visa applicantsโ€”from Fulbright scholars to exchange studentsโ€”must make their social media public. Because nothing establishes "national security" like trawling through someone's 2018 throwback to a Baishakh selfie with the caption "Dhaka heat is not for the weak."

And what are they looking for, exactly? Evidence of "hostility towards American values." Which is funny, considering how many Americans seem hostile to those same values these days. But I digress.

To be fair, we Bangladeshis know a thing or two about surveillance. We come from a land where criticising the wrong tree on Facebook might lead to a phone call from the forest department. But at least we were subtle about it. The Americans, bless them, are now just upfront: "You want our visas? Strip for the algorithm."

Gone are the days when immigration checks were about smuggling muri ghonto in your suitcase. Now, it's about whether your digital persona is spicy. Did you share a meme that made fun of Trump in 2017? That might be a problem. Did your cousin post a rant about American drone strikes and tag you by mistake? Ruh-roh. Did you once like a reel featuring Palestinian keffiyehs and sad violin music? Pack your bags.

Naturally, the US Embassy in Dhaka has chimed in, reminding Bangladeshi applicants to make their accounts public "to facilitate vetting." Because God forbid someone use their private settings to, you know, protect their privacy. In 2025, privacy is the new profanity. And don't even think of deactivating your accountโ€”that's the digital equivalent of setting fire to your fingerprints.

Some say this is just bureaucracy gone wild. Others say it's the globalisation of paranoia, where every border post now doubles as a behavioural psychologist, data analyst, and moral judge. Either way, it's ironic that the same country that gave us Facebook is now penalising us for using it freely.

And what about the geopolitics of it all? Let's be honest: had this rule applied to American tourists going the other way, entire flights to Bali would be grounded over their spring break antics alone. But alas, the power dynamics are clear: we post, they pry.

The Bangladeshi student, once a symbol of ambition and soft diplomacy, is now a walking, talking Excel sheet of hashtags, likes, and filtered sunsets. You are no longer just a human beingโ€”you are a risk profile. Did you post too much? You're suspicious. Too little? Also suspicious. Only shared cat videos for five years straight? Definitely hiding something. And let's not even get into the heartbreak of losing your right to "Close Friends" stories.

But take heart, dear applicants. All is not lost. This too shall be archived. Until then, smile, sanitise your timeline, and say a little prayer to the algorithm gods. Because in this new age of diplomacy, your social media isn't just your highlight reelโ€”it's your visa application.

Barrister Noshin Nawal is an activist, feminist, and a columnist for The Daily Star.​
 

Trumpโ€™s budget proposal could leave 200,000 Bangladeshi immigrants without healthcare
Tofazzal Hossain from New York
Updated: 09 Aug 2025, 13: 54

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US Capitol Hill Reuters

US President Donald Trumpโ€™s โ€˜One Big Beautifulโ€™ bill could put more than 2 million (20 lakh) low-income Americans and immigrants at risk of losing access to healthcare.

As a result, around 200,000 (2 lakh) Bangladeshi immigrants living across various US states could be affected directly or indirectly. Under this bill, the budget of 2026โ€“27 fiscal year includes cuts of around USD 1 trillion (USD 1 lakh crore) in the healthcare sector.

The proposed major budget cuts to Medicare and Medicaid would hit low-income families and immigrants the hardest. In particular, undocumented individuals would lose access to healthcare. In the United States, it is not possible to purchase medicine without a doctorโ€™s prescription.

The proposed budget provides no guidance or allocation for people with partial mental illness. Many could also lose their jobs in the healthcare sector. Out of the 1,116 pages of the โ€˜One Big Beautifulโ€™ bill, 48 are devoted to healthcare and pharmaceuticals, meaning many still lack a clear understanding of its full scope.

Sunny Khan, a Bangladeshi immigrant living in the US, said that more than 400,000 Bangladeshis reside in different states including New York, New Jersey, California, Florida, Texas, and Michigan.

Majority of them are engaged in middle and low-income jobs and depend on government assistance for healthcare. Workers in home care, ride-sharing, restaurants, delivery services, and taxi driving would all be affected in various ways.

Dilip Nath, district leader of Assembly District 25, told Prothom Alo about the severity of the proposed budget, saying that around USD 1 trillion (USD 1 lakh crore) would be slashed from the healthcare sector.

Cuts would include USD 793 billion (USD 79,300 crore) from Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) for low-income individuals, USD 300 billion (USD 30,000 crore) from the Affordable Care Act, and USD 50 billion (USD 5,000 core) from Medicare.

