[🇧🇩] Adios 2024

[Saif]

Date of Event: Jan 1, 2025 Source : https://www.thedailystar.net/business/news/2024-year-economic-turmoil-and-transformation-bangladesh-3788871

2024: A year of economic turmoil and transformation for Bangladesh

The year 2024 stands out as one of the most eventful and challenging periods in Bangladesh's economic history. The nation grappled with an unprecedented banking crisis, soaring inflation, and several persistent macroeconomic challenges. These included low foreign exchange reserves, high youth unemployment, restricted imports, and sluggish export growth.

The convergence of these issues posed a significant test for policymakers and the resilience of the country's economy.

Amid these difficulties, the interim government undertook a series of crucial reforms to stabilise the economic situation. Key measures included reorganising the boards of directors of problem banks to address inefficiencies and corruption within the financial sector, adopting a contractionary monetary policy to curb inflation, and introducing greater flexibility in the foreign exchange market.

These steps represent a strategic shift towards strengthening economic governance and addressing structural inefficiencies that have long hindered Bangladesh's economic potential.

While the immediate effects of these measures were still unfolding in 2024, they have laid the groundwork for potential improvements in inflation control, employment generation, and export growth in the years ahead.

However, for the poor and vulnerable populations, 2024 was an especially difficult year. Rising prices of essential commodities, such as food and fuel, disproportionately affected those with limited financial resilience.

Price hikes of basic necessities, including rice, wheat, and edible oil, placed a significant strain on household budgets, exacerbating poverty and inequality. The economic pain was further compounded by two devastating floods, which disrupted agricultural production and threatened local food security.

Looking ahead to 2025, global market trends suggest that the prices of essential commodities like rice, wheat, and edible oil are likely to rise further, driven by supply chain disruptions and climatic challenges. To prevent a deepening crisis, the interim government must adopt proactive policies to safeguard the food supply and protect vulnerable populations.

The reforms initiated in 2024, combined with proactive policies in 2025, could lay the foundation for a more resilient and inclusive economy. While the challenges of 2024 exposed the vulnerabilities in Bangladesh's economic framework, they also provided an opportunity for transformative change.

By prioritising the welfare of its most vulnerable citizens and addressing structural weaknesses, Bangladesh can emerge stronger and more prepared for future economic uncertainties.

Md Deen Islam is associate professor of economics at the University of Dhaka.​

 

[Saif]

Nation sees tectonic shifts in politics

Seismic. That is perhaps the one word close enough to describe Bangladesh’s transformation in 2024.

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Nation sees tectonic shifts in politics

Photo: Palash Khan/File

Seismic. That is perhaps the one word close enough to describe Bangladesh's transformation in 2024. The year will remain etched in the nation's annals as a watershed. A deeply entrenched despotic regime had crumbled in the face of a mass uprising that traces its roots back to a fledgling student campaign against government job reservations. With an interim government in charge until the next elections, the nation feverishly awaits a raft of reforms that will finally usher in the much-vaunted Bangladesh 2.0.

The year had begun with the national elections -- which even hardcore Awami League enthusiasts would agree -- had become meaningless after the heavily one-sided and rigged editions of 2014 and 2018. Designated opposition parties and independents were blatantly keen to have the blessings of the ruling Awami League before taking the field. There was little doubt that without the ruling party's endorsement, no one would win the elections. Bangladesh had become a de facto single-party state. Political diversity and opposition existed only on paper. It was no surprise that the 2024 election appeared to have further cemented the Awami League's grip on power.

The student protests began like faint trickles leaking through a sturdy dam that held for years. There was no indication of a strong current on the other side. What began in July as a few hundred students protesting against government job quotas on a handful of university campuses, expected to fizzle out within a few weeks, if not days, turned into a deluge that would sweep away the dam. The peaceful protests quickly gathered momentum to morph into a nationwide movement that forced Sheikh Hasina to flee Bangladesh on August 5 and seek refuge in India, where she has been staying until now.

