[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

Controversial ‘Sir’ directive from Hasina’s rule revoked

The Council of Advisers on Thursday officially annulled the directive, noting that during Sheikh Hasina’s nearly 16-year long autocratic rule, a directive was reportedly issued requiring public officials to address her as ‘Sir’. This practice extended to other high-ranking female

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Controversial ‘Sir’ directive from Hasina’s rule revoked

UNB
Published :
Jul 10, 2025 21:17
Updated :
Jul 10, 2025 21:18

The Council of Advisers on Thursday officially annulled the directive, noting that during Sheikh Hasina’s nearly 16-year long autocratic rule, a directive was reportedly issued requiring public officials to address her as ‘Sir’.

This practice extended to other high-ranking female officials, who were and still are being called ‘Sir’ which is clearly odd, said the Chief Adviser’s press wing.

The Council of Advisers also discussed the necessity of changing other elaborate protocol directives issued by the cabinet.

A committee comprising Energy, Road and Railway Adviser Muhammad Fouzul Kabir Khan and Environment and Water Resources Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan has been formed to review the protocol directives and honorifics; and to recommend appropriate amendments for consideration by the Council of Advisers within one month.​

 

[Saif]

Govt must be bold with reforms

World Bank’s new assessment report should be taken seriously

www.thedailystar.net

Govt must be bold with reforms
World Bank’s new assessment report should be taken seriously

The World Bank, in its latest assessment report, has warned that political volatility and global trade challenges may derail Bangladesh's reform agenda and hinder its recovery from the ongoing economic slowdown. In June, the bank approved a $500 million development credit for Bangladesh under certain conditions and pledged an additional $500 million, tied to the interim government's commitment to fast-track key reforms ahead of the upcoming general election. However, the country is already grappling with serious challenges due to the imposition of a steep 35 percent tariff on Bangladeshi goods entering the US market from August 1. In fact, Bangladesh ranks among the hardest-hit nations in the latest round of US trade measures, which include duties ranging from 25 to 40 percent. The situation is deeply concerning and requires well-thought-out strategies for recovery.

Bangladesh's economy is already under serious pressure due to declining investments and reduced demand from international markets. Citing the "trade tensions between major economies and further escalation of tariff rates," the World Bank has estimated that a 5 percentage point decline in exports could shave 1.3 percentage points off real GDP growth and deplete the country's foreign reserves by $1.7 billion. Real GDP growth fell to 3.97 percent in the fiscal year ending June 2025, down from 4.22 percent the year before—the slowest in over a decade. Private sector credit growth also dropped significantly, reaching just 6.8 percent in February 2025, the lowest rate in 30 years. Despite current challenges, the World Bank projects that GDP growth could rise to 4.9 percent in FY26 and 5.7 percent in FY27, provided political stability improves and investment rebounds.

Bangladesh must also take strong steps to bring inflation under control. Between July 2024 and April 2025, inflation rose to an average of 10.3 percent, driven by supply chain disruptions, high energy costs, a weakening taka, and the lingering effects of major floods and political unrest—among other factors, according to the World Bank. However, inflation eased to 8.48 percent in June, marking its lowest level in nearly three years. The World Bank predicts a further decline in the coming years, assuming robust domestic consumption and more stable global prices.

Since taking office, the interim government has undertaken various key economic reforms to improve transparency and governance. Bangladesh Bank has introduced stricter rules for banks, requiring disclosure of real ownership, tighter controls on insider lending, and better tracking of bad loans. A major ordinance passed in May separates tax policy formulation from tax administration to reduce political interference and boost revenue. While public investment management has also come under reform, the government is further expected to ensure full audit coverage of public revenues. The successful implementation of these reforms, as well as ensuring political stability, are crucial for steering the country towards a robust economic recovery.​

 

[Saif]

Media reform: A roadmap for the interim government

With Bangladesh poised to transform its media landscape in tune with a free and enlightened society, the following strategic areas are the subsequent crucial pillars. These are not long-term goals; these are immediate actions, poised for execution right now, to base our progress on transparency, fa

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Media reform: A roadmap for the interim government

Serajul I Bhuiyan
Published :
Jul 14, 2025 22:49
Updated :
Jul 14, 2025 22:49

With Bangladesh poised to transform its media landscape in tune with a free and enlightened society, the following strategic areas are the subsequent crucial pillars. These are not long-term goals; these are immediate actions, poised for execution right now, to base our progress on transparency, fairness, and honesty.

