[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

BNP extends maximum support for national reform consensus: Salahuddin

BNP Standing Committee Member Salahuddin Ahmed on Wednesday said his party has extended the highest cooperation to achieve a national consensus on reform initiatives. “We have so far provided maximum cooperation to build a national consensus,” he said while briefing reporters after the

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

BNP extends maximum support for national reform consensus: Salahuddin

UNB
Published :
Jul 02, 2025 22:03
Updated :
Jul 02, 2025 22:03

BNP Standing Committee Member Salahuddin Ahmed on Wednesday said his party has extended the highest cooperation to achieve a national consensus on reform initiatives.

“We have so far provided maximum cooperation to build a national consensus,” he said while briefing reporters after the eighth day of the second-round dialogue between the National Consensus Commission and the political parties at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital.

Salahuddin said the BNP has constructively engaged with the reform proposals on various issues. “From the very first day, we’ve agreed on many issues,” he said.

Focusing on his party’s support to different reform proposals, he said BNP agreed with others to change the article 70 of the constitution in bid to ensure that MPs can freely vote even other than some specific bills including finance money bills and no-confidence motions.

About the parliamentary committees, he said the BNP proposed that key oversight committees like the Public Undertakings Committee, Public Accounts Committee, Privileges Committee, and Estimates Committee should be chaired by opposition MPs. Besides, opposition MPs should be picked up proportionately for the chairmanship of other parliamentary committees.

Salahuddin said the BNP agreed to a proposal to slap a 10-year cap for any person to serve as Prime Minister in their lifetime. “We’ve endorsed that no person can serve as the Prime Minister for a maximum of 10 years in their lifetime,” he said.

Dismissing speculations that BNP is unwilling to compromise on reform issues, he said BNP gave detailed responses to all 131 recommendations from the Constitutional Reform Commission.

“We’ve agreed with most and opposed only a few,” he said, adding that other parties have not submitted such a comprehensive response.

He said BNP wants a strong, functional Ombudsman office with a dedicated secretariat and expanded legal authority.

The BNP leader said his party agreed with almost 100 percent recommendations from the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) reform commission. “We’ve expressed a different views regarding one out of 47 recommendations,” he said.

Out of 208 recommendations from the Public Administration Reform Commission, BNP agreed with 127 and partially disagreed with 16. It outright opposed only a few impractical ideas, like forming provinces, he added.

About Judicial Reform, BNP supported 62 of 89 recommendations, he said adding that his party expressed support for full independence of the judiciary but agreed partially on a few procedural issues, such as prosecution services.

Regarding electoral reform, he said BNP agreed with more than 140 out of the 243 election-related proposals. The party raised objections to other recommendations as the electoral reform report contained some recommendations hypothetical, repetitive or conflicting with the constitutional independence of the Election Commission.

About Wednesday's reform discussion, Salahuddin reaffirmed BNP’s stance for restoration of the 90-day caretaker system to conduct the national election, with a potential one-month extension in case of emergencies (act of God).

Defying proposals from some political parties for holding both the national election and all local government elections under a 4-month caretaker government, he said “If caretaker governments are to oversee all local elections, they’ll have to stay for five years, which is absurd.”

He said the local government elections are held at four levels—Union Parishad or Municipality, Upazila, District and City Corporation— at least six months is required for holding elections in each level. Since their terms expire at different times, it can’t be a function of the caretaker government.

About the demarcation of the parliamentary constituencies, the BNP leader said consensus was achieved over a proposal for the formation of a special committee for delimitation of constituencies. “It is I who placed the proposal,” he said.

As per the proposal, a clause will be incorporated in the Constitution allowing formation of a specialised committee after each census for delimitation purposes.

However, Nayeb-e-Ameer of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Syed Abdullah Muhammad Taher at a press briefing said his party wants the local government elections would be held under a 4-month caretaker government.

About Wednesday's talks, Vice-Chairman of the National Consensus Commission Professor Ali Riaz at a press briefing said there is no disagreement among political parties regarding the reinstatement of the caretaker government system.

He, however, said the structure of the caretaker government will be discussed later to reach an agreement over it.

He said the parties agreed on taking both immediate and long-term measures for constituency delimitation.

As an immediate measure, an expert committee — comprising individuals with appropriate expertise —will be formed (or modified if already in place) with assistance from the Election Commission to determine parliamentary constituencies for the upcoming 13th National Parliamentary Election, based on the committee’s recommendations.