The interim government, headed by Nobel Peace Prize winner Professor Muhammad Yunus, has been at the helm since the transition and focused on reforming democratic institutions that had been systematically destroyed by the Awami League's self-seeking interests throughout the 15 years it had been in power. On top of that, the incumbent was saddled with a crumbling economy, spiralling inflation, high unemployment and widespread corruption at every pore of public administration and the police, which were in fact the main factors behind strong public discontent.

The initial task, therefore, for the non-partisan interim government, was to stabilise the economy, restore law and order and help build back public confidence in government institutions -- each task more challenging than the next. In addition, there were a string of protests across the country from almost every section of the people who felt wronged during the last 15 years and, although short-lived, intense floods along the eastern flank of Bangladesh.

A month into office, the interim government established six reform commissions -- covering elections, constitution, judiciary, anti-corruption, police and administration -- which are expected to submit reports in January. Their recommendations, some of which have already been reported, are meant to become the initial building blocks of a truly democratic dispensation of this republic.

These recommendations will then be discussed among political parties striving to strike a national consensus. In fact, in a recent development, the chief adviser has said he would be heading a national consensus commission that will presumably hold discussions with all the political parties, leading to a concrete timeline for polls.

This idea of elections after reforms has already divided the political establishment into two streams. One prioritises reforms over elections. A student-led party, which is still in the making, will presumably champion the idea of cementing the reforms before even thinking about elections. The student representatives in government and other student leaders of the July uprising have indicated as much.

The other stream wants elections quickly after only the reforms necessary for the polls. Led by the BNP, the main political rival of the AL regime, this stream is of the opinion that reforms are an ongoing process, not a one-off event, and reforms can truly be implemented only by political parties with the people's mandate.

The discord between the streams is becoming starker with time. Barely a couple of weeks ago, BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman emphasised the need for quick and decisive action so far as reforms were concerned. He stressed that the people had a right to know the interim government's intentions about the timeline of these reforms. His remarks betrayed a growing impatience after the chief adviser indicated that the elections could be held by late 2025 after minimal reforms, but might take a little longer and be scheduled by mid-2026 if desired reforms were carried out. The BNP has called for further clarity on the election schedule and a concrete roadmap.

Of the two most significant reform commissions, one has been tasked with making recommendations for the elections, including the next one, to be free and fair. The other one is going to suggest major constitutional changes like limiting the prime minister's terms, bicameral parliament and a bar on prime ministers from heading their party.

Political analysts have pointed out that a timeline for implementing the reforms is critical. They argue that if key reforms, particularly those related to elections and the constitution, are not finalised before the elections, the political situation may remain unstable, and the promised reforms might never be fully realised. They warn that without clear progress on these fronts before elections, lasting and meaningful changes would remain difficult to achieve. At the same time, the endorsement of the political parties is also essential for these reforms to take root in essence.

Eminent political analyst Al Masud Hasanuzzaman told The Daily Star that there was no doubt about the necessity of a political consensus for meaningful reforms. "Without it, the process will likely be futile." Stressing consensus, he said, "In the absence of unity, the political landscape may face significant fractures in the coming days."

He indicated that given Bangladesh was sailing into uncharted waters, there was bound to be some "trial and error" in the process before finding the right course. He explained this complex and challenging situation necessitated a political compact for proper planning and implementation of these reforms.

Due largely to the significant transitions of 2024, which earned it the Economist's Country of the Year crown, Bangladesh's future is as fraught with challenges as it is filled with possibilities.​

 

[Saif]

Police struggling to get back on their feet

In the beginning of the year, the police were accused of being a tool implementing “Sheikh Hasina’s engineered election”, then they became the heavy hand attempting to crush the mass uprising. Days after Hasina’s ouster, the force appeared to have disintegrated. And now, they are trying to gain...

www.thedailystar.net

Police struggling to get back on their feet

In the beginning of the year, the police were accused of being a tool implementing "Sheikh Hasina's engineered election", then they became the heavy hand attempting to crush the mass uprising. Days after Hasina's ouster, the force appeared to have disintegrated. And now, they are trying to gain public trust in combating crime.

