[🇧🇩] Sheikh Hasina gave direct order to kill student protesters
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Sheikh Hasina ordered firing on protesters in 2024, Al Jazeera investigation reveals
Al Jazeera Investigative Unit had the recordings analysed by audio forensic experts to check for AI manipulation, and the callers were identified by voice matching.
en.prothomalo.com
Sheikh Hasina ordered firing on protesters in 2024, Al Jazeera investigation reveals
BSS Dhaka
Published: 25 Jul 2025, 21: 45
Ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Photo from Al Jazeera's Documentary
The evidences obtained by Al Jazeera have revealed that ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina ordered police to use ‘lethal weapons’ against protesters during the July mass uprising last year.
Sheikh Hasina, “issued an open order” to “use lethal weapons” on students protesting against her government’s policies last year and shoot “wherever they find them”, her secret phone call recordings, accessed by Al Jazeera, have revealed.
Hasina, who ruled Bangladesh for 15 years, fled to India on 5 August in 2024 after weeks of bloody protests and brutal action by government forces killed nearly 1,400 people and wounded more than 20,000, according to the Bangladesh’s International Criminal Tribunal (ICT).
The Al Jazeera Investigative Unit (I-Unit) had the recordings analysed by audio forensic experts to check for AI manipulation, and the callers were identified by voice matching.
In one call, recorded on 18 July by the National Telecommunications Monitoring Centre (NTMC), Hasina told an ally that she had ordered her security forces to use lethal force, Qatar-based outlet Al Jazeera reports.
“My instructions have already been given. I’ve issued an open order completely. Now they will use lethal weapons, shoot wherever they find them,” Hasina said. “That has been instructed. I have stopped them so far … I was thinking about the students’ safety.”
Later in the call with Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh, the mayor of Dhaka South City Corporation and a relative of Hasina, the ousted premier talked about using helicopters to control demonstrations.
“Wherever they notice any gathering, it’s from above – now it’s being done from above – it has already started in several places. It has begun. Some [protesters] have moved.”
At the time, Bangladeshi security forces had denied firing on protesters from the air, but Shabir Sharif, an accident and emergency doctor at the Popular Medical College Hospital in Dhaka, told the I-Unit that shots were fired from a helicopter “targeting our hospital entrance”.
He added that doctors attended to student protesters with unusual bullet wounds.
“The bullets entered either the shoulder or the chest, and they all remained inside the body. We were receiving more of these types of patients at that time,” he said.
“When we looked at the X-rays, we were surprised because there were huge bullets.” Al Jazeera has not been able to verify what types of bullets were used.
The calls may be presented by prosecutors as evidence before the ICT, which has charged Hasina, her ministers and security officials with crimes against humanity. Hasina and two other officials were indicted on July 10, and the trial is scheduled to begin in August.
Hasina’s surveillance network, the NTMC, recorded these conversations. The NTMC has previously been accused of spying on not just opposition figures but even Hasina’s political allies.
Tajul Islam, chief prosecutor for the ICT, said the former prime minister knew she was being recorded.
“In some cases, the other side [would say we] … ‘should not discuss this over telephone’. And the reply was from the prime minister, ‘Yes, I know, I know, I know, I know, it is being recorded, no problem.’”
“She has dug a very deep ditch for others. Now she’s in the ditch,” Islam said.
Student protests started peacefully in June 2024 after the high court reintroduced an unpopular quota system that reserved state jobs for the families of veterans who fought in Bangladesh’s war of independence in 1971. Many students felt the system favoured supporters of the ruling Awami League party, which had led the freedom movement, and that many jobs in the civil service were not awarded on merit.
On 16 July, student protester Abu Sayed was shot dead by police in the northern city of Rangpur. His death was a turning point in the July uprising, leading to a national outcry and intensifying the protests.
In one secret phone recording of Hasina’s ally and economics adviser Salman F Rahman, he is heard trying to get hold of Sayed’s postmortem report. During the call, Rahman quizzes inspector general of police, Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun, wanting to know what had happened to the report.
