[🇧🇩] In Bangladesh, A Violent 'Student Revolution' is on بنگلہ دیش میں انقلاب

[🇧🇩] In Bangladesh, A Violent 'Student Revolution' is on بنگلہ دیش میں انقلاب
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At least 93 dead as violence grips the country
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an alleged ruling party activist chases protesters brandishing a firearm in Enayet Bazar area of Chattogram during a clash between the protesters, and police aided by ruling party men. Photo: Star

At least 93 people were killed and more than a thousand others injured, many with bullets, as a new wave of violence convulsed Bangladesh yesterday.

Ruling party activists and police clashed with anti-government protesters in at least 20 districts on the first day of the student-led non-cooperation movement designed to keep pressure on Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to step down.

With yesterday's count, the total death toll in anti-government protests crossed 300 in just three weeks, making it the bloodiest period in the history of Bangladesh's civil movement.

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A wounded protester is being carried on a rickshaw in the capital's Farmgate area. Photo:Reuters

The day began with an eerie calm, but it turned violent after supporters of the ruling Awami League descended on the streets to subdue anti-government protests.

As violence spread, an angry mob attacked a police station in the northern district of Sirajganj, beating 13 police personnel to death. Separately, at least five people died in clashes in Raiganj upazila of Sirajganj, taking the total death toll to 18 in the district, the highest tally among all.

In the capital, at least 12 people were killed. Most of them were brought dead to Dhaka Medical College and Hospital.

With the country already on the boil, attackers torched or vandalised the homes of some ruling party lawmakers, Awami League offices, police stations, law-enforcement vehicles, prison vans and hospital buses throughout the day, forcing the authorities to tighten a nationwide curfew and block 4G mobile internet to quell the violence.

Details of death and destruction kept coming from across the country until late last night. The death toll is likely to rise as many were hospitalised with grievous injuries, according to reports filed by The Daily Star's district correspondents. At least 70 establishments owned by individuals or the government were set on fire, according to fire service data.

Bangladesh announced the shutdown of public and private offices, including banks, for three days, while students scheduled a long march for today, setting themselves on a potential collision course with pro-government groups.

It all came as protesters whittled their demands down to just one: the resignation of Hasina and her cabinet members. Simultaneously, they started a non-cooperation movement, urging citizens not to pay taxes and migrant workers not to send remittances from abroad through banking channels.

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two bullet-hit persons lie motionless on the street in Azampur of Uttara in Dhaka. Photo: Collected

The latest spell of violence was born out of job quota reform protests led by students. The protests entered a dangerous phase after at least 208 people were killed in indiscriminate firing by law enforcers, members of Border Guard Bangladesh and ruling party activists, in a spasm of violence from July 16 to August 3.

Tension in Bangladesh has been simmering since Saturday night, following AL General Secretary Obaidul Quader's announcement that the ruling party activists would be on the streets to maintain their positions against protesters.

In Dhaka, some areas felt like battlefields yesterday as police, ruling party activists and protesters engaged in three-way violence at Farmgate, Dhanmondi, Mirpur 10, Uttara, Shahbagh and Gulistan.

Hundreds of ruling party supporters wielding sticks walked down Kazi Nazrul Islam Avenue towards the Karwan Bazar intersection around 12:50pm, raising fears of violence.

The road stretching from Farmgate to Bangla Motor resembled a "battlefield" as police and ruling party men fired indiscriminately on a huge crowd of protesters, who were advancing towards Farmgate with sticks in hand. They were also carrying drums and plastic traffic barriers to the protest site. At times, they threw brickbats at the police and Awami League supporters along the way.

A clash broke out between protesters and ruling party men near the Awami League office in the capital's Dhanmondi around 12:30pm when protesters from Dhanmondi-2 moved to Dhanmondi-3. Sounds of gunshots and stun grenades rang out in the area.

Most shopping malls, shops, bank branches and other establishments were closed. Public transport disappeared from the streets, forcing people to walk home or to workplaces, while long-haul buses and trains suspended their services.

In Old Dhaka, a clash between police and protesters halted proceedings at the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court premises.

Over a hundred protesters, along with pro-BNP lawyers, broke a collapsible gate to the court premises, which the police had cordoned off since morning. The protesters threw brickbats at the doors and windows in the court area, witnesses said. Two prison vans and two police cars were vandalised by unidentified people as violence broke out.

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The body of Rangpur district unit Swechchhasebak League member Khairul Islam Sabuj being taken to a hospital after he was killed in violence in the city's Supermarket area. Photo: Collected

The Shahbagh intersection was on edge after rival groups gathered since morning, leading to a violent clash. Both groups barged into the Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Medical University premises and engaged in another round of clashes. At least 24 vehicles were set on fire with black smoke billowing skywards.

Meanwhile, the Mirpur-10 intersection turned into a hotspot as protesters arrived in droves. AL men, some of them with firearms, had already occupied the area, backed by police. Numerous gunshots rang out, sending panic through the area.

