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[🇧🇩] Corruption Watch

G Bangladesh Defense
[🇧🇩] Corruption Watch
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NCTB’s work orders to Indian company priced at a premium: ACC
UNB
Published :
Feb 09, 2025 21:35
Updated :
Feb 09, 2025 21:36

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The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) on Sunday carried out an operation at the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) after receiving complaints of corruption and wrongdoing in giving out textbook printing work orders.

During the operation, the ACC team found that in 2017, the lowest bid from a South Korean company was unfairly rejected, and the contract was given to the second-lowest bidder, an Indian publishing company, at a higher price.

Aktarul Islam, the spokesperson of the anti-corruption watchdog organization, shared the information on Sunday.

The team took statements from the NCTB Chairman and Secretary about the allegations.

They also asked for all information about the tenders for printing books from 2011 to 2024, including the publishers that took part, how the tenders were evaluated, the work orders, and details about the consultants, paper purchases, and printing supervision for each year.

After reviewing the documents, the team will submit a full report to the commission, he added.​
 

ACC finds no locker of BB ex-governor Rouf Talukder, 24 others
Staff Correspondent

Dhaka
Published: 09 Feb 2025, 18: 27

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Bangladesh Bank emblem Collected

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) did not find any safe deposit lockers in the names of 25 officials including the former governor of Bangladesh Bank, Abdur Rouf Talukder, during a search operation on Sunday.

ACC director Kazi Sayemuzzaman informed this to the media after the raid.

He said, “There are no lockers in the names of 25 people at the Bangladesh Bank against whom we received complaints. Allegations are there against some more people. Later, the ACC will conduct raids based on orders from the court.”

Officials of the central bank of Bangladesh filed the complaints against the 25 former and current officials of the bank.

Kazi Sayemuzzaman said they could find 272 lockers as of now.

Earlier in the day, an eight-member team of the anti-graft watchdog started the raid at the Bangladesh Bank around 12:30 pm today, as the court granted an appeal in this regard.

Earlier on 26 January, ACC searched the locker of former deputy governor SK Sur and recovered assets worth about Tk 50 million from there.

Currently, those have been kept under the custody of the central bank.

The ACC officials found several more lockers in the names of the central bank officials during the raid.

The ACC conducted the raid suspecting that there could be lockers in the names of the people who are under the scanner of corruption investigation.

The ACC issued a letter to the central bank governor on 2 February requesting the authority so that none could open those lockers at the central bank’s Motijheel branch.

Since then, no one is being allowed to open the lockers.

Bangladesh Bank spokesperson Arif Hossain Khan told the media that the ACC went there with a list of names and searched the list of lockers under their name.

But no locker was found, he added.​
 

Can we rise back up from the abyss of corruption?

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VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The Transparency International released the annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2024 on February 11, 2025. Bangladesh has scored 23 out of 100, one point less than 2023, and has been ranked 151st, two steps lower than its rank in 2023. The 2024 score is Bangladesh's worst since 2012, which has given us three disappointing designations. We are placed among countries that are "losing control of corruption"; we are also among countries that having scored below 50 are considered to have a "serious corruption problem"; and scoring 20 points lower than the global average of 43 qualifies us as having a "very serious corruption problem." Bangladesh's score is 14th lowest among 180 countries or territories included in the index. It remains the second lowest in South Asia, after only Afghanistan, and fifth lowest in the Asia-Pacific region.

More specifically, our 2024 score is three points lower than 2012, 2021, 2020, 2019 and 2018, and five points lower than the highest score of 28 achieved in 2017. Bangladesh is the only South Asian country other than Sri Lanka that has lost points. Notably, both were under the worst form of authoritarianism ousted by people's power. Furthermore, Bangladesh's performance is nine points worse than the average for the 59 authoritarian regimes in the world. It is also six points lower than the average for the 33 countries with the lowest HDI, and six points lower than the 27 countries that were categorised in 2023 as having closed civil society space. Equally embarrassingly, our score is 10 points lower than the average for Sub-Saharan Africa that performs worst as per the regional comparative analysis of the index.

As on previous occasions, no country has scored 100 percent, and hence corruption remains a global problem. The CPI 2024 also reveals that most countries have made little or no progress in tackling public sector corruption since 2012. Compared to 2023, overall global scores have worsened. For 93 countries, the score has declined, compared to 63 in 2023. As many as 122 countries (67.77 percent) have scored below 50, and 101 countries (56.11 percent) below the global average of 43. This means that over 80 percent of the world's population live with a "very serious corruption problem."