On long-term arrangements, Riaz said a provision will be added to the end of Article 119(1)(g) of the Constitution—after the word “and”—stating that “an expert committee will be formed by law” to revise parliamentary boundaries after every census or within a maximum of 10 years.

The structure and responsibilities of this committee will be defined by amending Section 8(3) of the National Parliament (Constituency Demarcation) Act, 2021, revised in 2025.

Representatives from 30 political parties, including BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, National Citizens’ Party (NCP), took part in the dialogue.​

 

[Saif]

Political parties agreed on amending presidential clemency, decentralising judiciary: Ali Riaz

Political parties have agreed on the provision related to the presidential clemency, citing instances of widespread misuse of power, Prof Ali Riaz, Vice-Chairman of the National Consensus Commission, said after Thursday's meeting. There has been widespread misuse of the power of the president to g

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Political parties agreed on amending presidential clemency, decentralising judiciary: Ali Riaz

FE ONLINE REPORT
Published :
Jul 03, 2025 20:14
Updated :
Jul 03, 2025 20:45

Political parties have agreed on the provision related to the presidential clemency, citing instances of widespread misuse of power, Prof Ali Riaz, Vice-Chairman of the National Consensus Commission, said after Thursday's meeting.

There has been widespread misuse of the power of the president to grant pardons. Political parties have realised the need to amend Article 49 of the Constitution, he added.

Consensus was also made on the decentralisation of the judiciary by having provision for setting up high courts in divisional cities, he mentioned.

Prof Riaz made the remarks while briefing journalists at the end of the 9th day of the second phase of the discussions of political parties with the National Consensus Commission at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka.

The vice-chairman of the commission said that the consensus reached on the amendment to Article 49 of the Constitution is that-- the President shall have the power to grant pardon, deferral and respite of any sentence passed by any court, tribunal or any other authority and to remit, suspend or reduce any sentence and that power shall be exercised in accordance with the criteria, principles and procedures prescribed by law.

He expressed hope that the political consensus that has been created in light of the proposal made by the Consensus Commission on the amendment of Article 49 of the Constitution will be implemented in the future through its inclusion in the Constitution.

The misuse of this power that has been going on for so long will stop, he added.

Referring to the progress made in the matter of decentralization of the judiciary, Prof Riaz said that the permanent seat of the Supreme Court will be in the capital, but instead of the circuit bench that the Chief Justice could establish from time to time with the approval of the President, the permanent seat of the Supreme Court will be in the capital and there will be one or more permanent benches in each division by the Chief Justice.

That is, there has been a consensus on the establishment of permanent benches of the High Court at the divisional level. He said that Article 100 of the Constitution will be clearly changed in this regard.

BNP also shared similar concerns that the president's clemency was misused in the past, including acquitting death-convicted individuals on political considerations.

So, BNP agreed on amending the existing law so that the special power of the president couldn’t be misused, BNP standing committee member Salauddin Ahmed told reporters after the meeting.

He said that his party suggested decentralising the judiciary, having a direction, not an option to set up high courts in cities.

Representatives of 30 political parties, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, and Jatiya Nagorik Party (NCP), participated in the discussion.

The commission has set July 7 as the date for further discussion.

So far, discussions have been settled on Article 70 of the Constitution, the chairmanship of parliamentary standing committees, the delimitation of constituencies, the provision related to presidential clemency, and the decentralisation of the judiciary.​

 

[Saif]

Dr Salehuddin denies IMF, WB influence on Bangladesh reforms

Finance Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed on Wednesday dismissed the perception that the ongoing reforms in Bangladesh are being carried out under the prescription of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “We are carrying out these reforms in our own interest,” he said th

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Dr Salehuddin denies IMF, WB influence on Bangladesh reforms

UNB
Published :
Jul 09, 2025 19:34
Updated :
Jul 09, 2025 19:34

Finance Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed on Wednesday dismissed the perception that the ongoing reforms in Bangladesh are being carried out under the prescription of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

“We are carrying out these reforms in our own interest,” he said this while addressing the Accounting and Auditing Summit (A & A Summit) at a city hotel here under the theme of ‘FRC’s Role and its impact on economic governance of Bangladesh’.