Although senior police officials refreshingly admit their shortcomings and promise better days ahead, the challenges facing the force are steep.

Many officers have been transferred for their alleged role in backing the Awami League regime.

A large number of those who replaced them have no experience in working in crime divisions, resulting in the sluggishness of the force's transition into what the people desire.

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury acknowledged this on several occasions over the last few months. He said it would take the police some time to become acquainted with the alleys of Dhaka. The police members would need time to build an intelligence network before they could become effective crime fighters.

The police are dealing with multiple problems.

Equipment deemed essential, like teargas canisters, stun grenades, transport vehicles, and walkie-talkies, which were damaged or destroyed during the uprising, have not all been replaced.

Over 450 of the country's 664 police stations were attacked and some of them were set on fire.

Abdul Malek, inspector (investigation) of the Adabor Police Station, said, "Everything was burnt, including patrol cars, furniture, case dockets, and walkie-talkies … .

"We have so far received two patrol cars, some furniture and weapons, but these are not enough ... We are trying to do the job with what we have," he said.

According to the Police Headquarters database, 5,750 police firearms and 6,51,609 bullets were looted during the uprising. The weapons and ammunition include small machine guns, light machine guns, pistols, shotguns, gas guns, teargas launchers, and tear gas shells.

Even though a joint operation launched on September 4, a total of 1,419 weapons and 2,63,153 bullets were yet to be recovered, as of December 3.

On top of this, around 700 convicts who escaped from prisons during the uprisings remain at large.

However, Adviser Jahangir recently said, "Initiatives have been taken to revive police activities. I hope everything will go well. Change takes time, I cannot alter the morale within two days. It requires patience."

UNDER PREVIOUS REGIME

In January 2024, law enforcers, including the police, were busy completing the parliamentary elections, which the BNP and Jamaat boycotted.

Badiul Alam Majumdar, secretary of Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik, said, "There is no doubt that the police played a questionable role during the last general election, but the level of their complicity varied by location. At some places they played a neutral role and at some others, they acted with vested interest."

Hasina's government faced persistent criticism for allegedly politicising and compromising the independence of the police force to consolidate power and suppress dissenting voices.

Over the years, reports have detailed how the police have been used as a tool to silence voices, restrict free speech, and maintain control over the political landscape.

These not only undermined the integrity of police, but also eroded public trust in law enforcement agencies.

The police were used for targeting the opposition parties, especially the BNP and its allies. Opposition leaders and activists were arrested frequently and charged in what the critics say were politically motivated cases.

UPRISING

At the fag-end of Hasina's rule, the police were deployed against unarmed protesters, resulting in hundreds of deaths.

Following the indiscriminate shooting and killing of protesters and the ouster of Hasina, numerous police members, including top officials, went into hiding fearing the public wrath.

For weeks after August 5, the police were not on the ground in the true sense. Various types of crimes including theft, robbery, and extortion became rampant.

Neighbourhoods were protected at night by students armed with sticks.

Despite efforts by the interim government to stabilise the force, crime statistics from the Police Headquarters (PHQ) reveal an uptick in certain offences.

At least 464 robbery cases were filed between August and November. The number was 395 in the corresponding months of 2023.

Murder cases showed a particularly striking disparity. At least 1,937 murder cases were filed during these months this year. In the same months of 2023, a total of 976 murder cases were filed.

The Chief Adviser's Press Wing, citing PHQ data, recently said the higher numbers of cases filed in September, October, and November this year was due to those being filed over previous incidents.

Tawohidul Haque, associate professor at the Dhaka University's Institute of Social Welfare and Research, explained that the police continue to have a crisis of morale due to their controversial role during the uprising.

"At the same time, criminals are taking advantage as police are hesitant to take immediate action. But this cannot be allowed to continue," he said.

Enamul Haque Sagor, assistant inspector general at the PHQ, told The Daily Star, "One of the prime challenges is restoring operational activities. Initially, we focused on relaunching 999 services and restarting police stations' work in rented buildings, as many stations were damaged. Now, the police chief is holding meetings with field officials to improve law and order and intensify operations to recover firearms."

