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[πŸ‡§πŸ‡©] Victory Day

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[πŸ‡§πŸ‡©] Victory Day
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Victory day today: The day a nation cried tears of joy

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Joy in Dhaka street after Pakistan surrenders. Photo: Iranian Photographer Abbas Attar

From the first week of December 1971, freedom was already in the air. Pakistan was losing ground across Bangladesh to the joint forces, composed of the Mukti Bahini and the allied Indian forces. One by one, different regions were being liberated from the occupation forces.

By the second week of December, guerrilla fighters of the Mukti Bahini infiltrated various parts of Dhaka city. On Dhaka's outskirts, Manikganj and Narayanganj were freed from enemy occupation on December 13.

In a desperate effort to manage the deteriorating situation, the then governor of East Pakistan Dr MA Malik convened a cabinet meeting at the Governor's House in Dhaka at 12:00pm on December 14. However, by 9:30 that morning, the news of the meeting had already reached Major General JFR Jacob, chief of staff of the Indian eastern command, through signal intelligence. A plan to foil the meeting was soon underway.

In his book Surrender at Dacca: Birth of a Nation, Jacob himself wrote about this plan: "I immediately telephoned Air Vice Marshal Devasher the very competent Senior Air Staff Officer at Eastern Air Command in Shillong. We felt that a disruption of the meeting would spur the Governor to accept the surrender calls."

The Indian Air Force launched its first airstrike on the Governor's House at 11:15am.

Shortly after the strike, British journalist Gavin Young of The Observer visited the Governor's House to meet John Kelly, a representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In his book Worlds Apart, Young wrote that a panic-stricken Malik asked Kelly for advice on what to do at that critical moment. Kelly avoided the question as he was not willing to involve the UN in the matter.

When the airstrikes resumed, Dr Malik resigned from his position as governor and moved to the Intercontinental Hotel.

Amid this edgy situation in Dhaka, at 1:30pm, Pakistan's President Yahya Khan instructed Lt Gen AAK Niazi, the chief of staff of the eastern command, to take necessary steps to save lives. The message reached Dhaka at 3:00pm and by the evening, Niazi began the process of initiating a ceasefire.

A detailed account of how Niazi moved towards the ceasefire is documented in Siddiq Salik's book, Witness to Surrender. During the Liberation War, Salik served in Dhaka as the chief public relations officer under Tikka Khan and Niazi.

According to Salik's account, while drafting the ceasefire agreement, Niazi initially considered involving China and the Soviet Union as mediators. However, he eventually chose US Consul General Herbert Daniel Spivack in Dhaka as the intermediary.

Maj Gen Rao Farman Ali, the governor's adviser, accompanied Niazi to meet Spivack. Initially, Niazi held a private meeting with Spivack and requested Spivack to mediate a ceasefire agreement with India. However, Spivack declined to act as a mediator.

"I cannot negotiate a cease fire on your behalf. I can only send a message if you like," Spivack said.

At this point, Rao Farman Ali was summoned to draft the ceasefire message to be sent to Indian Army Chief General Sam Manekshaw.

Once the draft was finalised, Spivack remarked, "It will be transmitted in twenty minutes."

However, that night, Spivack did not send the draft to India; instead, he forwarded it to Washington.

In Witness to Surrender, Siddiq Salik wrote, "At that time, the US government tried to contact President Yahya Khan, but he was unreachable."

General Jacob in Surrender at Dacca noted that apparently Spivack had sent the message to their ambassador in Islamabad who in turn sent it to the State Department in Washington.

On December 15, just a day before the final victory, Pakistan sent a ceasefire proposal to Manekshaw. Both sides agreed to a ceasefire from 5:00pm on December 15 to 9:00am on December 16, which was later extended to 3:00pm.

Also on December 15, Poland proposed a 72-hour ceasefire at the United Nations Security Council, and called for the transfer of power to the elected representatives of East Pakistan.

