[🇧🇩] Victory Day

[Saif]

The Bijoy Dibosh and its various dimensions

December 16 is a national holiday in Bangladesh and celebrated to commemorate the defeat of the Pakistan armed forces in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 and the emergence of an independent Bangladesh. It commemorates the Instrument of Surrender wherein the Commander of the Pakistani forces su

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

The Bijoy Dibosh and its various dimensions
Muhammad Zamir
Published :
Dec 16, 2024 00:21
Updated :
Dec 16, 2024 00:32

Pakistani Army Comander in the Eastern Command, Lt General A. A. K. Niazi (R) signing the Instrument of Surrender in front of General Officer Commanding in Chief of India and Bangladesh Forces in the Eastern Theatre, Lt General Jagjit Singh Aurora (L) on December 16, 1971 in Dhaka —Collected Photo

December 16 is a national holiday in Bangladesh and celebrated to commemorate the defeat of the Pakistan armed forces in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 and the emergence of an independent Bangladesh. It commemorates the Instrument of Surrender wherein the Commander of the Pakistani forces surrendered to the Commander of the joint forces of Mukti Bahini and the Indian army, thereby ending the nine-month Bangladesh Liberation War.

This whole process, to a great extent, was taken forward through a statement made by Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in the Indian Parliament on December 6, 1971 acknowledging Bangladesh as a free and sovereign State. She said, "I am glad to inform the House that in the light of the existing situation and in response to the repeated requests of the Government of Bangladesh, the Government of India has, after most careful consideration, decided to grant recognition to the Gonoprojatontri Bangladesh." Following this declaration Pakistan untied all ties with India and the Pakistan Election Commission suspended the by-polls in "East Pakistan" due to the start of the Indo-Pakistan war. The election had been scheduled to be held on December 7, 1971. On the same day Bhutan also gave recognition to Bangladesh.

It also marked the official secession of East Pakistan to become the new State of Bangladesh. This day and event are also commemorated across India as the "Vijay Diwas."

The surrender took place at the Ramna Race Course in Dhaka. Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, General Officer Commanding in Chief of India and Bangladesh Forces in the Eastern Theatre, also signed the instrument amid thousands of cheering crowds at the racecourse. Air Commodore A.K. Khandker Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Bangladesh Armed Forces and Lieutenant General J.F.R. Jacob of the Indian Eastern Command, acted as witnesses to the surrender. Also present were Vice Admiral Mohammad Shariff, Commander of the Pakistani Naval Eastern Command and Air Vice Marshal Patrick D. Callaghan of the Pakistan Air Forces Eastern Air Force Command.

It would be worthwhile for the readers to go through the text of the Instrument of Surrender: "The Pakistan Eastern Command agree to surrender all Pakistan Armed Forces in Bangla Desh to Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora, General Officer Commanding-in- Chief of the India and BanglaDesh joint forces in the Eastern Theatre. This surrender includes all Pakistan land, air and naval forces as also all para-military forces and civil armed forces. These forces will lay down their arms and surrender at the places where they are currently located to the nearest regular troops under the command of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora.

The Pakistan Eastern Command shall come under the orders of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora as soon as this instrument has been signed. Disobedience of orders will be regarded as a breach of the surrender terms and will be dealt with in accordance with the accepted laws and usages of war. The decision of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora will be final- should any doubt arise as to the meaning or interpretation of the surrender terms.

Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora gives a solemn assurance that personnel who surrender shall be treated with dignity and respect that soldiers are entitled to in accordance with the provisions of the Geneva Convention and guarantees the safety and well-being of all Pakistan military and para-military forces who surrender. Protection will be provided to foreign nationals, ethnic minorities and personnel of West Pakistan origin by the forces under the command of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora.

The Pakistani Instrument of Surrender was a legal document signed between India (alongside the Provisional Government of Bangladesh) and Pakistan to end the Bangladesh Liberation War and the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971. Consistent with the Trilateral Agreement, the Pakistani government surrendered the Armed Forces to Eastern Command, thereby enabling the establishment of the People's Republic of Bangladesh over the territory of East Pakistan. The document also corroborated the surrender of 93,000 Pakistani soldiers - the world's largest surrender in terms of number of personnel since World War II.