Legal and Policy Overhaul: In a just society, the law must protect the vulnerable, ensure liberty, and prevent abuse of authority. But in Bangladesh, all the legal instruments geared towards curtailing the media have instead become instruments of repression. From the Digital Security Act (DSA) to the colonial era Official Secrets Act, repressive laws have been used to gag dissent, criminalize journalism, and silence critics under the cover of national interest.

It has brought about a climate of fear, as the media self-censor, citizens are afraid to speak up, and whistleblowers are silent. It is high stake not only freedom of expression, but democracy. As long as these laws remain in books, any effort to reform the media will be incomplete and devoid of credibility.

The Chief Advisor of the interim government (IG) must realise that legal reform is not a technical issue, but a Constitutional commitment. This is the moral framework to which all other reforms must be linked.

Key Reforms NEED TO BE CARRIED OUT

• Abolish the Digital Security Act and substitute it with Rights-Based Legislation. Immediately repeal the Digital Security Act (2018), condemned by the media, civil society, and international human rights organizations for criminalising freedom of speech. Instead, enact a Digital Rights and Safety Act that protects citizens’ freedom of expression online without infringing on civil liberties.

• Repeal the Official Secrets Act and Enact Whistleblower Protection Law. Repeal the antiquated Official Secrets Act (1923) and enact a Whistleblower Protection Act granting citizens impunity to reveal corruption and abuse of authority without fear of reprisals.

• Enact and Enforce the Right to Information (RTI) Act. Upgrade the existing RTI Act to an effective mechanism by establishing an Independent RTI Commission with statutory authority to inquire, direct disclosure, and fine for default. Compel public organisations to disclose information on governance, budget, and public services.

• Grant Constitutional Guarantees to Freedom of Expression. Make specific protections for media professionals, journalists, and cyber-activists part of the Constitution in a way that vague concepts of state security or public order cannot replace freedom of expression.

This change of law is not one of weakening the state capacity—it is one of redefining it in the terms of democracy. An open society can never flourish in the shadow of terror. In replacing terror-based legislation with liberty-based legislation, the Chief Advisor can write his chapter in history as the guardian of an open society.

Let us move from criminalising expression to enjoying it as the driving force of national progress.

Media Development Fund and Incentives: This is the era of digital revolution, and a sustainable media sector cannot be built on the pillars of aging institutions and traditional sources of revenue. We need to reward innovation, independence, and diversity—not by accident, but through wise investment and foresighted policy. Suppose we are to move away from crisis coverage and politically motivated reporting in building Bangladesh. In that case, we need to invest in the next generation of journalists, technologists, and media entrepreneurs.

But now, these promising businesses—especially the ones controlled by women, youth, and rural folks beyond large cities—are fighting for their survival. They have enormous challenges in the areas of finance, infrastructure, and institutional support. In the meantime, already entrenched media oligopolies continue to commandeer resources and power, even at the expense of ethics and pluralism.

An Incentives-funded Media Development Fund, with defined incentives and nationally prioritized direction, can be the impetus for this new generation of journalistic excellence and civic innovation.

Strategic Initiatives to Apply Immediately:

• Establish a National Media Innovation and Development Fund. Establish an independent, state-funded Media Innovation Fund to provide competitive grants to startups, freelancing journalists, civic tech platforms, and fact-checking businesses. Highest priority must be given to projects that benefit the greater good, promote accountability, or develop new digital storytelling tools and media literacy.

• Grant Tax Relief to Ethical and Diversified Media Houses. Develop a tiered system of media tax reliefs for media companies that commit to editorial independence, gender equality, respect for the rights of workers, and community representation. Reward those who engage in inclusive hiring practices, local language publication, or journalism training schemes.

• Encourage Development of Local Content and Cultural Storytelling. Financing programs by institutes and public-private partnerships to promote regional narrative storytelling, documentaries, and creative content reflecting Bangladesh’s diversity and multiculturalism of cultures, languages, and ethnicities. Foster intersectional alliances between journalists, filmmakers, artists, and historians to recover hitherto excluded discursive spaces.

• Establish Fellowships and Awards for Public Interest Journalism. Establish senior-level, government-funded journalism fellowships and national awards to honour bold, honest, and compelling journalism. They must be open to both veteran and new voices, and be decided by panels of experienced, unbiased professionals.

This is the moment to invest not only in media, but in meaning. The CA office can seize this moment to make institutional safeguards for the truth-tellers, the power resisters, and the bringers of light to the stories that matter. By shifting from control to cultivation, Bangladesh can build a media ecosystem that is not only free but also flourishing.