Pakistan's representative at the UN, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, reacted angrily.

In a report titled "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Denouncing U.N. Security Council" published in The New York Times on December 16, Bhutto is quoted as saying: "I do not want to return with a surrender document…The Security Council has completely failed…They are only bringing up proposals for surrender in Dhaka. But why? Because their objective is the fall of Dhaka. But what will happen if Dhaka falls? What will happen if all of East Pakistan falls?"

Towards the end of his speech, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto tore up the ceasefire proposal document while declaring the intention to continue the war, and then walked out of the session.

On the same day, the presence of 20 Soviet naval ships in the Indian Ocean, supported by the Indian Navy, forced the US Seventh Fleet to change course. This destroyed the last hope of the Pakistanis. Earlier, on December 10, the US fleet had departed from Saigon towards the Indian Ocean, crossing the Malacca Strait on the night of December 13/14.

At 10:00am on December 15, India informed the Bangladesh government of Pakistan's imminent surrender. Colonel Das, an Indian liaison officer, conveyed the message to Faruq Aziz Khan, the personal secretary of the prime minister of Bangladesh.

In his book Basanta 1971, Faruq Aziz Khan writes that General Aurora spoke to Tajuddin Ahmad that night. Aurora stated that General Jacob would arrive in Dhaka at 10:00am the next day to implement the remaining decisions based on the ground situation.

The following morning, at 9:15am, General Manekshaw instructed General Jacob to ensure the surrender was completed by evening.

The entire nation awaited the final victory. By December 15, Gazipur was liberated from the occupation forces, leaving the Pakistani army effectively encircled in Dhaka.

According to General Jacob's book Surrender at Dacca, Major General Gandharv Singh Nagra reached the outskirts of Dhaka at 9:00am on December 16. From the end of Mirpur Bridge, General Nagra sent a message to the Pakistani outpost: "Dear Abdullah [Niazi], I am at Mirpur bridge. Send your representative."

At that time, Niazi was at the East Pakistan army headquarters in Dhaka cantonment. Upon receiving the message, he became utterly bewildered. He had been expecting General Jacob. Eventually, Pakistani Major General Jamshed welcomed General Nagra and escorted him to the cantonment.

Meanwhile, around 1:00pm, General Jacob and Colonel MS Khara, an intelligence officer, arrived at Tejgaon Airport by helicopter, carrying the surrender documents. They were received by Pakistani Brigadier Bakar Siddiqui and John Kelly, the UN representative in Dhaka. From there, Jacob proceeded to the East Pakistan army headquarters to discuss the surrender. He was greeted by General Niazi, Rao Farman Ali, and Major General Jamshed, commander of 36 Division of the Pakistan Army.

At one point, General Jacob and Colonel Khara entered Niazi's office to discuss the terms of surrender. General Nagra was already present there. The Pakistanis still believed they would be signing a ceasefire agreement rather than a surrender document.

Inside Niazi's office, discussions on the surrender began. The room fell silent as Colonel Khara read out the terms of surrender one by one. Tears rolled down Niazi's cheeks.

Eventually, Niazi agreed to surrender but expressed his desire to complete the process at his office. Jacob informed him that the Indian Army had planned for a public surrender ceremony at the Racecourse Maidan.

This finalised the arrangements for the formal surrender.

"Dhaka fell silently, like a heart patient succumbing to death," Siddiq Salik wrote describing the surrender negotiations in his book.

Later that afternoon, senior officials from the Allied Forces and the Mukti Bahini arrived in Dhaka from India by helicopter. Among them were General Aurora and Deputy Chief of Staff of the Mukti Bahini, A K Khandker.

Since Colonel Osmani was stationed in the liberated areas of Sylhet, A K Khandker was selected to represent the Mukti Bahini at the surrender ceremony in his absence.