“Why is it taking so long to get the post-mortem report? Who’s playing hide and seek? Rangpur Medical?” he asked, referring to Rangpur Medical College and Hospital, which was carrying out the autopsy on Sayed.
Rangpur Medical College Hospital’s physician Rajibul Islam told Al Jazeera that police forced him to change Sayed’s postmortem report five times to remove any reference to multiple bullet wounds.
“They wanted to write a report stating that Abu Sayed Bhai died due to injuries from stone-throwing … [whereas] he died from police bullets,” he said.
Twelve days after Sayed’s death, his family were flown to Dhaka for a televised event with the prime minister. In all, about 40 families were gathered – all of them had relatives killed in the protests.
“Hasina forced us to come to Ganabhaban,” said Sayed’s father, Maqbul Hossain, referring to the PM’s residence. “They forced us to come; otherwise, they might have tortured us in another way.”
As the cameras recorded the event, Hasina handed out money to each family. She told Sayed’s sister, Sumi Khatun: “We will deliver justice to your family.”
Khatun replied to Hasina: “It was shown in the video that the police shot him. What is there to investigate here? Coming here was a mistake.”
In a statement to Al Jazeera, an Awami League spokesperson said Hasina had never used the phrase “lethal weapons”, and did not specifically authorise the security forces to use lethal weapons.
“This [Hasina’s phone] recording is either cherry-picked, doctored or both.”
The statement added that government efforts to investigate Abu Sayed’s death were “genuine”.
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‘What crime did I commit?’
Everyone knows that the quote -- "What crime did I commit?" -- belongs to Sheikh Hasina. The United Nations has conducted an impartial and international investigation into the 2024 mass uprising. A few months ago, it published a report. The summary of the findings: Sheikh Hasina directly ordered...
en.prothomalo.com
‘What crime did I commit?’
Helal Mohiuddin
Published: 30 Jul 2025, 08: 14
Everyone knows that the quote -- "What crime did I commit?" -- belongs to Sheikh Hasina. The United Nations has conducted an impartial and international investigation into the 2024 mass uprising. A few months ago, it published a report. The summary of the findings: Sheikh Hasina directly ordered the massacre in 2024. At least 1,400 protesters were killed and over 20,000 other civilians were injured.
The UN report is unquestionably credible. Yet Sheikh Hasina, her party, her supporters and the beneficiaries of her rule, have rejected it. Recently, international media outlets such as BBC and Al Jazeera presented similarly irrefutable evidence. It is as clear as daylight that Hasina had ordered the use of lethal weapons against the protesters. As expected, the party’s members and supporters continue to deny the facts, evidence and narratives presented in these authoritative reports.
Thanks to the widespread use of cell phones, the entire world saw through the media what happened in Bangladesh. Yet Sheikh Hasina still claims, without hesitation, that she has done nothing wrong. Even a year after the mass uprising, there is not the slightest trace of remorse or repentance in Sheikh Hasina, her party or their supporters. Quite to the contrary, they are desperate to return in their true form. They are eagerly stringing together arguments in their own defence. They remain highly active on social media, relentlessly spreading rumors, disinformation, fabricated narratives, flawed reasoning and constructing justifications for their injustices and wrongdoings.
Across the world, there are many examples of “Truth and Reconciliation.” Political conflicts, clashes, violence and loss of life do happen. Still, at the end of the day, people long for peace. They want to forgive and forget, to live together in harmony. Bangladesh is not without its share of peace-loving, sensitive individuals. They too hope that the Awami League will take a truthful and honest position regarding its responsibilities, acknowledge its actions, admit its mistakes and ask for forgiveness. If there are indeed ten million Awami League supporters in the country, can the nation be rebuilt while excluding them?
Political reconciliation in countries like Canada, South Africa, Rwanda, Chile, Argentina, and Colombia happened relatively quickly. Canada not only formally apologised, with remorse and repentance, for the unjust and inhumane treatment of indigenous peoples over a span of 100 to 150 years, but is also providing compensation.