Over a quarter of the countries or territories (47) got their lowest scores yet since 2012. Low-scoring countries like Bangladesh, Brazil, Cuba, Russia and Sri Lanka are joined in this club by high scorers like France, Germany, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, and the United States. The rot at the top suggests a global trend of discrimination. However, 25 countries, including Bhutan, South Korea, Laos and Saudi Arabia, have scored their highest since 2012. For the seventh year in a row, Denmark has topped the list, having scored 90, followed by Finland (88) and Singapore (84).

Among Bangladesh's South Asian neighbours, Bhutan continues to be the best performer, having scored 72, which is four points higher than that in 2023, and nine points higher than that in 2012. In the rest of the region, scores remained well below the global average: India and Maldives (38), Nepal (34), Sri Lanka (32), Pakistan (27) and Afghanistan (17). All South Asian countries except Bhutan have scored less compared to 2023. However, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, formerly the two most authoritarian states in the region, have scored their lowest in 12 years since 2012, whereas all other South Asian countries have gained compared to 2012, except Pakistan, which remains unchanged. Among Bangladesh's non-South Asian neighbours, South Korea scored 64, Vietnam 40, Indonesia 37, Thailand 34, and Laos and Philippines 33.

This year's worst performers are South Sudan, at the bottom with a score of 8, followed by Somalia (9), Venezuela (10), Syria (12), Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya and Yemen (13), Nicaragua (14), North Korea and Sudan (15), Myanmar and Haiti (16), Afghanistan, Burundi and Turkmenistan (17), and Tajikistan (19).

The key message of CPI 2024 is that corruption is more than a developmental challenge. An outcome of unaccountable abuse of power, deepening corruption is a threat to democracy, stability, human rights, and justice. Though high-scoring countries appear to have lower levels of corruption, financial hubs in many of these countries operate as demand-side facilitators of money laundering that benefits such countries at the expense of lower scorers. The highest beneficiaries of Bangladesh's corruption in terms of money laundering are ironically among the top performers, like the third-ranked Singapore (84), fifth-ranked Switzerland (80), Australia 10th (77), Canada 15th (75), Hong Kong 17th (74), United Kingdom 20th (71), UAE 23rd (68), United States 28th (65), and Malaysia 57th (50).

Leading rich countries of North America and Europe are also seeing a decline in scores indicating a failure to implement anti-corruption commitments. This is particularly reflected in terms of delivering their global funding commitments to address climate change for the worst-affected countries. For the same reason, many of them are also facing domestic challenges at multiple levels, including climate crisis and erosion of rule of law and public services.

It is important that the anti-corruption drive is mainstreamed in national and international development policies across the world in order to control and prevent its devastating effects on development, democracy, human rights, and justice. The impacts of the failure to do so were experienced by Bangladesh over the 15 and a half years of authoritarian rule.

The data period for CPI 2024 witnessed the peak of kleptocracy-driven authoritarianism in the country. Instead of any meaningful action against corruption, political and governance systems were used to promote and protect corruption. Widespread public sector corruption further intensified particularly in public contracting and project implementation. No effective action was taken despite concrete, evidence-based exposures of high-level corruption and money laundering. State institutions mandated to control corruption, including the ACC, public administration, law enforcement and judicial institutions, continued to operate under partisan political influence, which was a key factor behind the poor performance.

Even after the fall of the authoritarian regime, evidence of the continued abuse of power and corrupt practices, including extortion and turf war for capture of corruption hotspots, persisted through the data period in both political and governance spaces. Risks also persisted in terms of freedom of dissent, free media and civic space, which may have been reflected in the CPI performance of Bangladesh.

The way out is no rocket science. The recommendations of the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission must be implemented with a specific focus on the ACC's true independence and accountability. Examples must be set of concrete success in holding to account high-level corrupt individuals and entities on a priority basis. State institutions must be depoliticised to ensure professional integrity and excellence, especially at the ACC, bureaucracy, law enforcement and judicial services.

Effective measures must be in place to salvage the crucial sectors of public interest from the clutches of policy capture, conflict of interest and partisan political and other influences. These areas include public procurement, banking, trade, power and energy, health, education, land, and infrastructure. The freedom of media, civil society, and people at large must be ensured for the unrestricted disclosure and criticism of corruption and those involved. Above all, our political and bureaucratic culture and practices must be transformed to be free from treating political and public positions as a licence to private gains.