In his book 1971: Bhitore Baire, AK Khandker writes, "On a late afternoon, we landed at Tejgaon Airport in a helicopter. As we descended, we saw thousands of people standing along the roads. We boarded a jeep and headed towards the Racecourse Ground. On our way, we witnessed people brimming with joy, their faces lit with smiles and an aura of relief."

From December 15, radio broadcasts about the impending surrender had already signalled Dhaka's residents that the event would take place post-noon. The city streets were charged with an electric atmosphere. By midday, the Racecourse Ground had transformed into a sea of people, with hundreds of thousands gathering in jubilant anticipation.

Amid the chants and slogans of the crowd, General Aurora and General Niazi, along with other generals, entered the Racecourse Ground.

In Witness to Surrender, Siddiq Salik describes the scene, "The vast ground bubbled with emotional Bengali crowds. They were all keen to witness the public humiliation of a West Pakistani General. The occasion was also to formalise the birth of Bangla desh."

Amid this fervour, the surrender ceremony commenced. First, a joint contingent of Pakistani and Indian forces presented a Guard of Honour to General Aurora. The surrender document was then placed on the table. General Niazi signed first, followed by General Aurora. As per the tradition of surrender, Niazi handed over his revolver to General Aurora.

Bangladesh burst into celebration. Some were speechless with joy, while others took to the streets in victory processions across the country.

Recalling the victorious moment, 77-year-old Abdal Hossain from the Rahmatganj area of Old Dhaka told The Daily Star, "We knew from the radio that the surrender would happen that day. By afternoon, the streets of Dhaka were packed with people. Some even started dancing in the streets. After hearing the news of the surrender, hundreds of people marched with flags. At that moment, everyone forgot who was friend and who was foe."

Overcome with emotion, he added, "That day was the only time in my life I saw my father cry."​
 
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A tribute long overdue
We must promptly complete the martyred intellectuals’ list


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As we observe Martyred Intellectuals' Day today, honouring the bright minds of this land who were brutally murdered by the Pakistani occupation forces with the help of their local collaborators before our liberation in 1971, it is deeply disappointing that we have yet to finalise a complete list of these martyred intellectuals. Reportedly, the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs initiated efforts in 2020 to prepare a comprehensive list, as no complete record has been compiled even after five decades of the country's independence. Although the work was supposed to be completed by December 16 this year, it has remained suspended since July, casting uncertainty over its progress.

Over the past four years, the ministry published four gazettes listing the names of 560 intellectuals based on recommendations from a national committee, which also had a sub-committee to scrutinise the list. However, the sub-committee held its last meeting on July 1, and there have been no updates on the project since then. It appears that the political transition in the country might have created a vacuum in the committees, stalling progress. Some committee members have anonymously suggested that the work was postponed to avoid potential debates over the number of martyred intellectuals. Nevertheless, we believe that transparency and efficiency in the enlisting process can prevent any such controversy.

There should be no controversy or disagreement about the invaluable roles these intellectuals played in shaping the course of our history. These luminariesβ€”academics, journalists, politicians, artists, litterateurs, philosophers, scientists, physicians, and engineersβ€”played a pivotal role in the mass movements against the widespread inequality and oppression of the Pakistani regime, culminating in our Liberation War. Beginning on the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistani army, aided by local collaborators, started abducting and killing these intellectual leaders. As their defeat became imminent, they intensified efforts to eliminate these prominent figures in the lead-up to December 16, 1971, to intellectually paralyse the emerging nation. Their loss has left an irreplaceable void in the intellectual sphere of the country.

Compiling a complete list of these national icons and learning from their lives and contributions is more critical now than ever, as we endeavour to build a nation free from discrimination following the ouster of a 15-year autocratic regime. Numerous sources exist from which information about the martyred intellectuals can be collected. For example, their names can be found in Shaheed Buddhijibi Koshgrantha, the 1972 documentary Bangladesh, Banglapedia, postal stamps, and various books and research works. These sources should be properly verified to ensure accuracy and inclusivity, avoiding any disputes.