Sagor added, "Our aim is to reduce crime, and hopefully the new year will be a good one for safety and security."

INSECURITY

Dhaka Metropolitan Police Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali, speaking at a programme on December 21, warned that mugging incidents have increased recently and that the muggers mainly target mobile phones.

At the programme, he told foreign students to exercise caution when using mobile phones. "As per the reports I have got, mugging incidents have increased recently, and muggers mainly target mobile phones," he said.

On December 15, Home Adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury also said muggings have increased in the city and that such incidents occurred mainly in the early hours.

The fear of such crimes has had an impact on businesses.

An owner of a coffee shop in Gulshan blamed the poor presence of police on the streets for him losing half of his customers. "People are not coming out of their homes after sun down as they used to.

"Usually, we close the shop after midnight, but many of our customers have complained about theft from their cars parked on the streets near the shop," the owner said.

The owner of a confectionery chain with 25 outlets reported a 35 percent drop in sales, particularly in the evenings.

On police not being seen on the streets at night, Assistant Inspector General Sagor said, "We may be able to provide a proper answer if a specific area is mentioned, but it cannot be said that there are no police at night.

"We are currently gathering equipment and providing necessary support to police units to conduct operations and ensure services. The procurement of equipment is an ongoing process."​

 

[Saif]

Progress, setbacks, and a call for reform

As 2024 draws to a close, the year presents both progress and persistent challenges. While there have been achievements in football, cricket, and hockey, the need for comprehensive reform and greater investment in sports infrastructure is more evident than ever.

www.thedailystar.net

Progress, setbacks, and a call for reform

[Clockwise from top-left]: 1. Bangladesh Football Federation president Tabith Awal. 2. Bangladesh men's cricket team celebrate their Test series win over Pakistan in Rawalpindi. 3. Bangladesh men's under-20 team coach Maruful Haque and striker Piash Nova (holding the trophy) after winning SAFF Men's U-20 Championship. 4. Bangladesh women's football team celebrate a goal during their winning campaign at SAFF Women's Championship 2024. 5. Grandmaster Ziaur Rahman. 6. Top shot of a velodrome at the 2024 Paris Olympics. 7. Bangladesh cricketer Shakib Al Hasan reacts after getting out. Photo: Firoz Ahmed / BFF / Reuters

It was, once again, a mixed bag for Bangladesh sports in 2024. While there were moments of bold strides, the year was also marked by lingering struggles and a desperate search for fresh beginnings.

In women's football, the national team gave their best in retaining the SAFF Women's Championship title, yet the limitations imposed by a lack of resources, international fixtures, and minimal pre-tournament preparation remain glaring. This victory, like their success in 2022, highlighted an important truth: it's time -- if not past time -- for the Bangladesh Football Federation (BFF) to focus on raising its sights beyond the South Asian level.

In cricket, the men's team offered glimpses of brilliance, clinching a historic 2-0 Test series victory in Pakistan and a T20I whitewash over the West Indies to cap off the year. However, the Tigers' closing performance at the T20 World Cup was marred by disappointment.

The year was marked less by the results on the field and more by the ongoing drama surrounding the squad. At the centre of it was Shakib Al Hasan, who called it quits from T20Is, and his Test farewell was overshadowed by his political affiliations. This was followed by a bowling ban, adding to the already controversial atmosphere surrounding his career. Fellow stalwart Mahmudullah Riyad also called time on his T20I career; quietly stepping away, much like his well-known predecessors.

The women cricketers, too, showed signs of progress but not without going through trials. A first-ever T20 World Cup victory, which came against Scotland, broke a long-standing rut for the Tigresses, but getting whitewashed in home series by Australia and India left a bitter taste. Nevertheless, the introduction of the country's first first-class tournament for women late in the year was a landmark decision.

The youth, meanwhile, kept on giving. Bangladesh footballers claimed both the SAFF U-19 Women's Championship and U-20 Men's Championships, while the young cricketers defended their U-19 Asia Cup crown, underlining the potential of grassroots development when executed effectively.