Dr Iftekharuzzaman is executive director at Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB).​
 

Time-bound strategy needed to fight corruption
12 February, 2025, 21:29

BANGLADESH has ranked the 151st, two steps lower than the 2023 rank, in the Corruption Perceptions Index 2024 that Transparency International released on February 11. The 2024 score is Bangladesh’s worst since 2012, which has identified the country with a ‘serious corruption problem’ where the government loses the ‘control of corruption’. It remains the second lowest in South Asia, after only Afghanistan, and the fifth lowest in the Asia-Pacific region. The findings do not come as a surprise, as the anti-corruption reforms commission and the white paper on the state of the Bangladesh economy have documented a similar corruption trend. In 2009–2023, illicit financial flows averaged $16 billion annually, more than double the combined value of net foreign aid and FDI inflows, while politically influenced lending practices have left the banking sector with Tk 675,030 distressed asset as of June 2024. The interim government should, therefore, immediately act on the recommendation of reforms commissions to arrest corruption trend.

The Transparency International Bangladesh executive director expresses concern about the continued abuse of power and corrupt practices in public sector governance in the changed political context. The concerns are not misplaced because a lot has been said about combatting corruption, but the interim government appears slow in taking decisive action. The finance adviser has talked about identifying wilful defaulters and bringing them to justice. The chief adviser has talked about effective steps to recover the money laundered, but the effort has so far been limited to seeking support from international bodies working against cross-border financial crimes. A number of organisation, including the Centre for Policy Dialogue and CFA Society, have urged the government to make the loan defaulters’ list public to enhance transparency and limit their access to state services. The central bank is, however, still shielding wilful loan defaulters and continues to conceal the names of habitual loan defaulters, citing legal barriers. In public agencies, bribery and other corruption practices remain persistent. Contrary to expectations, the performance of the Anti-Corruption Commission remains more or less the same after the fall of the Awami League regime.

Drawing from the findings and recommendations of a number of reforms commissions, the government should consider developing a time-bound national anti-corruption strategy, a road map for the depoliticisation of state institutions such as the Anti-Corruption Commission and bureaucracy, law enforcement agencies and the judiciary. It is high time that the government reviewed the laws and regulations that hinder the process of taking action against all involved in major financial crimes during the Awami League regime. The Anti-Corruption Commission should also be given the statutory power so that it can act more independently in the future.​
 

Bangladesh's corruption rank is unsurprising
Nilratan Halder

Published :
Feb 13, 2025 23:44
Updated :
Feb 13, 2025 23:44

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The common people in Bangladesh cannot help feeling unease at the yearly 'sobriquet' of one of the top corrupt countries in the world that hangs around its neck like the Ancient Mariner's dead albatross, courtesy of the Berlin-based Transparent International (TI). Its Bangladesh chapter releases the perceived extent of corruption in the public sector around this time each year. Lest there may be complaint of biasness against the country, data from eight international surveys, not from any national research organisations including the TIB, were taken into reckoning for preparation of the Bangladesh's corruption ranking.

Then, why should the majority of ordinary people feel slighted by the TI-generated Corruption Perception Index (CPI)? It is because they are not involved in corruption. Well, a vey minuscule portion of them may have to part with some speed money because of their unfamiliarity with the due procedures and the middlemen or agents or the clerks or petty officers in public offices, who do the job in their favour or serve them, compel them to pay the bribe money. They are almost taken a hostage and made to cough up the speed money for services to be rendered free of cost. From the legal point view, they may be a party to the crime but they are made malleable only under duress.

This is evidence enough that the majority of the people here are not corrupt and yet they have to put up with this demeaning branding of a nation as a whole. It is the so-called educated, the privileged, the influential and the powerful who turn the administrative system into a breeding ground of corruption. If the top political leadership and the bureaucracy could stay clean and set an example of integrity and professionalism and strictly enforce a regime of honesty and zero tolerance to irregularities and corruption in functioning of public services, this would have been the order of the day down the rank. A fish rots from the head.

There is nothing to be surprised at the score of 23 on a 0-100 scale with lowest score denoting the most corrupt and the highest score the least corrupt among the 188 countries put under the TI scanner. Even its lowest score of 23, one point lower than that of 2023 is hardly shocking because the level of corruption never registered a significant decrease since the country came under the TI coverage in 2001. It held the lowest position from the inaugural year until 2005. Over the past decade, its corruption ranking did not show any significant improvement with its scores hovering in between 24-26. Only in 2013 and 2017, did the score rise to 27 and 28 respectively. But this has ever remained much lower than the global average. For example, this year the country's score is far lower than the global average of 43. Although 122 countries have this dubious distinction, it is small consolation for Bangladesh. More so, because in the post-uprising six months, there seems to be no positive reflection of the interim government's rule.

