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Army’s role during the polls and interim period merits a nod
Now that the dust has settled and we have begun another hopeful journey under a new government, we can look back at the interim government’s 18-month tenure and say with confidence that the defence forces,
Army’s role during the polls and interim period merits a nod
23 February 2026, 00:30 AM
Tanim Ahmed
‘The army’s final act in the interim period came during the election, which was most likely their finest.’ PHOTO: RASHED SHUMON
Now that the dust has settled and we have begun another hopeful journey under a new government, we can look back at the interim government’s 18-month tenure and say with confidence that the defence forces, especially the army, played a highly creditable role. Their final act came during the election, which was most likely their finest.
Zero tolerance for mischief—that was the tone firmly set by the army on the eve of the February 12, 2026 election. It was a relief to see aspiring troublemakers scampering through crop fields and alleyways as men in fatigues gave chase. The army was in no mood for disorder, and the sight of soldiers patrolling the streets was reassuring.
Considering the uncertainties surrounding this election, the army’s role was always going to be crucial. Law enforcement in the run-up to polls and on polling days is critical even in normal times, since it is customary for the losing side to reject the results outright. It was therefore, bound to be a serious challenge for the Election Commission to make the February 12 polls so fair and peaceful that even the losing side would find them broadly acceptable. The army was always going to be the commission’s linchpin in this exercise.
Although seldom stated openly, it was almost a foregone conclusion that the army would be a decisive factor in ensuring law and order, more so because it was perhaps the one institution that still commanded authority among the people. And as far as the public was concerned, the army acquitted itself commendably. Together with the Election Commission, it delivered an election that will remain exemplary.
To be fair, despite the shifting timelines and narratives—“early election if fewer reforms are wanted,” “election between December 2025 and June 2026,” and so on—the army was unwavering in its stance on the necessity of elections at the earliest possible time. For much of the interim government’s tenure, the timetable remained conditional, but the army was resolute both in its support for the government and in its insistence on a return to polls.
In fact, it was the army chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, who first articulated the 18-month timeline for the national election. As early as September 2024, just over a month after Muhammad Yunus and his cabinet had been sworn in, when they were still coy or uncertain about the duration of their tenure, General Waker stated in a rare interview with Reuters that an election could be held within a year and a half. It was the first time that a key figure had publicly advanced such a timeframe. In the same interview, he also asserted his force’s wholehearted support for the chief adviser and his mission, thus allaying concerns about the military establishment’s position.
Later that month, however, the interim government indicated that the election timing would depend on progress in reforms. It also pointed out, most likely for the consumption of the army chief, that only the government could determine the length of its stay in office. There were several more occasions when General Waker’s patience was also tested.
Perhaps the most visible episode occurred in March 2025, when a July uprising leader posted allegations against the army chief on Facebook. A wave of social media commentary followed, openly taunting the army chief, something unprecedented in Bangladesh. Other frontline July leaders also joined in. There were even rumours of certain quarters trying to replace the four-star general with someone more pliant. Throughout those tense days, the army remained silent.
Once things subsided, however, the general appeared to harden his stance. In May 2025, he told an officers’ meeting that the election should be held by December 2025. One source quoted him as saying, “Bangladesh needs political stability. This is only possible through an elected government, not by unelected decision-makers.”
In hindsight, it was a strange scenario. Some within the interim government and certain political actors did not seem especially keen on transitioning to elected rule but rather content with the interim arrangement, whereas the army chief was making pointed public statements in favour of a democratic transition.
A few months later, the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), led by a section of the July leaders, faced a setback in Gopalganj. The army did not dither in rescuing those very leaders who had earlier mocked and criticised General Waker. Had it not been for the deployment of APCs, the outcome could have been quite grave. Significant bloodshed in Gopalganj at that juncture would have been detrimental to Bangladesh’s stability.
Going back to the beginning, it was also General Waker-Uz-Zaman who assumed responsibility during the brief but critical power vacuum in August 2024—between the fifth, when Sheikh Hasina fled, and the eighth, when Muhammad Yunus took the oath of office. During those days, it was the army that maintained what semblance of order existed across the country. Having lost moral authority after siding with the Awami League regime and opening fire on protesters, the police were initially afraid and later reluctant to confront crowds or mobs for much of the interim period. Hence, policing effectively became the army’s job. Deployed with magistracy powers, it was instrumental in maintaining order throughout these 18 months. Barring some unfortunate excesses, its role in standing beside the people and giving them a sense of security must be noted.
Since the early days of August 2024, Bangladesh has teetered dangerously close to the brink on several occasions. One of the reasons that it was able to weather these storms was because the army stood resolutely behind the interim government while strongly insisting on a democratic transition. In doing so, General Waker set himself apart as an army chief who did not reach for power even when it lay within grasp.
The past year and a half has been a testament to Bangladesh’s unique brand of resilience and resourcefulness. Now that an orderly transition has taken place, it is time to recognise the army’s role as a pillar of stability during a turbulent period, and General Waker as a patriot.