In hockey, 2024 proved to be a pivotal year. Despite its illustrious past in Bangladesh, the sport is hanging by a thread, and the youth team's qualification for the FIH Junior World Cup offered a beacon of hope for a sport at risk of fading into obscurity.

On the administrative front, hopes for a more progressive sporting environment were high following the political shift in August, with leadership changes raising expectations for improvements in planning, management, and infrastructure. However, the full impact of these transitions has yet to be seen, although these are still early days.

The year also saw the long-overdue passing of the torch in the leadership of two major sports bodies. Faruque Ahmed took over as president of the Bangladesh Cricket Board, while Tabith Awal replaced Kazi Salahuddin at the helm of the BFF. These changes have sparked hopes for a brighter future, and results are expected to be fully realised sooner rather than later.

Alongside these shifts, the sports community in Bangladesh mourned the loss of two legends. Chess grandmaster Ziaur Rahman, a pioneer who inspired generations of players, and Zakaria Pintu, the captain of the Swadhin Bangla Football Team during the Liberation War, passed away, leaving a legacy that will be remembered for generations to come.

Bangladesh's participation in the Paris Olympics, for the eleventh time, was again marked by disappointment. The country once again failed to secure its first-ever medal, while the gap between Bangladesh and top-tier sporting nations remains increasingly wide.

As 2024 draws to a close, the year presents both progress and persistent challenges. While there have been achievements in football, cricket, and hockey, the need for comprehensive reform and greater investment in sports infrastructure is more evident than ever.

For now, the sports community continues to wait for the realisation of the long-promised changes that will take Bangladesh sports to the next level in the foreseeable future, if not in 2025.​

 

[Saif]

Echoes of 2024: A year of conflict, resilience and change

We cycled through feelings of euphoria, fear, anguish, hope, inspiration and anxiety, sometimes all at once.

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Echoes of 2024: A year of conflict, resilience and change

FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

"In the midst of darkness, light persists. In the midst of death, life persists. In the midst of untruth, truth persists."—Mahatma Gandhi

As 2024 ends, with a week-long festivity and a lull in activity in many places, I find myself introspecting and reflecting over the past year. While annual reflection is a tradition for many, this is the first time I am sharing my thoughts openly, and for compelling reasons.

This year has helped us move past the painful memories of the Covid pandemic, yet without the solace we yearned for. The ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine intensified, and as if that was not enough, a significant new conflict erupted between Israel and Hamas in October 2023 and continued throughout 2024. The year began under the shadow of these global conflicts and witnessed further turmoil, including significant unrest in neighbouring Myanmar.

Additionally, more than 60 elections were held worldwide, many accompanied by political and civil strife, including one in Bangladesh. The power and influence of youth once again came to the forefront, driving political change and sparking global discourse.

We cycled through feelings of euphoria, fear, anguish, hope, inspiration and anxiety, sometimes all at once. As 2024 concludes, it is hard to pinpoint exactly what our emotional state is. When 2022 ended, it brought a sigh of relief with the decline of Covid. In contrast, 2024 closes with ongoing conflicts, polarisation, environmental crises, policy stagnation, controversial leaderships, civil unrest, widening economic disparities, dwindling humanitarian aid, and the persistent challenges of hunger and food scarcity. The political shifts and changing narratives of 2024 raise more questions than answers.

One stark example of global failure this year was COP29, which failed to secure adequate financial commitments for climate justice. Vulnerable nations like Bangladesh gained nothing from this massive effort of international negotiations, casting doubt on the very purpose of such annual conferences. Bangladesh faced five climate emergencies in 2024, including Cyclone Remal and massive floods that displaced over half a million people. These disasters left communities grappling with loss of livelihoods, damaged infrastructure, and prolonged recovery efforts, highlighting the urgent need for more robust global and local responses to climate resilience. Yet, the global response fell short of what was needed.