Under British colonial influence, indigenous children in Canada were taken to boarding schools to learn English and adopt European customs. They were subjected to inhumane treatment and many of them died. Those boarding schools were shut down after World War II. Even so, the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) did not stop. Canada’s willingness to admit its mistakes and express regret has reduced its national shame and enhanced its dignity.
In South Africa, much of Nelson Mandela’s political life was spent in prison under the rule of the white regime. The oppression and repression of Black people were beyond description. Upon coming to power, Mandela could have unleashed a bloodbath of revenge against the white perpetrators. But instead, he established the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
Like Sheikh Hasina, Pol Pot was responsible for the deaths of thousands and was also devoid of any form of remorse. His stand was the same: “What crime have I committed?”
Members of the former white government admitted their wrongdoings, asked for forgiveness, and accepted the punishments prescribed by law. In many cases, because they acknowledged their crimes, the severity of their punishment was also reduced.
In Rwanda, the long-standing ethnic conflict between the Hutus and Tutsis claimed countless lives. Yet there too, RPF commander and President Paul Kagame, much like Mandela, established a Unity and Reconciliation Commission. Hutu perpetrators, in large numbers, accepted responsibility, admitted guilt, and sought forgiveness. Many were granted general amnesty or received reduced sentences.
A law was enacted declaring that all citizens would share a single identity: "Rwandan." Divisive politics was officially banned. Today, peace prevails in Rwanda.
A year has passed since the mass uprising. None of history’s lessons seem to matter in the case of Sheikh Hasina and her party. She has not followed the path of Mandela or Kagame. Instead, she has chosen the path of Cambodia’s butcher Pol Pot and Italy’s fascist Mussolini.
Like Sheikh Hasina, Pol Pot was responsible for the deaths of thousands and was also devoid of any form of remorse. His stand was the same: “What crime have I committed?” Mussolini went so far as to commit suicide, just to avoid having to admit his guilt.
The politics of division and hatred cannot last forever. If it does, the state, the government, the people, and all political institutions become weakened. Sheikh Hasina’s sinister strategy was to keep citizens divided by turning issues, such as the narratives of Razakars and freedom fighters, or the forces of supporters and opponents, into major rifts.
Despite overwhelming evidence, they easily say, “Abu Sayed was a victim of students throwing stones, he suffered a head injury and died. He was not shot.”
Behind this lies the waste of millions and billions of taka and state resources, which has led to Hasina becoming fascist. These narratives have been deeply ingrained into the minds, brains and very bone marrow of a large group of people. As a result, the vast majority of the party’s activists and supporters remain without remorse.
It is necessary to understand the collective psychology of remorselessness. Otherwise, fascism will keep returning repeatedly in different forms. Suppose we establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Bangladesh through a decree or law. The aim would be to reduce the punishment of those who confess to crimes according to the severity of their offences or grant them general amnesty, allowing them to participate in mainstream politics and become stakeholders in national reconstruction.
To consider how feasible this is, it is crucial to study the social psychology of the party leaders and the party’s activists and supporters.
Why are they without remorse or regret? The explanation lies in Festinger’s theory of Cognitive Dissonance. According to Festinger, a person addicted to anything -- be it power, corruption, unethical gains or addiction --- will inevitably come up with five to ten arguments to justify their addiction. No matter how flawed or deceptive these arguments may be, the person will desperately try to prove them logically.
As a result, even when their beliefs and actions are completely mismatched, they forcibly use these arguments as justification.
For example, a father firmly believes his child is exceptionally talented. However, the child did not study and performed very poorly in exams. The father invents countless arguments and convinces himself that the teachers were unjust to his child, holding him back. He believes the teachers were jealous because his child is more talented than them, or that the school’s teaching standards have declined.
Another example can be a person who knows and believes smoking is harmful to health. He still does not quit. His justification is, “My grandfather smoked more than me and lived to be 95 years old.”
There are countless examples of dissonance in Bangladesh’s politics. Even after killing people indiscriminately like birds to stay in power by any means, they offer fascist justifications, claiming it was not shooting, but necessary action taken to maintain the country’s discipline, independence, sovereignty and unity. Despite overwhelming evidence, they easily say, “Abu Sayed was a victim of students throwing stones, he suffered a head injury and died. He was not shot.”