Let us invest in the future of journalism, and hence the future of our democracy.

Institutional Capacity and Regulatory Coordination: Reform cannot be implemented in isolation. The optimal policies will fail if they are obstructed by inefficient bureaucracies, competing mandates, and uncoordinated schemes. In Bangladesh’s plural media ecosystem consisting of ministries, regulators, civil society, and the private sector, governance is as much about coordination as it is about regulation.

For generating a new age of media responsibility, inclusiveness, and innovation, the state must build institutions that are open, reactive, and collaborative. This requires moving away from a culture of policymaking being reactive to one of proactive governance, where there is inter-sectoral and inter-disciplinary synergy.

Beneath this is the necessity to enhance the regulatory architecture and provide institutions with the right tools, capacity, and vision to deliver fair change.

Action Items for Immediate Action:

• Form a National Media Reform Taskforce. Implement an empowered, multi-stakeholder Media Reform Taskforce, directed by a senior-level advisor to the Chief Advisor and consisting of representatives from government, independent media, academia, civil society, and digital rights groups, and tasked with driving the coordination, monitoring, and periodic review of all efforts on media reform.

• Develop a Centralised Media Governance Dashboard. Institute an open-access Digital Dashboard to track and report real-time data on licensing, cost of funds, complaints, enforcement actions, and policy impact. The transparency dashboard will reduce corruption, enhance accountability, and restore public trust in the reform process.

Building Institutional Capacity through Training and Exchange.

Organise regular training programs and policy workshops for regulators, bureaucrats, and media stakeholders on the following topics: global best practices in media regulation, models of freedom of expression, conflict-sensitive reporting, and digital ethics. Partner with institutions like UNESCO, Article 19, DW Akademie, and Al Jazeera Media Institute to enhance regional and international knowledge sharing.

• Set up Open Cross-Ministerial Media Coordination Cells. Create coordination cells in key ministries (Information, Education, ICT, and Justice) to ensure media policymaking is justified and the contradiction or integration of regulations is prevented.

It is not housekeeping governance—it’s building the scaffolding for a more innovative and responsive state. The Chief Advisor’s office must drive a coordinated, accountable, and visionary agenda for media regulation and turn reform into outcomes.

Make Bangladesh’s institutions not only regulate the media, but also change it.

Cross-Cutting Principles: Actual change is never made in policy - it is a matter of the values which inform each decision, every law, and every institution. Suppose the media landscape of Bangladesh is to be altered in a manner that is long-term, ethical, and equitable. In that case, the reform agenda needs to be shaped by a group of underlying values greater than short-term programs or policies.

These are not aesthetics; these are the moral guide that will have to steer the office of the Chief Advisor as it steers the nation to this defining moment of democratic renewal. Without bringing gender equality, young people’s participation, moral integrity, and global harmony into the substantive fabric of the reform agenda, all achievements will be cosmetic and short-lived.

This is not institution-building. This is redefining the media-public relationship, that is, between the media and the audience it addresses, i.e., those who have hitherto been excluded or stereotyped.

To be continued.....................​

 

[Saif]

Guiding Principles for All Media Reforms:

• Prioritise Gender Equality and Youth Empowerment in All Policies. Subject all media reforms like funding, licensing, appointments, and programming to examination in terms of gender justice and intergenerational communication. Enact gender quotas for media regulatory institutions, invest in mentoring potential young journalists, and accord highest priority to media content conveying equality and respect for all.

• Institutionalise a National Code of Media Ethics and Accountability. Enforce a single national code of ethics for all media entities licensed to operate, ranging from professionalism in reporting, fact-checking, avoidance of hate speech, to delicacy in conflict. There would be an independent Media Ethics Council to conduct investigations into complaints, mediate conflicts, and impose sanctions where necessary.

• Comply with International Best Practices and Global Norms. Adopt frameworks such as UNESCO’s Media Development Indicators, the Global Charter of Ethics for Journalists, and the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms to benchmark Bangladesh’s efforts at reform. Such international standards will not only be credible but also attract global endorsement and investment in the country’s media sector.

• Create and ensure Inter-sectionality and Inclusiveness in Representation. Ensure ethnic minorities, indigenous groups, people with disabilities, LGBTQ+, and rural communities’ interests and voices are mentioned clearly and factored into policymaking and content regulation.

• Ensure Media Sustainability and Environmental Responsibility. Promote media sustainability by adopting environmentally responsible print production, reducing digital carbon footprints, and utilising green technology for public broadcasting.