Civil unrest defined much of 2024, with protests erupting in Venezuela, Kenya, Bangladesh, and most recently, South Korea. In many cases, demonstrators demanding civil rights were met with disproportionate violence. In Bangladesh, hundreds of lives were lost—among them students, children, and workers—while many others remain injured, enduring a painful existence after speaking out against authoritarian rule. This movement, described by some as a "second liberation," holds the potential for revolutionary change, contingent on future political and social reforms. However, uncertainty looms for many in Bangladesh as they grapple with insecurity, livelihood challenges, and limited growth opportunities.

The 2024 floods were among the most devastating in recent history, affecting millions of lives with unprecedented intensity. In response, youth, communities and people from all stages joined hands and supported affected communities. This was admirable.

In 2024, the business world witnessed the continued rise of unicorns and billionaires, with wealth accumulating at unprecedented rates. However, this growth brought little meaningful change for the powerless. Despite a global economic growth rate of 3.1 percent, over one billion people remain trapped in acute multidimensional poverty, underscoring systemic failures that widen the gap between rich and poor. While digitalisation and technological integration have transformed many sectors, their benefits have yet to fully reach those living in poverty.

As 2024 ends, the limitations of the traditional humanitarian aid model are clear. To create lasting impacts for the disadvantaged, we must embrace entrepreneurial approaches, review existing frameworks, and develop sustainable strategies with consistent resource flow.

I question our engagement with the new generation on social change. Though equipped with technology and social media, they face unprecedented challenges. Are they prepared for an equitable future? Are we investing enough in their potential? These questions linger as we enter 2025.

Finally, as changemakers and development practitioners, we must rebuild trust, demonstrate accountability, and reconnect with people's aspirations. Over time, we lost touch with communities, but now is the moment to correct course and foster collective ownership of our work. As 2025 begins, let us invest in hope, positivity and collaboration to rebuild lives and create a more equitable, just world. It won't be easy, but it is possible—and essential.

Ashish Damle is the country director of Oxfam Bangladesh.​

 

[Bilal9]

Police struggling to get back on their feet

In the beginning of the year, the police were accused of being a tool implementing “Sheikh Hasina’s engineered election”, then they became the heavy hand attempting to crush the mass uprising. Days after Hasina’s ouster, the force appeared to have disintegrated. And now, they are trying to gain...

www.thedailystar.net

Police struggling to get back on their feet

View attachment 12506

In the beginning of the year, the police were accused of being a tool implementing "Sheikh Hasina's engineered election", then they became the heavy hand attempting to crush the mass uprising. Days after Hasina's ouster, the force appeared to have disintegrated. And now, they are trying to gain public trust in combating crime.

Although senior police officials refreshingly admit their shortcomings and promise better days ahead, the challenges facing the force are steep.

Many officers have been transferred for their alleged role in backing the Awami League regime.

A large number of those who replaced them have no experience in working in crime divisions, resulting in the sluggishness of the force's transition into what the people desire.

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury acknowledged this on several occasions over the last few months. He said it would take the police some time to become acquainted with the alleys of Dhaka. The police members would need time to build an intelligence network before they could become effective crime fighters.

The police are dealing with multiple problems.

Equipment deemed essential, like teargas canisters, stun grenades, transport vehicles, and walkie-talkies, which were damaged or destroyed during the uprising, have not all been replaced.

Over 450 of the country's 664 police stations were attacked and some of them were set on fire.

Abdul Malek, inspector (investigation) of the Adabor Police Station, said, "Everything was burnt, including patrol cars, furniture, case dockets, and walkie-talkies … .

"We have so far received two patrol cars, some furniture and weapons, but these are not enough ... We are trying to do the job with what we have," he said.

According to the Police Headquarters database, 5,750 police firearms and 6,51,609 bullets were looted during the uprising. The weapons and ammunition include small machine guns, light machine guns, pistols, shotguns, gas guns, teargas launchers, and tear gas shells.

Even though a joint operation launched on September 4, a total of 1,419 weapons and 2,63,153 bullets were yet to be recovered, as of December 3.

On top of this, around 700 convicts who escaped from prisons during the uprisings remain at large.