Violence beyond Dhaka

In Laxmipur, eight people were killed and 100 others were wounded in a clash between protesters and members of Jobo League and Chhatra League, police said. Three of the victims suffered gunshots, while five were beaten dead.

In Narsingdi, at least six AL leaders were beaten to death and several others injured in a clash between AL supporters and protesters. The incident took place in front of a mosque next to the Madhabdi Municipal Building, according to KM Shahidul Islam Shohag, additional superintendent of police.

In Feni, at least eight people were killed in clashes as Awami League men attacked protesters. Several people were injured in the incident, reports our correspondent. Their identities could not be immediately confirmed.

In the northern city of Rangpur, four people died in clashes. Abdul Jalil, an official of the Rangpur Medical College and Hospital, confirmed two of the deaths.

One of the dead was identified as Haradhan Roy, president of the Parshuram Thana Awami League and councillor of Ward 4 in Rangpur city. The second man was his driver whose name could not be known.

In Sylhet, four people were shot dead and at least 25, including policemen and members of Border Guard Bangladesh, were injured in a clash. One of the deceased was identified as Taj Uddin, 43, a businessman of Dharabohor village in Sylhet's Golapganj upazila.

Meanwhile, protesters and police clashed around 12:00pm, half an hour after hundreds of demonstrators gathered at the Court Point area in Sylhet city. Police fired shotguns, tear shells and stun grenades to disperse the protesters.

In Bogura, separate clashes left at least five people dead and many others injured, with 32 hospitalised.

One of them, Manirul Islam, 24, was shot dead as police opened fire on protesters after they attacked Dupchanchia Police Station. He was brought dead to a local hospital, according to a doctor. Besides, two others were brought dead to Shaheed Ziaur Rahman Medical College in Bogura.

"It seems they died of gunshot wounds. But we could not confirm it," Abdul Wadud, deputy director of the hospital, told The Daily Star. At least 32 people are currently undergoing treatment at the hospital.

In Pabna, at least three people were killed and 50 others injured during a clash between protestors and ruling party men. One person was brought dead, while two others died of their injuries at the Pabna Sadar Hospital, said its assistant director, Rafiqul Hasan.

In Munshiganj, at least three persons were killed and 20 others injured near the Super Market area.

Abu Hena Mohammad Jamal, superintendent of Munshiganj General Hospital, said two persons were brought dead and many were hospitalised with injuries. The doctors, however, could not give details on the nature of the injuries.

Police did not open fire, Munshiganj Additional Superintendent of Police Khairul Hasan said, adding that he was unaware of any casualty.

In Magura, at least four people were killed and 20 others were injured in clashes that involved protesters on one side and police and ruling party men on the other.

In Kishoreganj, at least three people, including a woman, were killed and over 100 injured in a clash between protesters and AL activists.

Witnesses reported that the AL office was vandalised and set on fire during the conflict. Subsequently, the protesters blocked the road for three hours.

In Cumilla's Debidwar upazila, three persons were killed and several others were injured in a clash. One of them was Md Rubel, 33, who was rushed to a local hospital with a head injury, where a doctor declared him dead.

The clash started as AL supporters attacked protesters with sharp weapons in the New Market area in Debidwar upazila.

In Chattogram, at least 172 people have been admitted to Chattogram Medical College Hospital, after they were wounded with bullets in a clash between protesters, police and AL activists.

In Khulna, unidentified people torched the Khulna Zilla parishad office.

In Faridpur, the district Awami League office was vandalised, while a BCL office was torched allegedly by protesters. The protesters also set fire to 10 motorcycles in front of the district AL office in the town. Besides, police fired rubber bullets, sound grenades and teargas shells when the Kotwali Police Station was attacked.​
 

'March to Dhaka' programme tomorrow
Announces Anti-Discrimination Student Movement; initially, it was scheduled for Tuesday

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Photo: Anisur Rahman/Star

The anti-discrimination student movement has announced a "March to Dhaka" programme tomorrow (Monday) to press home for their one-point demand: the resignation of the Sheikh Hasina-led government.

They called upon students and people across the country to join the march to Dhaka.

Three coordinators of the movement -- Asif Mahmud, Sarjis Alam, and Abu Baker Majumder -- confirmed their fresh programme to The Daily Star.

Initially, the "March to Dhaka" was scheduled for Tuesday. However, later in the day, the march was rescheduled for Monday.

The protest organisers said the date was changed due to the deaths of numerous people and the current situation.​
 

Army urges all to comply with curfew rules
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Photo: Amran Hossain/Star

The Bangladesh Army has urged all to comply with the rules of curfew that has been extended for an indefinite period yesterday. It also sought everyone's cooperation in this regard.

The government yesterday took the decision which will apply to the capital and all other divisional cities, city corporations, district and upazila headquarters.

The curfew came into effect at 6:00pm yesterday.

According to a statement signed by Inter-Service Public Relations Director Lt Col Sami Ud Dowla Chowdhury, the army will play its role as mandated by the constitution and laws in ensuring the security of the people and protection of the important state infrastructures.