This would put the healthcare of some 23 million (230 lakh) Americans and between 200,000 and 250,000 (2 to 2.5 lakh) Bangladeshi immigrants at risk. Many home care agencies, day-care centres, and even hospitals could shut down.

In the US, many people aged over 65 live depending on Medicaid. They receive home care, nursing care, and medication costs from government Medicaid funds.

Gias Ahmed, head of Immigrant Elder Home Care, somewhat praising the budget, said that people aged 19 to 64 who have the means but do not work at least 20 hours a week would lose access to Medicaid. For senior citizens aged over 65, there would be no change of services.

โ€œI believe,โ€ Gias added, โ€œthat those who work for cash and do not pay taxes regularly, or those who live entirely on government assistance without working, should not have the right to receive government healthcare.โ€​
 

US Commercial Counselor meets FBCCI Administrator

BSS
Published :
Aug 19, 2025 18:59
Updated :
Aug 19, 2025 18:59

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US Commercial Counselor in Dhaka Paul G. Frost met Administrator of the Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FBCCI) Md. Hafizur Rahman on Tuesday.

During the meeting held today at the FBCCI office in the capitalโ€™s Motijheel area, they discussed issues relating to enhancement of bilateral trade relations, market expansion and mutual cooperation between Bangladesh and the United States.

At the beginning of the discussion, FBCCI Administrator Md. Hafizur Rahman highlighted the longstanding trade relations between Bangladesh and the United States.

Mentioning that the US is one of the largest markets for Bangladeshโ€™s export products, especially ready-made garments, he said this is high time to strike a trade agreement between the two countries to capitalize on trade potentials and supply chain advantages, said an FBCCI press release.

Hafizur also thanked the US government for reducing reciprocal tariffs on Bangladeshi products.

During the meeting, US Commercial Counselor Paul G. Frost stressed the need for strengthening mutual relations, business networks and mutual ties between the US and Bangladeshi entrepreneurs.

He also invited Bangladeshi entrepreneurs and businesses to participate in the upcoming Investment Summit to be held in the United States.

Alongside reinforcing bilateral trade relations, Frost also laid special emphasis on enhancing mutual cooperation between the two countries.

FBCCI Secretary General Md. Alamgir, Head of FBCCIโ€™s International Affairs Wing Md. Zafar Iqbal and Head of the FBCCI Safety Council Brigadier General (retd.) Abu Nayeem Md. Shahidullah were present, among others, on the occasion.​
 

Washington just rewrote the geopolitical rules. Is Bangladesh ready?

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The National Security Strategy of the USA released in November 2025. PHOTO: COLLECTED

In November 2025, Washington did something extraordinary, silently codifying the end of the world order that had shaped global politics since the end of the Cold War. The Trump administration's National Security Strategy (NSS) is not just another policy document; it is a demolition noticeโ€”and Bangladesh is standing in the rubble wondering where the exit sign went. It also marks the beginning of a phase of geoeconomic warfare that will hit export-dependent democracies the hardest.

For 30 years, we navigated international politics under the convenient assumption that America's self-interest broadly aligned with promoting democracy, open trade, and rules-based institutions. We could hedge between powers, court Chinese investment while exporting to Western markets, and assume Washington would maintain the basic architecture of globalisation. As Henry Kissinger famously observed, "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac," and we have been happily hedging between suitors. That world is over, and so is our pendulum swing between suitors.

The Biden administration's 2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) promised a region that was "free and open, connected, prosperous, secure, and resilient." It explicitly tied US engagement to democracy, human rights, and international norms. This is basically the language we had learned to speakโ€”and manipulateโ€”for three decades. But the NSS opens by calling that entire project a catastrophic mistake. It accuses post-Cold War elites of betting on globalism and "so-called free trade" that apparently gutted America's factories and allowed US interests to be manipulated by international institutions. This is not campaign rhetoric; it is now official doctrine.

The document also defines American strategy in starkly simple terms: protecting core national interests, period. Foreign policy will be judged by what it delivers to American workers and factories, not by how many democracies Washington "supports" or how many international norms it upholds. Democracy promotion, deradicalisation, humanitarian intervention, and the progressive power of international law are all quietly sidelined, at least for now.