We, therefore, urge the interim government to promptly resume the initiative to create a comprehensive list of martyred intellectuals and complete this vital project without further delay.​
 
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Victory Day today
Solamain Salman 16 December, 2024, 00:27

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Dhaka University students make a flag in the TSC compound on Sunday on the eve of Victory Day. | Sony Ramani

The nation today celebrates the 54th Victory Day, remembering the heroic freedom fighters’ supreme sacrifices to free the country from the marauding Pakistani military in the War of Independence.

This year, Victory Day arrives with a call to build a new Bangladesh with renewed vigour and zeal as mass people led by undaunted students brought the downfall of the autocratic Awami League regime on August 5.

The nation would take a renewed pledge to translate into reality the hopes and aspirations of the War of Independence in 1971 and the mass uprising in 2024.

People from all walks of life from dawn will visit the National Memorial at Savar and other memorials across the country to pay tribute to the martyrs of 1971, who sacrificed their lives for the nation.

Law enforcement agencies, including Dhaka Metropolitan Police, took measures to ensure foolproof security, alongside maintaining law and order and enforcing proper traffic management enabling peaceful observance of Victory Day.

On the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistani

occupation forces launched an onslaught on the Bangalee community and committed genocide on the unsuspecting and unarmed people.

The War of Independence was preceded by 23 years of intense political struggle for democracy and national identity.

The commander of 92,000 marauding troops of the Pakistan military, Lieutenant General AAK Niazi, surrendered at Ramna Race Course, now Suhrawardy Udyan, in Dhaka on December 16, 1971.

On the eve of the 54th Victory Day, President Mohammed Shahabuddin in a message greeted the nation.

β€˜Contribute more to build a country free of corruption, implement the goals of the Liberation War and establish a society free from exploitation,’ he said.

He put emphasis on institutionalising the country’s democracy that was earned through the sacrifice of millions of martyred lives.

The head of the state also said that the country’s political parties would have to nurture the culture of mutual respect and of tolerance of others’ opinion in this connection to take the nation towards building a prosperous β€˜New Bangladesh’.

The dream to build a Bangladesh free from discrimination and corruption that people envisioned through the student-mass uprising in July-August this year, will be realised soon, he also hoped.

In a separate message given on the eve of Victory Day, chief adviser to the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus vowed to work together to build a prosperous and well-governed Bangladesh as his government was formed through the mass uprising in which students, workers and people took part as a united force.

Remembering with due respect the brave martyrs’ supreme sacrifices in the War of Independence, the chief adviser said, β€˜The β€œVictory Day” is not only our source of pride, but our oath day, too.’

The oath was to remain united, protect the country’s sovereignty and uphold the spirit of the War of Independence, he added.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin and chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus will pay homage to the martyrs of the War of Independence by placing wreaths at the National Memorial at Savar on the outskirts of the capital at dawn today.

Political parties, socio-cultural and professional organisations and academic institutions are expected to follow them to place wreaths at the memorial.

The national flag will be hoisted atop government, semi-government and private offices and autonomous bodies across the country. The day would be welcomed with 31 gun salutes at sunrise in the capital, districts, and upazilas.

Political parties, socio-cultural and professional organisations as well as educational institutions, have taken elaborate programmes to celebrate Victory Day.

Improved diet will be served in prisons, hospitals, elderly people’s homes and orphanages across the country marking the day which is a public holiday.

Victory day programmes also include decorating city streets with miniature national flags and illuminating important public establishments, roads and street islands.

Newspapers will publish special supplements, and television channels and radio stations will air special programmes.

On the occasion, Bangladesh Nationalist Party and its affiliate organisations will hold discussion meetings and rallies across the country.

The party will hoist the national and party flags at all party offices in the early hours Monday, pay homage at the National Memorial in Savar at 7:30am, lay wreaths at the grave of BNP founder and former president Ziaur Rahman at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar in the capital.