What is particularly disgraceful is that the country has its corruption ranking just a notch above that of Afghanistan in the South Asian region. It is even mortifying that Bangladesh fares much worse in the prevalence of corruption compared to the average of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa. In all, 47 countries including Bangladesh registered their lowest scores in the past 13 years. But neighbouring Bhutan, a landlocked and resource-poor country, has improved its ranking by four points while its big neighbours including India have recorded a drop of their points with Sri Lanka dropping six.

However, Sri Lanka has demonstrated enough resilience to overcome its economic malaise and may be set on course of improving its corruption track records this year. Can Bangladesh do so? The reform commissions formed earlier have recommended ways out but without implementation some of the vital reforms, the country hardly stands any chance of reducing corruption and doing justice to the discrimination-free society envisaged by the architects of the July-August uprising.

The problem is with consumerism, an offshoot of free market economy, that stokes human avarice to limitless level. A Benazir, the ex-IGP and a Motiur, an official of the Anti-corruption Commission (ACC), are the examples of how people in responsible places stooped very low to accumulate wealth beyond one's means and outside of one's legitimate income. When a regime of exploiting the public money of this order is created under the patronage of the people in power, the entire system rots like the proverbial fish.

Such a development has its more pronounced adverse impacts on the lower strata of society. Wealth getting concentrated to a few hands because of the oligarchic and kleptocratic indulgence, the majority are deprived of their minimum requirements for living a decent human life. When social and economic orders are thus artificially controlled and distorted, a nation experiences its malgrowth.

In this connection, the TIB chief's observation that the countries ranked at the top echelon also encourages corruption in countries like Bangladesh by welcoming unclean funds laundered from those is to the point. True, the source country is mainly responsible but the clean ones become a party to the corruption not by default but by turning a blind eye to the crime. Shouldn't this international double standard also change? Vulnerable and resource-constraint countries have numerous problems and the countries with enviable home records on corruption tend to drain out money in a more subtle way than the colonial masters once employed. An international discourse on the issue is overdue.​
 

Bangladesh is still stuck in the vicious cycle of corruption
The latest global corruption index again paints a troubling picture

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VISUAL: STAR

It comes as no surprise that Bangladesh has once again performed dismally in Transparency International's (TI) latest ranking. But that doesn't make it any less painful, or alarming, for the global anti-graft body's corruption index—based on perceptions though it may be—paints a real picture of governance failures with deleterious effects for citizens. According to the 2024 index released on Tuesday, Bangladesh ranks 151st among 180 countries or territories, scoring just 23 out of 100—its lowest in 13 years. Seen from the bottom, it ranks 14th, making it the second lowest in South Asia and the fifth lowest in the Asia-Pacific region. This confirms that corruption remains as pervasive as ever, underscoring both the failure of the ousted Awami League regime and the inability of the interim government to break the cycle.

As the executive director of TI Bangladesh has noted, the data period for CPI 2024 coincided with the peak of kleptocratic authoritarianism in Bangladesh, during which corruption was not just tolerated but actively promoted and protected through political and governance mechanisms. Public sector corruption, particularly in public contracting and project implementation, worsened as state institutions responsible for tackling graft—such as the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), law enforcement, and the judiciary—were politicised and rendered ineffective. Restrictions on free media, civic space, and dissent may have further contributed to Bangladesh's poor ranking.

Unfortunately, corruption has persisted even after the fall of the Awami League government midway through the CPI data period, with reports of continued extortion, abuse of power, and turf wars over lucrative corruption networks. Despite initial promises, the interim government has failed to take decisive action to dismantle these networks or reform the entrenched culture of corruption and mismanagement within the civil service. This is further underscored by a recent survey by the Public Administration Reform Commission that reveals widespread public dissatisfaction: 80 percent of respondents, for example, believe the administration is not public-friendly, 66 percent say civil servants behave like "rulers," 42 percent think obtaining services is impossible without paying bribes, and 46 percent report facing harassment when seeking services.

The question is, why is a non-political government born out of a popular uprising failing to turn this situation around? While crucial reform measures currently remain under discussion, one persistent obstacle to better performance has been the turmoil and non-cooperation within the bureaucracy, with reports of officials resisting reform efforts. This must be addressed with an iron hand. The recommendations from TIB also warrant serious consideration, particularly making the ACC truly independent and empowered to hold high-level individuals accountable and depoliticising state institutions to ensure professional integrity. Without such reforms, Bangladesh will remain trapped in the same vicious cycle of corruption and misgovernance.​
 

ACC summons ex-Islami Bank chair, 11 others over alleged laundering of $1b by S Alam
Staff Correspondent 17 February, 2025, 21:52

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Collected photo

Ex-minister Mujibul, wife sued over illegal wealth

The Anti-Corruption Commission on Monday summoned Islami Bank Bangladesh’s 12 former and servicing officials, including its former chairman Ahsanul Alam, to appear at the commission for interrogation in connection with the alleged laundering of $1 billion abroad by S Alam Group chairman Mohammad Saiful Alam and his family members.