By basing reform on these principles, the CA office can ensure that this is not just something that goes by with the generation, but an era of change. A fair media system does not enlighten the majority, but protects the minority; it is not just a system of reporting the truth, but delivering justice.

Let these values not be at the margins; they must be the rhythm of the media revolution we are now embracing.

• Encourage Media Sustainability and Green Accountability. Promote media sustainability through adopting environmentally friendly printing, reducing digital carbon footprint, and adopting green technology in public TV and radio broadcasting.

By basing reform on such values, the CA’s office can transform this moment not just into one of correction, but of change.

An equitable media machinery is one that not merely instructs the masses, but also protects the minority; it does not simply utter the truth, but pleads justice.

Let these values not be on the margin; they have to be the pulse of the media revolution we undertake today.

Conclusion: Bangladesh stands on the brink of a profound transformation—one that would reshape not just its media institutions, but its democratic self. The fall of an oppressive regime and the advent of a new caretaker regime fanned an ember of hope: that the authority can once more be wielded in the people’s interest, that truth can triumph over propaganda, and that journalism can reclaim its rightful place as the bulwark of accountability and civic life.
But hope must be accompanied by action.

This agenda of reform is not an intellectual exercise; it is a call to conscience, a change agenda, and a challenge to this government’s moral will. All of these proposals—defending journalists and sharing content, reimagining state media, and overhauling repressive laws—grasp a more profound aspiration of the Bangladeshi people: to be seen, to be heard, and to live with dignity under an open and inclusive system.

For the Chief Advisor, it is a moment of decisional history-defining intersection of political possibility, public will, and moral responsibility. Moving decisively and with haste on these reforms will not only serve to keep the transitional government honest but also prepare the ground for a new social contract among the state, the media, and society.

This is how to restore trust—by bold choices, by honest leadership, and unrelenting adherence to justice. This is how the promises of the July 36 revolution are kept—not in words, but in hard, quantifiable change.

Let this moment’s legacy be more than a transition. Let it be a turning point. Let it be noted that when the time for change arrived, we did not hesitate. We did not bargain. We delivered. Let this be the start of a people’s free, equal, and unafraid system of the media—and finally, by and by the people. [Concluded]

Dr Serajul I Bhuiyan is professor and former chair of the Department of Journalism and Mass Communications at Savannah State University, Savannah, Georgia, USA​

 

[Saif]

No scope to avoid fundamental reforms: Yunus

Conveys optimism commission will be able to formulate July charter within expected timeframe

www.thedailystar.net

No scope to avoid fundamental reforms: Yunus

Photo: PID

There is no scope to avoid fundamental reforms of the state's key structures, said Chief Adviser and Chairman of the National Consensus Commission Prof Muhammad Yunus today.

The statement came during a meeting held tonight at the state guest house Jamuna, as per meeting insiders.

According to them, by "fundamental reforms," the chief adviser referred to three key issues: establishing a proportionally representative upper house, outlining in the constitution the structure of important constitutional and statutory bodies, and ensuring women's representation in parliament through direct elections.

He emphasised that these core reforms are non-negotiable and must be addressed.

Yunus also expressed satisfaction over the progress made in the ongoing political dialogues initiated by the commission on state reform.

He hoped that, at the current pace, a national charter could be drafted within the stipulated timeframe.

At the meeting, Vice Chairman of the commission Prof Ali Riaz presented a detailed report on the ongoing dialogue process.

He outlined the challenges and points where discussions have stalled. In response, the CA offered several recommendations to help overcome the hurdles.

Commission members also informed that the chief adviser that political parties have entrusted the commission with the authority to make a final decision regarding the formation of a bicameral parliament.

As a result, the commission is expected to make a conclusive decision on the matter soon.

A press release from the CA's press wing said Yunus instructed the commission to keep the process of drafting the July Charter transparent and accessible to the public.

The chief adviser was briefed on the progress of the consensus commission's work, and members informed him that every effort is being made to finalise the July Charter within the shortest possible time.

Yunus extended his appreciation to the members of the commission for their commitment and dedicated efforts.

The initiative has received widespread praise, he said.

"This is a historic moment," he said, adding that, "The aspirations born from mass uprisings are being reflected through this initiative. Therefore, the entire process must remain transparent and accessible to the people."

Ali Riaz informed the chief adviser that consensus has been reached on eight agenda points during the second round of political dialogues. Discussions are ongoing to reach agreement on seven additional issues.

"We briefed him accordingly, and he expressed satisfaction with the progress," Riaz added.