Marking the day, β€˜Bangladesh First’, a BNP affiliate, will organise a β€˜public concert’ at Manik Mia Avenue about 2:00pm.

The Communist Party of Bangladesh, Workers Party of Bangladesh, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal factions, Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh, Gono Forum, Ganosamhati Andolan, Bhashani Oikyajot, Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy, Bangla Academy, Liberation War Museum, National Press Club, Dhaka Reporters Unity, Dhaka Club, among other organisations, have also taken elaborate programmes to mark the day.​
 

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Politicians want country built on liberation war, uprising spirits
Solamain Salman and Moloy Saha 16 December, 2024, 00:30

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Politicians and academics want a new Bangladesh built on the spirit of the War of Independence and the July-August student-led mass uprising with the aim of establishing equality, human dignity, and social justice, as pledged in the proclamation of independence.

Political landscape of Bangladesh faces a new reality after the ouster of Sheikh Hasina regime with renewed calls to build a society free of discrimination, restore democracy giving people back their right to vote through necessary institutional reforms, they said.

The politicians and academics came up with the observations while talking with New Age ahead of the country’s 54th Victory Day, to be observed today.

They also called for ensuring effective participation of the people in all decision-making processes and taking measures to prevent the rise of fascists.

They blamed successive governments’ policies, political instability, derailment from the spirit of the War of Independence, and opportunism and self-satisfaction of the ruling class for the nonfulfilment of the pledges that made the proclamation of the independence despite some development in economic, education, health and some other sectors.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party standing committee member Nazrul Islam Khan told New Age, β€˜We are celebrating this Victory Day in a different manner as it would be held in a fascism-free atmosphere.’

He said, β€˜The people were expecting a change for a long time, the BNP also fought for 16 years to bring the change while many leaders and activists fell victims to murder, enforced disappearance and torture.’

Finally the fascist government was deposed in a student-worker-led mass uprising, he added.

β€˜We fought for 16 years to restore democracy and free the country from fascism, and we partially achieved it as the chief of the fascist government and its ministers fled the country.’ Now, the restoration of democracy is a must and that it is possible through a free, fair and impartial election, he said.

Nazrul hoped that the interim government would make necessary reforms as soon as possible to hold a free, fair and impartial national election to restore democracy.

Noting that on Victory Day in 1971, people had expected equality, human dignity, human rights, social justice, and financial freedom, he also said that the responsibilities of the government to be formed through the next election would be to fulfil these exceptions of the people.

Former Communist Party of Bangladesh president and freedom fighter Mujahiul Islam Selim said that the nation failed to implement the spirit of the War of Independence even after 53 years of victory.

β€˜After the fall of fascist Hasina’s rule on August 5, we want to build a democratic Bangladesh where the spirit of the War of Independence would be implemented and rights of the people would be established.’ he said.

The left political parties should form a united front for the implementation of programmes for the establishment of a democratic country, Selim added.

Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal–JSD president ASM Abdur Rob said the emergence of a new reality in national politics through the student-led mass uprising also created a great opportunity for the nation to overthrow the old oppressive system.

He said that participatory democracy must be established by further expanding the limited and narrow democracy t0 ensure effective participation of the people in decision-making and implementation processes.

Rob also sought clear guidelines for preventing any kind of fascism, maintaining a balance of power between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary, decentralising power and ensuring the independence and autonomy of state and constitutional institutions.

Socialist Party of Bangladesh adviser Khalequzzaman said that it was the failure of politicians that a democratic country could and rights of the people could not be established in 53 years.

β€˜We want a democratic transition of the country and the interim government must ensure free, fair and credible elections as early as possible.’ Khalequzzaman said.

Ganosamhati Andolan chief coordinator Zonayed Saki said that after the fall of the fascist Awami League government, the nation wanted to establish an inclusive, democratic and dignified Bangladesh.