The anti-corruption agency on the day also filed two separate cases against former railway minister Mujibul Haque and his wife Hanufa Akter Rikita on charges of amassing illegal wealth worth Tk 10.67 crore.

The ACC sent a letter signed by its deputy director Abu Sayeed to the managing director of Islami Bank, asking the bank’s 12 former and serving officials to appear at the commission on February 26 and 27, said ACC officials.

According to the letter, the ACC is conducting inquiry over an allegation of laundering $1 billion to Singapore, British Virginia island, Cyprus and other countries by S Alam Group chairman Mohammad Saiful Alam and his family members.

The ACC asked Islami Bank’s former chairman Ahsanul Alam, former vice-president Dilruba Hayat, senior vice-president Nazmul Huda Siraji, FAVP Md Abu Hanif, senior principal officer Shariful Islam and executive committee member Abu Sayeed Mohammad Kashem to appear at the ACC headquarters in the capital Dhaka on February 26.

The commission asked executive committee member Jamal Mostafa Chowdhury, board director Md Sarwar Hossain, executive vice-president Shamsuddoha, EVP Mir Rahmatullah, SEVP Abu Sayed Md Idris and deputy managing director Kazi Md Rezaul Karim to appear at the commission on February 27 for interrogation over the allegation.

ACC spokesperson and its director general Md Aktar Hossain said that the ACC filed the two cases against Mujibul and his wife Hanufa with its integrated district office in Dhaka-1.

According to the cases, former minister Mujibul allegedly misused his power to acquire assets worth Tk 7.39 crore beyond known sources of income.

Another case was filed against Mujibul’s wife Hanufa on charges of amassing illegal wealth worth Tk 3.28 crore.

After the fall of the Awami League government amid a student-led mass uprising on August 5, 2024, the ACC had started an inquiry into corruption allegations against Mujibul.​
 

Bangladesh's corruption rank is unsurprising
Nilratan Halder
Published :
Feb 13, 2025 23:44
Updated :
Feb 13, 2025 23:44

1739838078644.png


The common people in Bangladesh cannot help feeling unease at the yearly 'sobriquet' of one of the top corrupt countries in the world that hangs around its neck like the Ancient Mariner's dead albatross, courtesy of the Berlin-based Transparent International (TI). Its Bangladesh chapter releases the perceived extent of corruption in the public sector around this time each year. Lest there may be complaint of biasness against the country, data from eight international surveys, not from any national research organisations including the TIB, were taken into reckoning for preparation of the Bangladesh's corruption ranking.

Then, why should the majority of ordinary people feel slighted by the TI-generated Corruption Perception Index (CPI)? It is because they are not involved in corruption. Well, a vey minuscule portion of them may have to part with some speed money because of their unfamiliarity with the due procedures and the middlemen or agents or the clerks or petty officers in public offices, who do the job in their favour or serve them, compel them to pay the bribe money. They are almost taken a hostage and made to cough up the speed money for services to be rendered free of cost. From the legal point view, they may be a party to the crime but they are made malleable only under duress.

This is evidence enough that the majority of the people here are not corrupt and yet they have to put up with this demeaning branding of a nation as a whole. It is the so-called educated, the privileged, the influential and the powerful who turn the administrative system into a breeding ground of corruption. If the top political leadership and the bureaucracy could stay clean and set an example of integrity and professionalism and strictly enforce a regime of honesty and zero tolerance to irregularities and corruption in functioning of public services, this would have been the order of the day down the rank. A fish rots from the head.

There is nothing to be surprised at the score of 23 on a 0-100 scale with lowest score denoting the most corrupt and the highest score the least corrupt among the 188 countries put under the TI scanner. Even its lowest score of 23, one point lower than that of 2023 is hardly shocking because the level of corruption never registered a significant decrease since the country came under the TI coverage in 2001. It held the lowest position from the inaugural year until 2005. Over the past decade, its corruption ranking did not show any significant improvement with its scores hovering in between 24-26. Only in 2013 and 2017, did the score rise to 27 and 28 respectively. But this has ever remained much lower than the global average. For example, this year the country's score is far lower than the global average of 43. Although 122 countries have this dubious distinction, it is small consolation for Bangladesh. More so, because in the post-uprising six months, there seems to be no positive reflection of the interim government's rule.