Tanim Ahmed is digital editor at The Daily Star.
23 February 2026, 00:30 AM
Tanim Ahmed
‘The army’s final act in the interim period came during the election, which was most likely their finest.’ PHOTO: RASHED SHUMON
Now that the dust has settled and we have begun another hopeful journey under a new government, we can look back at the interim government’s 18-month tenure and say with confidence that the defence forces, especially the army, played a highly creditable role. Their final act came during the election, which was most likely their finest.
Zero tolerance for mischief—that was the tone firmly set by the army on the eve of the February 12, 2026 election. It was a relief to see aspiring troublemakers scampering through crop fields and alleyways as men in fatigues gave chase. The army was in no mood for disorder, and the sight of soldiers patrolling the streets was reassuring.
Considering the uncertainties surrounding this election, the army’s role was always going to be crucial. Law enforcement in the run-up to polls and on polling days is critical even in normal times, since it is customary for the losing side to reject the results outright. It was therefore, bound to be a serious challenge for the Election Commission to make the February 12 polls so fair and peaceful that even the losing side would find them broadly acceptable. The army was always going to be the commission’s linchpin in this exercise.
Although seldom stated openly, it was almost a foregone conclusion that the army would be a decisive factor in ensuring law and order, more so because it was perhaps the one institution that still commanded authority among the people. And as far as the public was concerned, the army acquitted itself commendably. Together with the Election Commission, it delivered an election that will remain exemplary.
To be fair, despite the shifting timelines and narratives—“early election if fewer reforms are wanted,” “election between December 2025 and June 2026,” and so on—the army was unwavering in its stance on the necessity of elections at the earliest possible time. For much of the interim government’s tenure, the timetable remained conditional, but the army was resolute both in its support for the government and in its insistence on a return to polls.
In fact, it was the army chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, who first articulated the 18-month timeline for the national election. As early as September 2024, just over a month after Muhammad Yunus and his cabinet had been sworn in, when they were still coy or uncertain about the duration of their tenure, General Waker stated in a rare interview with Reuters that an election could be held within a year and a half. It was the first time that a key figure had publicly advanced such a timeframe. In the same interview, he also asserted his force’s wholehearted support for the chief adviser and his mission, thus allaying concerns about the military establishment’s position.
Later that month, however, the interim government indicated that the election timing would depend on progress in reforms. It also pointed out, most likely for the consumption of the army chief, that only the government could determine the length of its stay in office. There were several more occasions when General Waker’s patience was also tested.
Perhaps the most visible episode occurred in March 2025, when a July uprising leader posted allegations against the army chief on Facebook. A wave of social media commentary followed, openly taunting the army chief, something unprecedented in Bangladesh. Other frontline July leaders also joined in. There were even rumours of certain quarters trying to replace the four-star general with someone more pliant. Throughout those tense days, the army remained silent.
Once things subsided, however, the general appeared to harden his stance. In May 2025, he told an officers’ meeting that the election should be held by December 2025. One source quoted him as saying, “Bangladesh needs political stability. This is only possible through an elected government, not by unelected decision-makers.”
In hindsight, it was a strange scenario. Some within the interim government and certain political actors did not seem especially keen on transitioning to elected rule but rather content with the interim arrangement, whereas the army chief was making pointed public statements in favour of a democratic transition.
A few months later, the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), led by a section of the July leaders, faced a setback in Gopalganj. The army did not dither in rescuing those very leaders who had earlier mocked and criticised General Waker. Had it not been for the deployment of APCs, the outcome could have been quite grave. Significant bloodshed in Gopalganj at that juncture would have been detrimental to Bangladesh’s stability.
Going back to the beginning, it was also General Waker-Uz-Zaman who assumed responsibility during the brief but critical power vacuum in August 2024—between the fifth, when Sheikh Hasina fled, and the eighth, when Muhammad Yunus took the oath of office. During those days, it was the army that maintained what semblance of order existed across the country. Having lost moral authority after siding with the Awami League regime and opening fire on protesters, the police were initially afraid and later reluctant to confront crowds or mobs for much of the interim period. Hence, policing effectively became the army’s job. Deployed with magistracy powers, it was instrumental in maintaining order throughout these 18 months. Barring some unfortunate excesses, its role in standing beside the people and giving them a sense of security must be noted.
Since the early days of August 2024, Bangladesh has teetered dangerously close to the brink on several occasions. One of the reasons that it was able to weather these storms was because the army stood resolutely behind the interim government while strongly insisting on a democratic transition. In doing so, General Waker set himself apart as an army chief who did not reach for power even when it lay within grasp.
The past year and a half has been a testament to Bangladesh’s unique brand of resilience and resourcefulness. Now that an orderly transition has taken place, it is time to recognise the army’s role as a pillar of stability during a turbulent period, and General Waker as a patriot.
Tanim Ahmed is digital editor at The Daily Star.