In his book “Mass Psychology of Fascism,” psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich demonstrated that deep-rooted unity with fascist leadership is firmly ingrained in the minds of fascist supporters. Their minds leave no room for logic or impartial analysis. They become merely a herd of blind, obedient followers.
Albert Bandura explained this phenomenon with the concept of “moral disengagement,” when violence becomes normalised and these people label violence itself as “duty.”
Awami League is one of Bangladesh’s oldest and most prominent political parties across different eras. Violence and responsibility are not the same. If the party moves toward reconciliation with this basic understanding, it will survive on its own strength. Otherwise, it will have to face the fate of the Muslim League.
* Dr. Helal Mohiuddin is Professor of Sociology, Mayville State University, North Dakota, USA
Helal Mohiuddin
Published: 30 Jul 2025, 08: 14
Everyone knows that the quote -- "What crime did I commit?" -- belongs to Sheikh Hasina. The United Nations has conducted an impartial and international investigation into the 2024 mass uprising. A few months ago, it published a report. The summary of the findings: Sheikh Hasina directly ordered the massacre in 2024. At least 1,400 protesters were killed and over 20,000 other civilians were injured.
The UN report is unquestionably credible. Yet Sheikh Hasina, her party, her supporters and the beneficiaries of her rule, have rejected it. Recently, international media outlets such as BBC and Al Jazeera presented similarly irrefutable evidence. It is as clear as daylight that Hasina had ordered the use of lethal weapons against the protesters. As expected, the party’s members and supporters continue to deny the facts, evidence and narratives presented in these authoritative reports.
Thanks to the widespread use of cell phones, the entire world saw through the media what happened in Bangladesh. Yet Sheikh Hasina still claims, without hesitation, that she has done nothing wrong. Even a year after the mass uprising, there is not the slightest trace of remorse or repentance in Sheikh Hasina, her party or their supporters. Quite to the contrary, they are desperate to return in their true form. They are eagerly stringing together arguments in their own defence. They remain highly active on social media, relentlessly spreading rumors, disinformation, fabricated narratives, flawed reasoning and constructing justifications for their injustices and wrongdoings.
Across the world, there are many examples of “Truth and Reconciliation.” Political conflicts, clashes, violence and loss of life do happen. Still, at the end of the day, people long for peace. They want to forgive and forget, to live together in harmony. Bangladesh is not without its share of peace-loving, sensitive individuals. They too hope that the Awami League will take a truthful and honest position regarding its responsibilities, acknowledge its actions, admit its mistakes and ask for forgiveness. If there are indeed ten million Awami League supporters in the country, can the nation be rebuilt while excluding them?
Political reconciliation in countries like Canada, South Africa, Rwanda, Chile, Argentina, and Colombia happened relatively quickly. Canada not only formally apologised, with remorse and repentance, for the unjust and inhumane treatment of indigenous peoples over a span of 100 to 150 years, but is also providing compensation.
Under British colonial influence, indigenous children in Canada were taken to boarding schools to learn English and adopt European customs. They were subjected to inhumane treatment and many of them died. Those boarding schools were shut down after World War II. Even so, the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) did not stop. Canada’s willingness to admit its mistakes and express regret has reduced its national shame and enhanced its dignity.
In South Africa, much of Nelson Mandela’s political life was spent in prison under the rule of the white regime. The oppression and repression of Black people were beyond description. Upon coming to power, Mandela could have unleashed a bloodbath of revenge against the white perpetrators. But instead, he established the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
Like Sheikh Hasina, Pol Pot was responsible for the deaths of thousands and was also devoid of any form of remorse. His stand was the same: “What crime have I committed?”
Members of the former white government admitted their wrongdoings, asked for forgiveness, and accepted the punishments prescribed by law. In many cases, because they acknowledged their crimes, the severity of their punishment was also reduced.