β€˜To achieve this goal, we need a new political settlement,’ Saki added.

Former Jahangirnagar University professor Anu Muhammad said that the main goal of the War of Independence was to establish a democratic, non-communal and discrimination-free democratic Bangladesh, but it was not fulfilled in the past 53 years.

The student-led mass uprising in 2024 happened in the country to establish a new democratic Bangladesh, removing all inequalities from the society, he said.

He said that Bangladesh saw military and non-military autocratic rules repeatedly, but the past 15 years of autocratic rules were violent and anti-people with incidents of enforced disappearance, killing, and torture.

β€˜Big political parties failed to play a proper role as true political parties; as a result, the change came through the uprising led by students instead of political parties.​
 
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Victory Day: time for reflections of all concerned
16 December, 2024, 00:00

BANGLADESH practically emerged independent this day, 53 years ago, after a nine-month war of national liberation against the occupation forces of Pakistan. The Bangladesh war, politically presided over by the Awami League with the help of neighbouring India, was won when the Pakistan forces surrendered to the joint forces of Bangladesh and India in Dhaka on December 16, 1971.

Nevertheless, when the people of Bangladesh happily celebrate the 53rd anniversary of its national victory today, the League that politically led the liberation war is nowhere on the scene and India that helped earn the country’s independence is disliked by most of its people. Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League that had retained power through rigged elections particularly since 2014 and had autocratically ruled the country for 15 years since 2008, was overthrown amid a democratically oriented student-mass uprising on August 5 this year, forcing Hasina to flee Dhaka and take refuge in Delhi. Delhi, after all, provided continuous political and diplomatic support for Hasina’s authoritarian regime for the past 15 years, obviously in exchange for many an undue privilege granted by Dhaka. Leaders of Indian political and diplomatic establishments would do well to have some reflections on whether they did pursue the right path, in terms of doing justice to the potential of mutually beneficial relationship between the two countries, in continuously supporting the League’s authoritarian regime against the collective interests of the people of Bangladesh. The League is also free to reflect on whether the party has done justice even to itself, let alone the whole country, by distorting the liberation war narrative, repressing political opponents and intellectual dissenters, destroying various state institutions for partisan gains, weakening the economy by plunders and capital flights, committing crimes against humanity by conducting enforced disappearances and, finally, brutally killing more than a thousand political protesters before being overthrown from power.

Meanwhile, the interim government of Muhammad Yunus, installed on the victory of a bloodied student-mass uprising against the League’s autocratic regime, needs to reflect on the hopes and aspirations that the democratically oriented people had fought for in the July-August period. The slogans, written on the wall during the mass uprising, some of those are still visible in the cities, clearly suggest that the people fought to pave the way for implementing certain democratic ideals in society that the people had fought the country’s liberation war for β€” equality, social justice and human dignity. The interim government, which is not an elected one but derives legitimacy from the victory of the people’s movement, is not expected to solve all the problems that Bangladesh is confronting now. However, it is expected to carry out some democratic reforms that would, on the one hand, pave the way for holding genuinely free and fair national elections as soon as possible and, on the other hand, force the next elected government to run affairs of the state under the dictates of the democratic spirit of the country’s great liberation war.​
 
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Chief Adviser renews oath of independence on Victory Day
UNB
Published :
Dec 15, 2024 21:37
Updated :
Dec 15, 2024 21:37

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Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus on Sunday said the Victory Day, to be celebrated on December 16, is not only their source of pride but also oath day.

β€œThe oath is to remain united, protect the sovereignty of the country, and uphold the spirit of the Liberation War,” he said in a message on the occasion of Victory Day.

On this day, Dr Yunus remembered the brave martyrs of the freedom struggle with respect and honoured their sacrifices.

β€œWe promise to work together to build a developed, prosperous, and well-governed Bangladesh by the interim government formed through the mass uprising of the students, workers, and people,” he said.