Questioning the misperception of a section of people, the adviser said if the IMF and World Bank asked for something good what the problem is.

“What is the problem if they say something good, of course they are giving us technical assistance and that is also a very good contribution” he said.

The interim government has constituted a number of reform commissions and some of them have already submitted their reports to the government.​

 

[Saif]

Five reform reports put on back burner

Key reforms in local government, health, labour, women’s affairs, and the media have become uncertain as the issues are neither being discussed in the ongoing political consensus-building process nor the interim government has made any progress in reforming those vital areas...

www.newagebd.net

Five reform reports put on back burner
NCC discussion skips vital issues beyond politics
Sadiqur Rahman 09 July, 2025, 23:53

Key reforms in local government, health, labour, women’s affairs, and the media have become uncertain as the issues are neither being discussed in the ongoing political consensus-building process nor the interim government has made any progress in reforming those vital areas.

The chiefs of the five reform commissions concerned have already expressed their frustration as they saw no initiatives from the government to implement their recommendations.

The five commission chiefs alleged that the interim government chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus -led National Consensus Commission had not even brought the reform proposals on the discussion table.

The NCC has engaged 30 political parties to build consensus on the recommendations from six commissions, formed on October 3 past year, for reforming the constitution, judiciary, electoral system, police, public administration, and Anti-Corruption Commission.

NCC vice-chair Professor Ali Riaz several times said that the NCC’s terms of reference were limited only to dealing with the six issues.

The chief adviser’s special assistant to oversee reforms, Monir Haidar, told New Age on Tuesday, ‘Right now, I have no specific information about holding dialogues on the recommendations by the reform commissions covering local government, health, labour, women’s affairs and the media.’New Age merchandise

Political columnist Altaf Parvez, said, ‘The present government is not addressing the vital issues that are directly linked to social, political and economic discrimination.’

As part of state reform efforts following the ouster of the Awami League regime on August 5 past year, the interim government formed five reform commissions on November 18.

The Local Government Reform Commission, which submitted a preliminary report on February 22, proposed consolidating the five existing laws into two uniform ones -- one covering union, upazila and zila parishads, and the other covering municipalities and city corporations.

Despite this proposal, the local government ministry sent four draft ordinances to the cabinet on July 1.

Tofail Ahmed, chief of the LGRC, criticised the ordinances as redundant, arguing that a single ordinance would suffice.

Tofail also said that though he had contacted the NCC to question the exclusion of local government reform from its dialogue, he received no satisfactory response.

None of the LGRC members was invited to the NCC, which has only included members from the initially-formed six commissions.

During the NCC’s second-round dialogue that began on June 2, several politicians expressed concerns over the neglect of the LGRC proposals.

Citing a national survey showing over 80 per cent public support for local government reform, Tofail said, ‘Despite citizens’ enthusiasm and practical needs, this crucial issue has been kept outside the purview of the NCC dialogue. This is clueless.’

The Media Reform Commission submitted 20 broad recommendations on March 22, including forming an independent national media commission, enacting a journalist protection law, setting a minimum entry-level wage equivalent to grade nine and corporatising media houses as publicly listed companies.

It also proposed amending article 39 of the constitution to restrict curbs on press freedom only during a war.

Other suggestions included revising laws on cybercrime, secrecy, contempt of court, broadcasting, and information access.

The commission further recommended placing state-run media outlets under a new national broadcasting agency led by only skilled professionals.

MRC chief Kamal Ahmed said on Tuesday, ‘I can only express my worries for its [MRC recommendations] fate, as there seems to be a lack of enthusiasm in implementing the MRC recommendations on the part of both the interim government and the media industry.’

Expressing his disappointment, he blamed bureaucratic opposition and media owners’ reluctance to embrace transparency and accountability.

The Women Affairs Reform Commission submitted 433 recommendations on April 19, advocating equal property rights, a uniform family code, and a permanent women commission.

It also proposed eliminating legal and social discriminations, increasing the number of parliamentary seats, and reserving half of them for women through direct elections.

WARC chief Shireen Parveen Haque said that the neglect of their proposals by the NCC was grave.

Their requests to include at least one female representative from WARC in the commission were also denied, she resented

Shireen said, ‘Our issues should have been on the table. Frustratingly, this has not happened.’