In Rwanda, the long-standing ethnic conflict between the Hutus and Tutsis claimed countless lives. Yet there too, RPF commander and President Paul Kagame, much like Mandela, established a Unity and Reconciliation Commission. Hutu perpetrators, in large numbers, accepted responsibility, admitted guilt, and sought forgiveness. Many were granted general amnesty or received reduced sentences.
A law was enacted declaring that all citizens would share a single identity: "Rwandan." Divisive politics was officially banned. Today, peace prevails in Rwanda.
A year has passed since the mass uprising. None of history’s lessons seem to matter in the case of Sheikh Hasina and her party. She has not followed the path of Mandela or Kagame. Instead, she has chosen the path of Cambodia’s butcher Pol Pot and Italy’s fascist Mussolini.
Like Sheikh Hasina, Pol Pot was responsible for the deaths of thousands and was also devoid of any form of remorse. His stand was the same: “What crime have I committed?” Mussolini went so far as to commit suicide, just to avoid having to admit his guilt.
The politics of division and hatred cannot last forever. If it does, the state, the government, the people, and all political institutions become weakened. Sheikh Hasina’s sinister strategy was to keep citizens divided by turning issues, such as the narratives of Razakars and freedom fighters, or the forces of supporters and opponents, into major rifts.
Despite overwhelming evidence, they easily say, “Abu Sayed was a victim of students throwing stones, he suffered a head injury and died. He was not shot.”
Behind this lies the waste of millions and billions of taka and state resources, which has led to Hasina becoming fascist. These narratives have been deeply ingrained into the minds, brains and very bone marrow of a large group of people. As a result, the vast majority of the party’s activists and supporters remain without remorse.
It is necessary to understand the collective psychology of remorselessness. Otherwise, fascism will keep returning repeatedly in different forms. Suppose we establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Bangladesh through a decree or law. The aim would be to reduce the punishment of those who confess to crimes according to the severity of their offences or grant them general amnesty, allowing them to participate in mainstream politics and become stakeholders in national reconstruction.
To consider how feasible this is, it is crucial to study the social psychology of the party leaders and the party’s activists and supporters.
Why are they without remorse or regret? The explanation lies in Festinger’s theory of Cognitive Dissonance. According to Festinger, a person addicted to anything -- be it power, corruption, unethical gains or addiction --- will inevitably come up with five to ten arguments to justify their addiction. No matter how flawed or deceptive these arguments may be, the person will desperately try to prove them logically.
As a result, even when their beliefs and actions are completely mismatched, they forcibly use these arguments as justification.
For example, a father firmly believes his child is exceptionally talented. However, the child did not study and performed very poorly in exams. The father invents countless arguments and convinces himself that the teachers were unjust to his child, holding him back. He believes the teachers were jealous because his child is more talented than them, or that the school’s teaching standards have declined.
Another example can be a person who knows and believes smoking is harmful to health. He still does not quit. His justification is, “My grandfather smoked more than me and lived to be 95 years old.”
There are countless examples of dissonance in Bangladesh’s politics. Even after killing people indiscriminately like birds to stay in power by any means, they offer fascist justifications, claiming it was not shooting, but necessary action taken to maintain the country’s discipline, independence, sovereignty and unity. Despite overwhelming evidence, they easily say, “Abu Sayed was a victim of students throwing stones, he suffered a head injury and died. He was not shot.”
In his book “Mass Psychology of Fascism,” psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich demonstrated that deep-rooted unity with fascist leadership is firmly ingrained in the minds of fascist supporters. Their minds leave no room for logic or impartial analysis. They become merely a herd of blind, obedient followers.
Albert Bandura explained this phenomenon with the concept of “moral disengagement,” when violence becomes normalised and these people label violence itself as “duty.”
Awami League is one of Bangladesh’s oldest and most prominent political parties across different eras. Violence and responsibility are not the same. If the party moves toward reconciliation with this basic understanding, it will survive on its own strength. Otherwise, it will have to face the fate of the Muslim League.
* Dr. Helal Mohiuddin is Professor of Sociology, Mayville State University, North Dakota, USA
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