What is particularly disgraceful is that the country has its corruption ranking just a notch above that of Afghanistan in the South Asian region. It is even mortifying that Bangladesh fares much worse in the prevalence of corruption compared to the average of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa. In all, 47 countries including Bangladesh registered their lowest scores in the past 13 years. But neighbouring Bhutan, a landlocked and resource-poor country, has improved its ranking by four points while its big neighbours including India have recorded a drop of their points with Sri Lanka dropping six.

However, Sri Lanka has demonstrated enough resilience to overcome its economic malaise and may be set on course of improving its corruption track records this year. Can Bangladesh do so? The reform commissions formed earlier have recommended ways out but without implementation some of the vital reforms, the country hardly stands any chance of reducing corruption and doing justice to the discrimination-free society envisaged by the architects of the July-August uprising.

The problem is with consumerism, an offshoot of free market economy, that stokes human avarice to limitless level. A Benazir, the ex-IGP and a Motiur, an official of the Anti-corruption Commission (ACC), are the examples of how people in responsible places stooped very low to accumulate wealth beyond one's means and outside of one's legitimate income. When a regime of exploiting the public money of this order is created under the patronage of the people in power, the entire system rots like the proverbial fish.

Such a development has its more pronounced adverse impacts on the lower strata of society. Wealth getting concentrated to a few hands because of the oligarchic and kleptocratic indulgence, the majority are deprived of their minimum requirements for living a decent human life. When social and economic orders are thus artificially controlled and distorted, a nation experiences its malgrowth.

In this connection, the TIB chief's observation that the countries ranked at the top echelon also encourages corruption in countries like Bangladesh by welcoming unclean funds laundered from those is to the point. True, the source country is mainly responsible but the clean ones become a party to the corruption not by default but by turning a blind eye to the crime. Shouldn't this international double standard also change? Vulnerable and resource-constraint countries have numerous problems and the countries with enviable home records on corruption tend to drain out money in a more subtle way than the colonial masters once employed. An international discourse on the issue is overdue.​
 

Attempt to appoint Parvez to ACC deeply concerning: TIB
Condemns govt for decision

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Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) has expressed deep concern over the government's attempt to appoint Amin Al Parvez -- a government official accused in a corruption case related to land acquisition in Cox's Bazar -- as a director of the Anti-Corruption Commission.

In a press release issued today, TIB said the move raises serious concerns about whether the government is trying to shield corruption and render the ACC ineffective.

According to media reports, a case was filed against Parvez in 2020 for embezzling Tk 22.21 crore from the Police Bureau of Investigation building construction and land acquisition project in Cox's Bazar.

At the time, he was serving as the additional deputy commissioner (education and ICT) in the Cox's Bazar District Administration.

An ACC report later revealed that he had unlawfully benefitted himself and others through fraud and abuse of power.

Calling the appointment attempt unacceptable, TIB Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman said, "On what grounds was an officer accused of corruption appointed to the ACC on deputation? This decision comes at a time when the ACC Reform Commission has explicitly recommended identifying corrupt officials within the ACC, dismissing them, and prosecuting them."

"This suggests a conspiracy within the administration to protect corruption. The government's decision to appoint an accused officer to the ACC is not only unacceptable but deeply alarming," he also said.

"We want to commend the ACC's decision to cancel the appointment of the accused officer. However, we urge the commission to take this incident as a lesson and ensure vigilance in future appointments and promotions, particularly those made on deputation, to prevent undue influence," he added.

"At the same time, the government must refrain from undermining ACC reformation goals through such untoward actions. The interim government's duty is to set a precedent for accountability, not to tarnish its own credibility by shielding corruption or rewarding those implicated in it. Otherwise, how is this any different from the kleptocracy seen under authoritarian rule?"​
 

2 ex-governors, 53 other BB officials under ACC scanner
Solamain Salman 18 February, 2025, 23:53

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New Age file photo

The Anti-Corruption Commission has launched probes into corruption allegations against Bangladesh Bank’s 25 former and serving officials, including former governor Abdur Rouf Talukder.

The officials are facing various allegations, including amassing illegal wealth, money laundering and embezzlement.

The anti-graft agency is also examining corruption allegations against 29 other BB former and serving officials, including ex-governor Atiur Rahman.

Regarding the 29 former and serving officials, the ACC is scrutinising safe deposit lockers belonging to 28 officials on suspicion of keeping undisclosed money and is examining Atiur’s alleged link to the $101-million Bangladesh Bank reserve heist in 2016, said ACC officials.

The ACC has initiated an inquiry into allegations of corruption, embezzlement of money from the banking sector and money laundering against Rouf and the commission has started another probe into allegations of irregularities at the central bank and hiding information about the defaulted loan of Tk 7,853 crore of Social Islami Bank against Rouf.