The Labour Reform Commission submitted its report on April 21, recommending a permanent minimum wage commission to set a national wage floor for all workers in government, non-government and private jobs.

The commission also recommended the determination of separate minimum wages, not less than the national standard, based on the nature of work, level of occupational hazards, the sector and the region the worker is employed in.

The commission further recommended increasing the national and sector-wise minimum wages in every three years, enforcing insurance, and bringing all workers under a social safety net with respect to occupational hazards, casualty, sickness, or untimely retirement.

LRC chief Syed Sultan Uddin Ahmed, expressing his frustration, recently said that all the reform proposals were meant to eliminate discrimination from the country.

He termed the ongoing NCC dialogue merely election-centric and an approach to reach ‘political consensus’ other than ‘national consensus’.

Sultan said, ‘For a national consensus, the labour-related discriminations in social, political, and economic landscapes should have been discussed with great importance.’

The Health Sector Reform Commission, on May 4, proposed recognising primary healthcare as a constitutional right.

The key HSRC recommendations included issuing unique health IDs, establishing ward-level health centres, ensuring 24/7 pharmacy access, allocating 15 per cent of the national budget to health, creating a separate wage board for health workers, and introducing a medical police force to prevent and curb violence in health centres.

HSRC chief and National Professor AK Azad Khan said that the proposals were made after extensive consultations with key stakeholders, including politicians.

‘If politicians don’t discuss the reform proposals, the effort will go in vain,’ Azad said recently.​

 

[Saif]

Controversial ‘Sir’ directive from Hasina’s rule revoked

The Council of Advisers on Thursday officially annulled the directive, noting that during Sheikh Hasina’s nearly 16-year long autocratic rule, a directive was reportedly issued requiring public officials to address her as ‘Sir’. This practice extended to other high-ranking female

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Controversial ‘Sir’ directive from Hasina’s rule revoked

UNB
Published :
Jul 10, 2025 21:17
Updated :
Jul 10, 2025 21:18

The Council of Advisers on Thursday officially annulled the directive, noting that during Sheikh Hasina’s nearly 16-year long autocratic rule, a directive was reportedly issued requiring public officials to address her as ‘Sir’.

This practice extended to other high-ranking female officials, who were and still are being called ‘Sir’ which is clearly odd, said the Chief Adviser’s press wing.

The Council of Advisers also discussed the necessity of changing other elaborate protocol directives issued by the cabinet.

A committee comprising Energy, Road and Railway Adviser Muhammad Fouzul Kabir Khan and Environment and Water Resources Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan has been formed to review the protocol directives and honorifics; and to recommend appropriate amendments for consideration by the Council of Advisers within one month.​

 

[Saif]

Govt must be bold with reforms

World Bank’s new assessment report should be taken seriously

www.thedailystar.net

Govt must be bold with reforms
World Bank’s new assessment report should be taken seriously

The World Bank, in its latest assessment report, has warned that political volatility and global trade challenges may derail Bangladesh's reform agenda and hinder its recovery from the ongoing economic slowdown. In June, the bank approved a $500 million development credit for Bangladesh under certain conditions and pledged an additional $500 million, tied to the interim government's commitment to fast-track key reforms ahead of the upcoming general election. However, the country is already grappling with serious challenges due to the imposition of a steep 35 percent tariff on Bangladeshi goods entering the US market from August 1. In fact, Bangladesh ranks among the hardest-hit nations in the latest round of US trade measures, which include duties ranging from 25 to 40 percent. The situation is deeply concerning and requires well-thought-out strategies for recovery.

Bangladesh's economy is already under serious pressure due to declining investments and reduced demand from international markets. Citing the "trade tensions between major economies and further escalation of tariff rates," the World Bank has estimated that a 5 percentage point decline in exports could shave 1.3 percentage points off real GDP growth and deplete the country's foreign reserves by $1.7 billion. Real GDP growth fell to 3.97 percent in the fiscal year ending June 2025, down from 4.22 percent the year before—the slowest in over a decade. Private sector credit growth also dropped significantly, reaching just 6.8 percent in February 2025, the lowest rate in 30 years. Despite current challenges, the World Bank projects that GDP growth could rise to 4.9 percent in FY26 and 5.7 percent in FY27, provided political stability improves and investment rebounds.