The IPS relied on multilateral frameworks as force multipliers. The NSS, by contrast, describes many of these bodies as infected by "transnationalism" and "anti-Americanism". Every relationship is assessed through a cost-benefit lens: who pays for defence? Who maintains trade surpluses with America? The slogans of "fairness", "no free-riding", and "pro-American worker" appear throughout like a tax accountant's fever dream.

Even on Chinaโ€”where Biden and Trump agree on the threatโ€”the approaches diverge significantly. The Trump administration's strategy is openly mercantilist, featuring tariffs, industrial policy, and geo-economic tools for technology, energy, rare earths, and supply chains.

I wrote in an AMCHAM Bangladesh journal in 2021 that the line between geopolitics and geo-economics was rapidly blurring, with economics becoming a primary tool of strategic defence. That future has now arrived, and frankly, it has come on schedule. The NSS affirms America's economy, industrial base, and technological edge as the core of its national power, asserting that economic security is inseparable from national security. The US has the right to defend that principle, and Alexander Hamilton's warning about dependency, as cited in the NSS, captures a truth every state should heed.

The NSS calls for "balanced trade", rejects what it terms "faith in unfettered globalisation", and signals that tariffs and investment screening will be the primary strategic tools. Interdependence is something to be weaponised or unwound, not a pacifying force. For export-dependent economies like ours, this means interdependence is no longer a guarantee of mutual benefit. So, we'd better get our acts right!

The strategy even embraces what it calls "flexible realism", affirming that there is nothing hypocritical about maintaining close ties with non-democracies if they serve American interests. That candour is refreshing. But it also means that Washington will work with anyone who advances its industrial goals, regardless of their democratic credentials.

For Bangladesh, 2026 will be a complicated concoction of post-LDC graduation, the global rise of protectionism, and intensifying US-China economic rivalry. It is like graduating from school only to discover your degree is worthlessโ€”and the economy has collapsed. For the private sector, the tariff threat remains real. We export billions of dollars' worth of garments to America, built on wafer-thin margins and competitive access. Our export model is acutely vulnerable.

For the government, the China dilemma intensifies. Our infrastructure bears deep Chinese footprints in ports, power plants, and telecom networks, while our export engine runs on Western markets. Washington is likely to press for reduced reliance on Chinese technologies. This we cannot afford to comply, but we cannot afford not to comply either. It is the geopolitical equivalent of choosing between your lungs and heart.

As for non-governmental priorities, climate, refugees, and democracy risk becoming blind spots. For one of the world's most climate-vulnerable states, the NSS's rejection of "Net Zero" ideologies is deeply troubling. If US climate finance dries up, we face greater adaptation pressure with fewer resources. And reduced scrutiny over democracy could mean unchecked political realities, whether it be in the form of extremist populism or more refugees waiting at the borders of states.

Clearly, the comfortable era of "friend to all, enemy to none" is ending. We are entering what I described at a recent event in Phnom Penh as "Engage All, Alliance with Balance". A world of geo-economic blocs will be unforgiving. Bangladesh must therefore move from reactive hedging to deliberate strategic statecraft. Yes, that means making difficult decisions. The way I see it, it requires three fundamental shifts.

First, treat economic policy as security policy. Trade agreements, supply chains, digital standards, and port operations are now security concerns. We need a coherent vision for Bangladesh's place in emerging supply chains.

Second, engage major powers without becoming their subordinate. Build coalitions with other middle powers to keep rational options open. Professionalise strategic communication with Beijing, Islamabad, Delhi, and Washington to establish clear red lines on sovereignty and strategic autonomy, and think creatively about new regionalism beyond mere geographical proximity. The NSS, after all, allows Washington to court both Delhi and Islamabad simultaneously: Delhi to share the security "burden" in the Indo-Pacific, and Islamabad for its access to Middle and Central Asia.

Third, upgrade strategic thinking at home. Our 20th-century debates about non-alignment, aid dependency, and reliance on a narrow export basket are no longer sufficient. We need a genuine political and social consensus that places economic transformation and technological upgrading at the centre of foreign and economic policy.

The 2025 NSS delivers a Machiavellian truth: states will increasingly abandon the idea that values, norms, and interests can comfortably coexist. Liberal internationalism is giving way to transactional multipolarity, and weaker states will have to navigate without the shelter of protective norms. For Bangladesh, 2026 will determine whether it adapts or suffers the consequences of pretending otherwise. The old rulebook offered shelter in international law and multilateral institutions. The new one offers specific, conditional, and revocable deals. Bangladesh must learn to negotiate them.​
 

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