Dr Yunus said they are determined to further develop and strengthen the country and enjoy the full benefits of freedom.

β€œToday is 16th December, Victory Day. This day is a very glorious and memorable day in Bangladesh’s history,” he said.

On December 16, 1971, Dr Yunus said Bangladesh gained the taste of freedom and self-identity as a nation through the victory in the War of Independence.

β€œWe get our desired freedom in exchange for the blood and sacrifice of millions of martyrs,” he said, adding that β€œI wish Victory Day 2024 a great success.”​
 
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Undying spirit of Victory Day
Editorial
Published :
Dec 16, 2024 00:42
Updated :
Dec 16, 2024 00:42

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The ethos of the Bangalees was at its most effervescent on this day 53 years ago. This could not be otherwise because for the first time in modern history, the dream of a sovereign country the people of this land has long aspired for materialised on this day with their victory over the occupation forces of Pakistan. Blessed were those who lived to take part in or witnessed the victory celebration. On this day the nation stood tall and those who stayed back home in constant fear for their lives and future as well as suffered physical and mental trauma broke free from the mental circumspection. They were now a people liberated from the inhibition imposed on them by the dictatorial Pakistani rulers and their marauding military. Although the declaration of independence came on March 26, the following nine months were one of the bloodiest episodes in human history with the Pakistani armed forces carrying out genocide and what they codenamed 'scorched earth' policy.

So, to arrive at the dream destination, the nation had to embark on a tortuous course of defence against one of the fiercest, brutal and immoral armies in the world. Three million Bangalees mostly unarmed were massacred and 300,000 girls and women were subjected to rape and sexual repression. More than 10 million people had to flee the country and take shelter in refugee camps in India. Finally, on the eve of their surrender when they were sure of their defeat to the allied Indian army and Muktibahini, the Pakistani debased forces in collusion with their local collaborators Al-Shams and Razakars went on a vicious annihilation plan of the Bangalee intellectuals and highly talented professionals. It was a sinister blueprint executed meticulously aimed at making the emerging nation devoid of talent and intellect. They were picked up only to be killed and dumped in the killing fields of Rayerbazar and Mirpur.

Clearly, the people of this land achieved the victory on December 16, 1971 at a heavy price β€” well beyond it could afford. So the jubilation on such an occasion was somewhat tempered by the tragedy suffered. Many families were haunted by the untimely loss of their brave sons and daughters who had sacrificed their lives either in fight on the war front or in other unusual circumstances. The bitter-sweet memory of the time is still fresh in the minds of all who survived the war.

The Liberation War of this order should have made the nation humble and reflective in order to decide its post-liberation course of action and journey as judiciously as possible. But apart from rhetoric the meaning of victory in such an extensive war started fading. Winning independence is one thing and rebuilding the country and structuring society are quite another. On that count, the power wielders and the privileged have failed the nation time and again. It is exactly for this reason, there were military coups, counter-coups and uprisings against anti-people rulers who have bred corruption, abused power and perpetuated lawlessness and injustice in the system of dispensation and in society. Yet again, the country finds itself on a crossroads. Options before the nation are not many---either it will sanctify the spirit of unity that earned victory against all odds in 1971 or if it fails there is no knowing how and where things will end up. The Victory Day serves as a fountainhead of encapsulated national ethos. Let it be the guiding force behind this nation's fresh journey.​
 
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Message of 54th Victory Day
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Dec 16, 2024 00:40
Updated :
Dec 16, 2024 00:40

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Muktijuddho' by Zainul Abedin (Ink and wash painting) - Collected