Bangladesh must also take strong steps to bring inflation under control. Between July 2024 and April 2025, inflation rose to an average of 10.3 percent, driven by supply chain disruptions, high energy costs, a weakening taka, and the lingering effects of major floods and political unrest—among other factors, according to the World Bank. However, inflation eased to 8.48 percent in June, marking its lowest level in nearly three years. The World Bank predicts a further decline in the coming years, assuming robust domestic consumption and more stable global prices.

Since taking office, the interim government has undertaken various key economic reforms to improve transparency and governance. Bangladesh Bank has introduced stricter rules for banks, requiring disclosure of real ownership, tighter controls on insider lending, and better tracking of bad loans. A major ordinance passed in May separates tax policy formulation from tax administration to reduce political interference and boost revenue. While public investment management has also come under reform, the government is further expected to ensure full audit coverage of public revenues. The successful implementation of these reforms, as well as ensuring political stability, are crucial for steering the country towards a robust economic recovery.​

 

[Saif]

Media reform: A roadmap for the interim government

With Bangladesh poised to transform its media landscape in tune with a free and enlightened society, the following strategic areas are the subsequent crucial pillars. These are not long-term goals; these are immediate actions, poised for execution right now, to base our progress on transparency, fa

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Media reform: A roadmap for the interim government

Serajul I Bhuiyan
Published :
Jul 14, 2025 22:49
Updated :
Jul 14, 2025 22:49

With Bangladesh poised to transform its media landscape in tune with a free and enlightened society, the following strategic areas are the subsequent crucial pillars. These are not long-term goals; these are immediate actions, poised for execution right now, to base our progress on transparency, fairness, and honesty.

Legal and Policy Overhaul: In a just society, the law must protect the vulnerable, ensure liberty, and prevent abuse of authority. But in Bangladesh, all the legal instruments geared towards curtailing the media have instead become instruments of repression. From the Digital Security Act (DSA) to the colonial era Official Secrets Act, repressive laws have been used to gag dissent, criminalize journalism, and silence critics under the cover of national interest.

It has brought about a climate of fear, as the media self-censor, citizens are afraid to speak up, and whistleblowers are silent. It is high stake not only freedom of expression, but democracy. As long as these laws remain in books, any effort to reform the media will be incomplete and devoid of credibility.

The Chief Advisor of the interim government (IG) must realise that legal reform is not a technical issue, but a Constitutional commitment. This is the moral framework to which all other reforms must be linked.

Key Reforms NEED TO BE CARRIED OUT

• Abolish the Digital Security Act and substitute it with Rights-Based Legislation. Immediately repeal the Digital Security Act (2018), condemned by the media, civil society, and international human rights organizations for criminalising freedom of speech. Instead, enact a Digital Rights and Safety Act that protects citizens’ freedom of expression online without infringing on civil liberties.

• Repeal the Official Secrets Act and Enact Whistleblower Protection Law. Repeal the antiquated Official Secrets Act (1923) and enact a Whistleblower Protection Act granting citizens impunity to reveal corruption and abuse of authority without fear of reprisals.

• Enact and Enforce the Right to Information (RTI) Act. Upgrade the existing RTI Act to an effective mechanism by establishing an Independent RTI Commission with statutory authority to inquire, direct disclosure, and fine for default. Compel public organisations to disclose information on governance, budget, and public services.

• Grant Constitutional Guarantees to Freedom of Expression. Make specific protections for media professionals, journalists, and cyber-activists part of the Constitution in a way that vague concepts of state security or public order cannot replace freedom of expression.

This change of law is not one of weakening the state capacity—it is one of redefining it in the terms of democracy. An open society can never flourish in the shadow of terror. In replacing terror-based legislation with liberty-based legislation, the Chief Advisor can write his chapter in history as the guardian of an open society.

Let us move from criminalising expression to enjoying it as the driving force of national progress.

Media Development Fund and Incentives: This is the era of digital revolution, and a sustainable media sector cannot be built on the pillars of aging institutions and traditional sources of revenue. We need to reward innovation, independence, and diversity—not by accident, but through wise investment and foresighted policy. Suppose we are to move away from crisis coverage and politically motivated reporting in building Bangladesh. In that case, we need to invest in the next generation of journalists, technologists, and media entrepreneurs.

But now, these promising businesses—especially the ones controlled by women, youth, and rural folks beyond large cities—are fighting for their survival. They have enormous challenges in the areas of finance, infrastructure, and institutional support. In the meantime, already entrenched media oligopolies continue to commandeer resources and power, even at the expense of ethics and pluralism.