The ACC is conducting an inquiry into allegation of embezzling Tk 54 lakh by former deputy governor Khorshed Alam while he was posted at the regional office in Rangpur and it is also probing former deputy governor Kazi Saidur Rahman’s alleged involvement in the embezzlement of Tk 700 crore.

BB deputy governor Nurun Nahar is facing an inquiry over allegations of corruption, abuse of power, recruitment business, money laundering and amassing illegal wealth against her. Another probe has also been initiated against Nurun Nahar and deputy governor Habibur Rahman over allegations of embezzling money.

The ACC is also conducting an inquiry into allegations of amassing illegal wealth and money laundering against former BB deputy governor Sitanshu Kumar Sur Chowdhury.

As part of the probe, an ACC team recovered savings certificates and insurance papers worth Tk 4.45 crore and Tk 16.25 lakh in cash from Sur’s residence in Dhaka.

The ACC also recovered 1 kilogram of gold, $1,69,300, €55,000 and a fixed deposit receipt of Tk 70 lakh from a BB safe deposit locker belonging to Sur on January 26.

Amiruzzaman Mia, assistant director of the Bangladesh Bank Training Academy, is facing an ACC inquiry over allegations of amassing illegal wealth, including a luxurious house and three plots in Dhaka.

The ACC is also conducting inquiries into graft allegations against former Bangladesh Bank adviser Abu Farah Md Nasser, former Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit chief Masud Biswas, former executive director SM Moniruzzaman, former executive director Shah Alam, general manager Zakir Hossain, deputy general manager Imam Sayeed, joint directors Md Sarwar Hossain, Sunirban Barua, Jubair Hossain, Anik Talukder, Rubel Chowdhury and Lelin Azad Palash, additional directors Md Abdur Rouf, Md Wadud and Md Manjur Hossain Khan, former deputy director Mofazzal Hossain, former assistant director (cash) Anwar Hossain and former DGM Tarun Kanti Ghosh.

After the recovery of valuables from Sur’s safe deposit locker at the Bangladesh Bank, the ACC conducted another drive at the central bank recently, but it found that no safe deposit lockers are registered under the names of 25 other officials.

However, the ACC found safe deposit lockers in the names of 28 officials of the BB at the central bank and the commission will conduct a drive to scrutinise the lockers soon on suspicion of keeping undisclosed assets in the lockers by the officials, said an ACC director.

The 28 officials are executive directors Md Shahidul Islam, Ahmed Jamal, Ashish Kumar Dasgupta, Mohammad Masum Kamal Bhuiyan, Subhankar Saha and Ashish Kumar Dasgupta, directors Md Rajib Ali, Lutfe Ara Begum, Pradeep Ranjan Debnath, Wahida Nasrin, Moni Shankar Kundu, Ariat Hossain Khan and Mizanur Rahman Akand, general managers Md Sazzat Hossain Khan, Md Kausar Matin and Md Akkas Uddin, deputy general managers Mahmud Salauddin Naser, Md Enamul Karim Khan, Ishtekamal Hossain, Mustafa Azad Kamal, Dilip Kumar Dutta, AKM Kamruzzaman, Golam Mustafa and Shah Md Mainuddin, additional directors Nasima Khatun and Alauddin Al Azad, BFIU additional director Kazi Monir Uddin, and deputy manager Kalyani Saha.

On February 2, the ACC sent a letter to the Bangladesh Bank governor, requesting measures to prevent unauthorised access to these lockers. Since then, the central bank’s Motijheel headquarters has restricted locker access.

ACC director general Md Aktar Hossain said that the ACC had already filed separate cases against former BB deputy governor Sitanshu Kumar Sur Chowdhury and his family members and BFIU ex-chief Masud Biswas on graft charges.

The commission is also conducting inquiries into graft allegations against a number of former and serving officials of the central bank, he added.​
 

Public servants' wealth statement: What next?
SYED MUHAMMED SHOWAIB
Published :
Feb 19, 2025 22:08
Updated :
Feb 19, 2025 22:08

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The deadline for public servants to submit their wealth statements ended last Saturday. Last October, the interim government led by Dr. Yunus ordered public servants to declare their assets, presenting the move as a means to curb corruption and promote accountability. On the surface, it appears to be a bold step to identify civil servants who have abused their positions to accumulate wealth beyond their means. This was a cause for hope for average citizen as well. They are well aware of corruption in many government offices and weary of witnessing lavish lifestyles of officials whose salaries are paid with taxpayers' money. Display of wealth by some public servants with luxury cars, opulent homes and million-taka goat purchase fuelled the perception that public service is often a path to personal enrichment.