He also said the commission had presented the various arguments raised by political parties on the unresolved issues.​

 

[Saif]

The missing agenda from reform narratives

Beginning as a protest against quota in government services, the July-August movement gained strength to sweep the length and breadth of this land relying on the rallying cry of making the nation discrimination-free. As many as 11 reform commissions were formed apart from a 12-member committee to p

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

The missing agenda from reform narratives

Neil Ray
Published :
Jul 27, 2025 23:53
Updated :
Jul 28, 2025 00:52

Beginning as a protest against quota in government services, the July-August movement gained strength to sweep the length and breadth of this land relying on the rallying cry of making the nation discrimination-free. As many as 11 reform commissions were formed apart from a 12-member committee to prepare a white paper on the country's state of economy. But what is missing from all such exercises is the socio-economic discrimination, the core issue that attracted the working class people to participate in the movement. Strangely, the student leaders who joined the interim government as advisers were not known to press for this basic issue. One of the student advisers who resigned to advance the cause of his Jatyia Nagorik Party or National Citizen Party (NCP) and has been leading the month-long programme of march and rally titled "July March to Build the Nation" no longer propagates or insists on establishing this agenda.

That the bureaucratic and elitist mindset stands in the way of socio-economic reform allowing greater space for the poor and marginalised is indisputable. So, the incumbency of incorporating the ideals and principles, if any, into the political narratives was squarely upon the NCP leaders and their followers. Let alone the details of going about convincing the mass people of such a lofty socio-economic benchmark, the very word does not figure in political discourse. But it was the low-income working class people whose participation was the highest. Even the number of killed among this segment of people, according to reports, was 284 highest among all. The next highest victims during the uprising were students numbering 269.

Not only has the sacrifice made by the faceless multitudes gone less recognised than they really deserved but the expectation and hope germinated during those heady days have long faded away. These are the people who are hardly interested in constitutional, judiciary or administrative reform. They simply wanted to be at ease when they go to the market for purchasing their bare minimum victuals and essentials. These people wanted security of their jobs and income levels compatible with the market prices for a modest living. They have been terribly frustrated. Instead of creation of new avenues for employment, there have been retrenchment and job losses due to closure of factories.

Contrarily, spates of market volatility have pushed them on to the brink. They have none to turn back and are therefore suffering in silence. Unsurprising, 2.6 million more people have freshly found themselves below the poverty line. Even, the social security net has been curtailed and nobody knows what awaits these hapless people. The interim government has lost precious times to act. This country has been fed up with the sermon "social business can change the world". After almost a year, it is not the poor of this land who have at all been beneficiaries of social business although some selective NGOs have.

It is against this economic hardship of the working class people, a new pay commission for government and semi-government employees has been constituted. There is indeed a limit to disdainfully treating the cause of the voiceless. Notably, the interim government made a similar attempt to restructure their salary immediately after assuming power. It backed away when there were widespread criticisms against the move. Has the situation been in favour of going ahead with the programme? Economists have made their opposition known with unreserved terms. Its impacts on market volatility are likely to be telling for the low-income people in the informal sector. Discriminations, disparities and inequalities are far too lofty issues to be addressed, now the working class people are unable to pursue the bare minimum survival strategy they somehow did before.​

 

[Saif]

Complete reforms in 2yrs after polls

Parties urged in draft July Charter; opinions sought

www.thedailystar.net

Complete reforms in 2yrs after polls
Political parties urged in draft July Charter; their opinions sought

The National Consensus Commission has called on political parties to pledge to complete all constitutional and legal reforms to be outlined in the July National Charter within two years of assuming office through the next general election.

It has prepared a draft of the long-awaited charter and sent it to the parties, saying they must also commit to ensuring long-term sustainability of these reforms. The Daily Star has obtained a copy of the draft.

Additionally, parties are urged to recognise and "enshrine the historical importance of the 2024 anti-discrimination democratic movement and popular uprising in the constitution with due prominence".

Speaking to The Daily Star yesterday, the commission's Vice-President Prof Ali Riaz said they sent the draft to the political parties so that they can go through it and review the language.

"After the completion of the ongoing talks, we will incorporate the issues, on which there will be consensus, into the charter," he said.

As the commission is expected to finalise the charter by July 31, it asked the political parties to send their opinions by tomorrow.

The interim government formed the consensus commission on February 12, with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus as the chair, to advance and solidify the overall reform process through national consensus.

The commission initiated its second round of dialogue with political parties on June 2, aiming to develop the July National Charter that will outline reform proposals mutually agreed upon by participating parties through the discussions.