"The curfew has been imposed for an indefinite period considering the deterioration of the country's overall law and order," said ISPR statement yesterday.​
 

Holding to account the perpetrators of crimes against protesters
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Wanton violence committed by the law enforcers on unarmed young protestors triggered outrage. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

"It was the henchmen of the ruling party and the law enforcement who committed the crimes, but we (the students) are the ones who are being picked up." — Tasneem Tanha, a protester.

The above statement succinctly captures the feeling of student protestors about the role of law enforcement agencies in committing the infamous July massacre, and what was then done in its aftermath. While electronic media lost no time in repeating the government's carefully crafted narrative to divert people's attention from mindless killings to the damaging of state properties and the much-coveted symbols of development of the ruling regime, leading dailies were able to deliver updates and analysis on grievous state crimes unleashed on them.

It was only after the withdrawal of restrictions on internet services that the extent and magnitude of such wrongdoings began to unravel. Graphic video footage of wanton violence committed by the law enforcers on unarmed young protestors triggered outrage. The display of the government's might through use of armoured personnel carriers and helicopters, new kits in the arsenal of "law enforcement," further added to the trauma of the people. For the citizenry, by now habituated with social media offering them real time information and alternative perspectives, the internet blockade was stifling.

The number of those killed, injured or abducted by law enforcement grew with each passing day. The number of dead and maimed patients in the medical facilities began to swell. Some facilities (including renowned ones) refused to admit patients with gunshot wounds for fear of reprisal from the authorities. There are also allegations that law enforcers seized death registers from public hospitals. The families' inability to track their lost members further contributed to the tense situation. Reports of police engaging in extortion from families of those detained caused further fury.

The move to diffuse the quota movement through the Appellate Division verdict failed to assuage the agitating students. By then, the situation deteriorated sharply as incidents of killing, involuntary disappearance, and incarceration of protestors became rampant. The abuse of those while under arrest and in detention, particularly the female students, further incensed the people. All these prompted the protestors to make additional demands including that of accountability.

The curfew and the imposition of restrictions on assembly had very little impact on the students. The unprecedented participation of private university students, otherwise perceived as privileged, provided it a fresh stimulus. The agitating students were able to garner the support of not only their peers, parents, and loved ones, but also that of ordinary working people who were appalled by the brutality unleashed on the protesters. The reckless statements of the senior-most functionaries of the government and the intellectuals who support their narrative—who have continued to blame the nebulous "third party" for "the violence"—have hardly resonated with ordinary citizens.

Figures from Prothom Alo inform that until August 1, at least 212 persons were killed in the July mayhem. An analysis of 175 cases reveals that more than 91 percent of the fatalities were caused by firearms (78 percent killed by lethal weapons and 13 percent by shotguns. The other nine percent succumbed to beating, arson or drowned). It also establishes that around 71 percent of the 175 killed were under the age of 29, 17 percent were between 30 and 39 and the rest were above 40.

So far, through their collective leadership and creative and methodical planning, the Students' Movement against Discrimination has been able to maintain the momentum. Even in the absence of the top leadership who remained wrongfully detained for about a week in the Detective Branch office in Dhaka, events such as "march for justice" and "rally of defiance," initiated by a different group of coordinators, became hugely popular. Despite on-the-spot rounding up of protestors and attempts of disruption by the baton wielding police force, university teachers, lawyers, cultural activists, and people of all strata, including the garments workers, have joined the students and extended their support for the demand of accountability and justice.

As this movement scales new heights with each passing day amid spontaneous support of the people, the government's ploy to hide behind the "third party" theory has failed to harvest any takers. The huge success of the red e-poster movement expressing solidarity with the protestors on social media on the very day that the government declared as a day of mourning is a testimony of the volume of support that the protestors enjoy over the beleaguered regime.

The July massacre has brought the credibility of this regime into question. While there is overpowering evidence, corroborated by Amnesty International, that Abu Sayeed of Begum Rokeya University was sprayed with pellets fired by the police, the police in the first information report (FIR) claimed that he died of bullets fired and brickbats flung by the protesters, and a 16-year-old had been blamed for the act. Completely denying the responsibility for shooting unarmed protesters, the government now maintains that the law enforcement agencies did not resort to firearms as they were not granted the permission to do so. This is an egregious distortion of facts.

On July 20, the general secretary of the Awami League, also a minister, while announcing the decision to impose nationwide curfew and deploy armed forces after a meeting with 14-party alliance members, categorically stated that "shoot-on-sight" order has been issued. The state minister in charge of information is on record boasting that the government had five-year supplies of bullets to quell the protest.

Such blatant misrepresentation of facts by the government makes it imperative that a thorough, credible and transparent investigation into the crimes committed by government forces, including killings, injuries, torture and abductions, and denial of the rights to express, assemble and pursue artistic freedom by the citizens, be conducted by an independent body. The youth of Bangladesh—along with ordinary masses—strive, aspire, and have remained on the streets to hold the rulers to account. Surely history will not disappoint them.

Dr CR Abrar is an academic with an interest in human rights issues.​
 
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