The 54th Victory Day of Bangladesh will go down in history as one that followed yet another unique revolution, the student-led mass uprising of August 5 that has changed the course of the nation's history. The Victory Day of Bangladesh is itself unique in that there is no other nation in the world whose declaration of independence from the shackles of occupying power and the day when it celebrated its deliverance from the forces of occupation is separated by about nine months. Indeed, Bangladesh has a chequered history when it comes to its revolutions. But why has Bangladesh experienced so many revolutions? Because, just freeing the nation from the clutches of colonial powers did not bring the complete freedom from exploitation and oppression that the people fought and made supreme sacrifices for. In fact, the nation's independence proved to be as good as changing hands from the foreign colonisers to the domestic exploiters and oppressors of the common people. The party politics that represented the social elites hijacked the people's victory in achieving national liberation and claimed it to be their own. Small wonder that the heroic war the people from all sections of the population fought in the battle field and the all-out support that the masses extended to them found no place, except in lip service, in the history of the liberation war. As expected, that history, too, was written by the official historians representing the political elite. So, what can the nation expect from those so-called historians who reduced the independence war to a mere family history of the elitist nationalists and their imagined exploits in the movements that led to the independence war? Evidently, the common people were disillusioned with the political leadership of the post-liberation Bangladesh. The popular movements the official historians narrate as the work of their chosen heroes are actually the struggles of the masses. But stories of their achievements, again, are attributed in the same way to the demagogy of some rabble-rousers serving the interests of elite class. To be frank, the nationalistic narrative of the liberation war so proudly described in the literary works, arts, songs and dramas is purely about the supremacy of one ethnic group of people over another to justify the domination of the majority ethnic or religious group over the rest of the people, who are the minorities, in a country. Needless to say, nationalism is a powerful divisive force that champions of the nationalistic narratives in power use to divide people and brand popular struggles as anti-national. Since independence, the ruling class of Bangladesh under different party names claiming that they were the real standard-bearers of nationhood born of the nationalism the war of indendepence stood for. During the last fifty-three years that the country has been celebrating its victory from foreign oppressors, the ruling class has been telling the story of how the non-Bengali foreigners had exploited them and how cruel they were. But the truth is the post-independence rulers were no angels either given their records of own records of cruelty in crushing popular dissent by brute force and looting whatever the common people could achieve through their hard work. Why is that history drenched in blood of the common people has no place in literature and works of art of the post-independence champions of nationalism, secularism, etc.? The truth is they have already become the apologists of the domestic colonisers of the common people. The new generation of young people who are free from any hangover from the pre-and-early post-independence days are not ready to be impressed by the hackneyed stories of 'glorious past'. They want a radical change of the existing order. So, they stood up unarmed against the power of the ruthless, fascistic state run by the exponents of the old order.

Some intellectuals belonging to the so-called progressive class often express their unhappiness, frustration and fear over the fact that the new generation might be losing its connection with what they believe to be the nation's glorious history. But there is no reason to think that the members of new generation are unaware of that history. On the contrary, they are better informed. The only difference is that unlike the older generation, the new generation sees the past as it was in an unbiased manner and not through the prism of idealism that basically rests on a false premise. The failure of the past governments to be true to whatever idealisms they professed has opened the new generation's eyes to the truth. So, there is hardly any point lecturing the modern-day youths about any imagined history to take inspiration from.

This is not only in Bangladesh. Wherever across the globe the new generation is standing up against the old order, they are proving to be iconoclastic. They were so when the Soviet Russia collapsed in December 1991. They were equally heretical during the so-called colour revolutions in the Middle East. Though most of those revolutions failed in that the old order in most cases remained in place, it does not mean that the new generation's appetite for change has no point. In fact, the struggles for breaking the old order are mostly experimental in nature. Since the present time is pregnant with the potential for radical change, similar revolutions will continue to take place until the real change occurs somewhere. In that case, there should be no room for complacency on the part of the old guard. Seeing that everywhere, the flagbearers of the status quo are behaving desperately to protect or even further advance their revivalist agenda, the new generation is not going to surrender their dream to the forces of reaction. Rather it is only further cementing their resolve to overthrow the bastion of reaction and build a new society. This is the message of the 54th Victory Day of Bangladesh.​
 
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