CONSENSUS ON 12 ISSUES

In the second round of discussions, the commission deliberated on 20 issues and reached consensus on only 12.

The issues that were not resolved include the formation of the caretaker government and appointment process of the chief adviser of the caretaker government, fundamental principles of state policy, appointment committee for constitutional and statutory bodies, formation process and structure of the upper house, women's seats in the parliament and election process of the president.

So far, parties have agreed that lawmakers will be allowed to vote across party lines, except on no-confidence motions and finance bills. Opposition MPs will chair at least four key parliamentary standing committees. An expert committee will be involved in the process of delimiting electoral constituencies. Permanent High Court benches will be set up in every division, and the presidential clemency power will be regulated through a law.

Parties also agreed that the most senior judge of the Appellate Division, based on duration in service, will be appointed as the next chief justice. However, if a political party explicitly states in its election manifesto its intention to appoint one of the two most senior judges and subsequently wins the election, it will be permitted to proceed with that appointment.

BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said, "We accept that the most senior judge will be appointed as the chief justice. However, we will submit a note of dissent. Our election manifesto will include the option of appointing one of the top two senior judges."

The parties agreed to amend the constitution to ensure that the declaration of a state of emergency cannot be misused for political purposes. The amendment will also aim to prevent the suspension of fundamental rights during emergencies.

Political parties agreed that any constitutional amendment concerning the caretaker government system must secure a two-thirds majority in parliament, followed by a referendum. They also agreed to this two-step process for making any changes to the constitution's preamble, article 8 (on basic principles), article 48 (on appointment and powers of the president), article 56 (on appointment of the prime minister), and article 142 (on constitution amendment procedures).

The majority of political parties, excluding the BNP and its allies, agreed that a party chief should not be eligible to serve as prime minister. Parties opposing this decision can submit a "note of dissent" to be included in the national charter, widely referred to as the July Charter. The BNP, LDP, Labour Party, NDM, and the 12-party alliance opposed the separation of the posts.

Parties also unanimously agreed on a proposal to form the Election Commission through a five-member search panel that will include the Speaker, the deputy Speaker (from the opposition), the prime minister, and the leader of the opposition in parliament.

They agreed that no individual may serve as prime minister for more than 10 years in their lifetime. They supported another proposal to form an independent police commission.

DRAFT CHARTER

In the wake of the July uprising, a historic opportunity has emerged to reconstruct a democratic state, the draft said.

It said the people aspired to establish a democratic state through the Liberation War of 1971, rooted in the principles of equality, human dignity, and social justice. Yet, even after 53 years, that aspiration has not been fulfilled.

The development of democratic processes and culture has repeatedly faltered. Over the last five decades, democratic institutions have neither been built on solid foundations nor functioned effectively, even if they existed.

These institutions have been rendered dysfunctional and complicit in impunity through the institutionalisation of partisan influence aimed at securing one-sided control and misuse of power within the state apparatus.

Since 2009, a partisan government has governed the state and gradually abandoned democratic values, taking on an authoritarian character. By violating human rights, committing enforced disappearances, killings, repression, and persecution of political opponents and critics through fabricated cases and attacks, they established a regime of anarchy and terror.

The entire state machinery was dedicated to authoritarian personality and group worship. Over a decade and a half, the authoritarian Awami League government distorted the constitution through amendments to consolidate power against public interest, enacted repressive laws, destroyed the electoral system, politicised the judiciary and public administration, and looted state resources through rampant corruption, said the draft.

It said over 1,400 unarmed citizens including women and children were killed during the powerful anti-discrimination movement led by students.

In exchange for their sacrifice, and through the collective strength and resistance of the people, the authoritarian rulers and their allies were ultimately defeated.

"Consequently, a deep public resolve has arisen to reconstruct the state structure. This has created a historic opportunity for state reform -- particularly fundamental constitutional changes, restructuring of the electoral system, the practice of democratic governance, the establishment of an independent judiciary, and a well-governed, accountable, and corruption-free government system -- which it is our sacred duty to utilise," the draft said.

Parties will need to sign the charter and pledge that they will ensure full implementation of the charter.

"We pledge to undertake all necessary constitutional amendments, additions, revisions, drafting and redrafting, and changes to existing laws, or enact new laws, as well as issue new regulations or amend existing ones, to implement the proposals and recommendations contained in the charter concerning the constitution, judiciary, electoral system, public administration, police, and anti-corruption system," the charter read.​