However, while the idea of holding public servants accountable for their wealth is appealing, the question remains: can such an initiative realistically achieve its goal, or will it simply be another hollow ritual? History offers little reassurance about its prospect for success. During the 2008 caretaker government similar attempt at wealth declaration was made which yielded no tangible results. Likewise, before each national election, numerous incumbent party candidates routinely submit their wealth statements, often revealing exponential increases in assets over short periods. Yet it rarely leads to any meaningful scrutiny or consequences. The problem is not new, nor is the solution untested. The system, it seems, is not designed to work.

Just look at the logistical challenges. Over 1.5 million government employees manually submitted their wealth statements by February 15. Who will scrutinize these millions of pages? How many person-hours will be required for such a manual check? The most likely scenario is that these forms will be passed from desk to desk, eventually ending up in some forgotten archive.

The design of the wealth statement form itself is also problematic. The forms require government employees to list assets at their acquisition values, which opens door for manipulation. Just as in income tax returns, individuals can easily understate the actual cost or claim assets were acquired as gifts. A crucial improvement would have been to include a column for the approximate current market value of assets to allow for a more realistic assessment. If such a measure had been incorporated, authorities could have established a threshold for closer scrutiny, selecting wealth statements that exceed a certain net worth for further verification. Unfortunately, this was not done.

The government has yet to outline its plan for processing the collected statements. In this digital age, the manual submission of forms seems remarkably antiquated. Had the information been collected through a digital platform, analyzing and verifying wealth statements would have been much easier. Since that opportunity has been missed, the only viable alternative is to digitize the data now. While a cumbersome process, it's the only way forward if the government is serious about scrutinizing these declarations.

Of course, some employees will not provide an accurate account of their wealth simply because they cannot justify their sources of income. But this underscores the need for robust investigative mechanisms to uncover discrepancies and hold wrongdoers accountable.

Government employees are citizens of the people's republic, and while large percentage of them are not corrupt, the system they operate within enables corruption. The root of the problem lies in the flawed ecosystem - from hiring and transfers to promotions and procurements - that allows corruption to flourish unchecked. Until these underlying issues are addressed, even punishing a few corrupt public servants would do little to stem corruption. As the saying goes, you cannot destroy a culture by destroying some of its adherents.

The wealth declaration exercise, in its current form, risks becoming nothing more than a symbolic gesture unless authorities digitize those disclosures into centralized database and act on it. Simultaneously, the government must also mend its broken bureaucratic system that perpetuates corruption. Only then will asset disclosures be effective and public servants truly accountable to the people they serve.​
 

ACC conducts drives at Chattogram WASA
BSS
Published :
Feb 20, 2025 21:47
Updated :
Feb 20, 2025 21:47

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A team from the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) on Thursday conducted an operation at the Chattogram Water and Sewerage Supply Authority (CWASA) office and quizzed relevant officials regarding allegations of irregularities in its sewerage project.

A 4-member team led by Assistant Director of ACC’s Chattogram Integrated Office-1 Sayed Mohammad Imran conducted the raid on Thursday afternoon and quizzed the CWASA Secretary and Project Director of Tk 38.08 billion on-going sewerage scheme.

While talking to journalists after the drive, ACC officials said that they had visited the CWASA office after physically inspecting the project site and talked to the concerned director of the project as part of the probe into the allegations of irregularities at a treatment plant of the sewerage project at Halishahar in the city.

ACC assistant director Imran said that the newly built treatment plant had a crack, and it was guessed that the crack was the result of using low quality materials.

“We have found many cracks during on-site inspection today morning and talked with the concerned officials, including the secretary and project director, as part of our investigation. The director admitted his knowledge on the cracks,” he said.

“The project director informed us that they had discussed with the project consulting firm, and the chemicals that will be used to seal the cracks have been sent for testing,” ACC officials said.

ACC official Syed Mohammad Imran said, “There is no way to apprehend exactly the cause of faults by merely seeing it. Experts in the relevant field can find it out. However, cracks have been seen. This could be due to use of low-quality materials”.

Earlier, a mysterious fire occurred on the third floor of the CWASA building in 2020. It was said that the incident was a staged one to disappear or destroy the documents of corruption and irregularities.

Besides, there are widespread allegations of corruption and irregularities centring on a number of mega projects against former controversial managing director of CWASA A K M Fazlullah.

Out of 10 mega projects undertaken by CWASA during his tenure, work on two is still going on. Over TK 82.57 billion has been spent on eight completed projects, while running two projects are being implemented at a costs of Tk 58.02 billion.​
 

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