An Incentives-funded Media Development Fund, with defined incentives and nationally prioritized direction, can be the impetus for this new generation of journalistic excellence and civic innovation.

Strategic Initiatives to Apply Immediately:

• Establish a National Media Innovation and Development Fund. Establish an independent, state-funded Media Innovation Fund to provide competitive grants to startups, freelancing journalists, civic tech platforms, and fact-checking businesses. Highest priority must be given to projects that benefit the greater good, promote accountability, or develop new digital storytelling tools and media literacy.

• Grant Tax Relief to Ethical and Diversified Media Houses. Develop a tiered system of media tax reliefs for media companies that commit to editorial independence, gender equality, respect for the rights of workers, and community representation. Reward those who engage in inclusive hiring practices, local language publication, or journalism training schemes.

• Encourage Development of Local Content and Cultural Storytelling. Financing programs by institutes and public-private partnerships to promote regional narrative storytelling, documentaries, and creative content reflecting Bangladesh’s diversity and multiculturalism of cultures, languages, and ethnicities. Foster intersectional alliances between journalists, filmmakers, artists, and historians to recover hitherto excluded discursive spaces.

• Establish Fellowships and Awards for Public Interest Journalism. Establish senior-level, government-funded journalism fellowships and national awards to honour bold, honest, and compelling journalism. They must be open to both veteran and new voices, and be decided by panels of experienced, unbiased professionals.

This is the moment to invest not only in media, but in meaning. The CA office can seize this moment to make institutional safeguards for the truth-tellers, the power resisters, and the bringers of light to the stories that matter. By shifting from control to cultivation, Bangladesh can build a media ecosystem that is not only free but also flourishing.

Let us invest in the future of journalism, and hence the future of our democracy.

Institutional Capacity and Regulatory Coordination: Reform cannot be implemented in isolation. The optimal policies will fail if they are obstructed by inefficient bureaucracies, competing mandates, and uncoordinated schemes. In Bangladesh’s plural media ecosystem consisting of ministries, regulators, civil society, and the private sector, governance is as much about coordination as it is about regulation.

For generating a new age of media responsibility, inclusiveness, and innovation, the state must build institutions that are open, reactive, and collaborative. This requires moving away from a culture of policymaking being reactive to one of proactive governance, where there is inter-sectoral and inter-disciplinary synergy.

Beneath this is the necessity to enhance the regulatory architecture and provide institutions with the right tools, capacity, and vision to deliver fair change.

Action Items for Immediate Action:

• Form a National Media Reform Taskforce. Implement an empowered, multi-stakeholder Media Reform Taskforce, directed by a senior-level advisor to the Chief Advisor and consisting of representatives from government, independent media, academia, civil society, and digital rights groups, and tasked with driving the coordination, monitoring, and periodic review of all efforts on media reform.

• Develop a Centralised Media Governance Dashboard. Institute an open-access Digital Dashboard to track and report real-time data on licensing, cost of funds, complaints, enforcement actions, and policy impact. The transparency dashboard will reduce corruption, enhance accountability, and restore public trust in the reform process.

Building Institutional Capacity through Training and Exchange.

Organise regular training programs and policy workshops for regulators, bureaucrats, and media stakeholders on the following topics: global best practices in media regulation, models of freedom of expression, conflict-sensitive reporting, and digital ethics. Partner with institutions like UNESCO, Article 19, DW Akademie, and Al Jazeera Media Institute to enhance regional and international knowledge sharing.

• Set up Open Cross-Ministerial Media Coordination Cells. Create coordination cells in key ministries (Information, Education, ICT, and Justice) to ensure media policymaking is justified and the contradiction or integration of regulations is prevented.

It is not housekeeping governance—it’s building the scaffolding for a more innovative and responsive state. The Chief Advisor’s office must drive a coordinated, accountable, and visionary agenda for media regulation and turn reform into outcomes.

Make Bangladesh’s institutions not only regulate the media, but also change it.

Cross-Cutting Principles: Actual change is never made in policy - it is a matter of the values which inform each decision, every law, and every institution. Suppose the media landscape of Bangladesh is to be altered in a manner that is long-term, ethical, and equitable. In that case, the reform agenda needs to be shaped by a group of underlying values greater than short-term programs or policies.