However, Adviser Jahangir recently said, "Initiatives have been taken to revive police activities. I hope everything will go well. Change takes time, I cannot alter the morale within two days. It requires patience."

UNDER PREVIOUS REGIME

In January 2024, law enforcers, including the police, were busy completing the parliamentary elections, which the BNP and Jamaat boycotted.

Badiul Alam Majumdar, secretary of Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik, said, "There is no doubt that the police played a questionable role during the last general election, but the level of their complicity varied by location. At some places they played a neutral role and at some others, they acted with vested interest."

Hasina's government faced persistent criticism for allegedly politicising and compromising the independence of the police force to consolidate power and suppress dissenting voices.

Over the years, reports have detailed how the police have been used as a tool to silence voices, restrict free speech, and maintain control over the political landscape.

These not only undermined the integrity of police, but also eroded public trust in law enforcement agencies.

The police were used for targeting the opposition parties, especially the BNP and its allies. Opposition leaders and activists were arrested frequently and charged in what the critics say were politically motivated cases.

UPRISING

At the fag-end of Hasina's rule, the police were deployed against unarmed protesters, resulting in hundreds of deaths.

Following the indiscriminate shooting and killing of protesters and the ouster of Hasina, numerous police members, including top officials, went into hiding fearing the public wrath.

For weeks after August 5, the police were not on the ground in the true sense. Various types of crimes including theft, robbery, and extortion became rampant.

Neighbourhoods were protected at night by students armed with sticks.

Despite efforts by the interim government to stabilise the force, crime statistics from the Police Headquarters (PHQ) reveal an uptick in certain offences.

At least 464 robbery cases were filed between August and November. The number was 395 in the corresponding months of 2023.

Murder cases showed a particularly striking disparity. At least 1,937 murder cases were filed during these months this year. In the same months of 2023, a total of 976 murder cases were filed.

The Chief Adviser's Press Wing, citing PHQ data, recently said the higher numbers of cases filed in September, October, and November this year was due to those being filed over previous incidents.

Tawohidul Haque, associate professor at the Dhaka University's Institute of Social Welfare and Research, explained that the police continue to have a crisis of morale due to their controversial role during the uprising.

"At the same time, criminals are taking advantage as police are hesitant to take immediate action. But this cannot be allowed to continue," he said.

Enamul Haque Sagor, assistant inspector general at the PHQ, told The Daily Star, "One of the prime challenges is restoring operational activities. Initially, we focused on relaunching 999 services and restarting police stations' work in rented buildings, as many stations were damaged. Now, the police chief is holding meetings with field officials to improve law and order and intensify operations to recover firearms."

Sagor added, "Our aim is to reduce crime, and hopefully the new year will be a good one for safety and security."

INSECURITY

Dhaka Metropolitan Police Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali, speaking at a programme on December 21, warned that mugging incidents have increased recently and that the muggers mainly target mobile phones.

At the programme, he told foreign students to exercise caution when using mobile phones. "As per the reports I have got, mugging incidents have increased recently, and muggers mainly target mobile phones," he said.

On December 15, Home Adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury also said muggings have increased in the city and that such incidents occurred mainly in the early hours.

The fear of such crimes has had an impact on businesses.

An owner of a coffee shop in Gulshan blamed the poor presence of police on the streets for him losing half of his customers. "People are not coming out of their homes after sun down as they used to.

"Usually, we close the shop after midnight, but many of our customers have complained about theft from their cars parked on the streets near the shop," the owner said.

The owner of a confectionery chain with 25 outlets reported a 35 percent drop in sales, particularly in the evenings.

On police not being seen on the streets at night, Assistant Inspector General Sagor said, "We may be able to provide a proper answer if a specific area is mentioned, but it cannot be said that there are no police at night.

"We are currently gathering equipment and providing necessary support to police units to conduct operations and ensure services. The procurement of equipment is an ongoing process."​

They need to change their logo, it has Awami League boat symbol in it.

Too many Chhatra League people in the police - a purge will basically cripple the organization, but slowly maybe.

They have to start at the top and clean house.