These are not aesthetics; these are the moral guide that will have to steer the office of the Chief Advisor as it steers the nation to this defining moment of democratic renewal. Without bringing gender equality, young people’s participation, moral integrity, and global harmony into the substantive fabric of the reform agenda, all achievements will be cosmetic and short-lived.

This is not institution-building. This is redefining the media-public relationship, that is, between the media and the audience it addresses, i.e., those who have hitherto been excluded or stereotyped.

To be continued.....................​

 

[Saif]

Guiding Principles for All Media Reforms:

• Prioritise Gender Equality and Youth Empowerment in All Policies. Subject all media reforms like funding, licensing, appointments, and programming to examination in terms of gender justice and intergenerational communication. Enact gender quotas for media regulatory institutions, invest in mentoring potential young journalists, and accord highest priority to media content conveying equality and respect for all.

• Institutionalise a National Code of Media Ethics and Accountability. Enforce a single national code of ethics for all media entities licensed to operate, ranging from professionalism in reporting, fact-checking, avoidance of hate speech, to delicacy in conflict. There would be an independent Media Ethics Council to conduct investigations into complaints, mediate conflicts, and impose sanctions where necessary.

• Comply with International Best Practices and Global Norms. Adopt frameworks such as UNESCO’s Media Development Indicators, the Global Charter of Ethics for Journalists, and the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms to benchmark Bangladesh’s efforts at reform. Such international standards will not only be credible but also attract global endorsement and investment in the country’s media sector.

• Create and ensure Inter-sectionality and Inclusiveness in Representation. Ensure ethnic minorities, indigenous groups, people with disabilities, LGBTQ+, and rural communities’ interests and voices are mentioned clearly and factored into policymaking and content regulation.

• Ensure Media Sustainability and Environmental Responsibility. Promote media sustainability by adopting environmentally responsible print production, reducing digital carbon footprints, and utilising green technology for public broadcasting.

By basing reform on these principles, the CA office can ensure that this is not just something that goes by with the generation, but an era of change. A fair media system does not enlighten the majority, but protects the minority; it is not just a system of reporting the truth, but delivering justice.

Let these values not be at the margins; they must be the rhythm of the media revolution we are now embracing.

• Encourage Media Sustainability and Green Accountability. Promote media sustainability through adopting environmentally friendly printing, reducing digital carbon footprint, and adopting green technology in public TV and radio broadcasting.

By basing reform on such values, the CA’s office can transform this moment not just into one of correction, but of change.

An equitable media machinery is one that not merely instructs the masses, but also protects the minority; it does not simply utter the truth, but pleads justice.

Let these values not be on the margin; they have to be the pulse of the media revolution we undertake today.

Conclusion: Bangladesh stands on the brink of a profound transformation—one that would reshape not just its media institutions, but its democratic self. The fall of an oppressive regime and the advent of a new caretaker regime fanned an ember of hope: that the authority can once more be wielded in the people’s interest, that truth can triumph over propaganda, and that journalism can reclaim its rightful place as the bulwark of accountability and civic life.
But hope must be accompanied by action.

This agenda of reform is not an intellectual exercise; it is a call to conscience, a change agenda, and a challenge to this government’s moral will. All of these proposals—defending journalists and sharing content, reimagining state media, and overhauling repressive laws—grasp a more profound aspiration of the Bangladeshi people: to be seen, to be heard, and to live with dignity under an open and inclusive system.

For the Chief Advisor, it is a moment of decisional history-defining intersection of political possibility, public will, and moral responsibility. Moving decisively and with haste on these reforms will not only serve to keep the transitional government honest but also prepare the ground for a new social contract among the state, the media, and society.

This is how to restore trust—by bold choices, by honest leadership, and unrelenting adherence to justice. This is how the promises of the July 36 revolution are kept—not in words, but in hard, quantifiable change.

Let this moment’s legacy be more than a transition. Let it be a turning point. Let it be noted that when the time for change arrived, we did not hesitate. We did not bargain. We delivered. Let this be the start of a people’s free, equal, and unafraid system of the media—and finally, by and by the people. [Concluded]

Dr Serajul I Bhuiyan is professor and former chair of the Department of Journalism and Mass Communications at Savannah State University, Savannah, Georgia, USA​