No reference to Bijoy Dibosh can be concluded without reference to the onslaught carried out by the Pakistan armed forces and their collaborators on the intelligentsia of Bangladesh during the Liberation War in 1971. Educationists, scientists, intellectuals, litterateurs, journalists, artists, lawyers, doctors, political leaders-- none could escape the cruel clutch of the Pakistani forces and their local collaborators. The list of those who were killed include: Professors- A.N.M. Munier Choudhury, Dr. G.C. Dev, Jyotirmoy Guha Thakurata, Ghiasuddin Ahmed; Journalists- Sirajuddin Hossain, Shahidulla Kaiser, A.N.M. Ghulam Mustafa, Abul Bashar, Selina Akhter; Physicians- Md. Fazle Rabbi, Abdul Alim Chowdhury, Mrs. Ayesha Bedoura Chowdhury, R.C. Das, Lt. Ziaur Rahman, Major Rezaur Rahman, Lt. Col. Jahangir, Asadul Haq and also Cultural persons like-Zahir Raihan, Ferdous Dowla, Altaf Mahmud and Dhirendra Nath Dutta,

Few nations have ever made so great a sacrifice in so short a time in terms of blood and loss of human lives. In this context one must also remember the colossal destruction wrought and the heavy damages caused to property. There are few parallels of this in history. Such instance of perpetrating inhuman torture on innocent and unarmed people, especially women, have rarely taken place in history.

However, the historic December 16 on which the country was delivered from tyrannical army rule, was forgotten for a time by the oppressed and downtrodden people through the success of the great victory. The Bangladeshis, on that day, saw their success as a step towards the creation of a Golden Bengal as dreamt by Bangabandhu.

In this regard, one also needs to recall how the Pakistan government tried to exterminate Bengali language and script. This design reached its culmination towards the early part of 1952. The intellectuals and students voiced their protest against each of the unjust moves that had been undertaken and expressed their resentment through strikes and demonstrations. The end result was that the soil of Bangladesh, was stained with blood on 21st February on the question of establishing their cultural rights.

With the liberation of Bangladesh on December 16, 1971, the country stepped into the next phase of her national life-- the struggle for survival, which can only be described as dramatic and challenging. In the few months that was to follow, Bangladesh had to coordinate herself into one compact unit to overcome the staggering problems that arose in the aftermath of 1971. Her first test came on the question of rehabilitation of the more than ten million refugees who had sought shelter in India during the period of turmoil. They had to be provided with ration and basic transportations to go back to where they belonged in the different areas of Bangladesh. Depleted granaries had to be replenished with overnight imports, and the disrupted communications network restored for flow of people and materials. Tools of production whether in the fields, factories or homestead had to be repaired and raw materials had to be contracted for, and rushed in to feed the productive efforts. Food and clothing had to be procured in bulk to meet the daily exigencies-- each one as serious as the other. Efforts were also undertaken to restore port facilities immediately, develop water transport, repair railway network and also civil aviation.

It is creditable that the newly constituted government in the newly independent country, took on the entire question of reconstruction and rehabilitation with complete sincerity. Despite overwhelming odds, we created a recovery programme that saved the entire population.

Muhammad Zamir, a former Ambassador, is an analyst specialised in foreign affairs, right to information and good governance.​

 

[Saif]

How our red and green came to be

The fluttering red and green never fails to inspire pride and joy.

www.thedailystar.net

How our red and green came to be

The fluttering red and green never fails to inspire pride and joy.

A crimson disc against a dark green background to signify our verdant plains and blazing sun, the national flag's meaning reaches much deeper than just the circle and rectangle on the surface.

The crimson is also to signify the blood of martyrs and the green, the vitality of our people.

Come every national celebration, there is a deluge of red and green that has come to represent Bangladesh.

The flag is a symbol of unity and patriotism, it is a symbol of defiance and resistance uniting the people in their fight against exploitation, injustice and discriminations.

The first flag, however, was slightly different than today's one: inside the crimson disc was a map of Bangladesh in the colour gold.

The history of this flag dates way back from the Liberation War. It was conceptualised, with green and gold, back in 1966, as those who designed it had a liberated Bangladesh on their mind.


HOW IT WAS CONCEIVED

The Agartala Conspiracy Case, which was framed by the Pakistan government in 1968 during the Ayub Khan regime, was filed against 35 people, including Awami League chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, some in-service and ex-service army personnel, and high government officials.

According to the charge sheet, Moazzem Hossain, a lieutenant commander of the Pakistan navy and number two accused in the case, convened a meeting at his Nasirabad Housing Society residence in Chattogram in June 1966. There, he showed the attendees a diary that contained some guidelines for the formation of the proposed independent country "Bangladesh".

The charge sheet also claimed a flag of green and gold was also shown at that meeting. (Agartala sharajantra mamla: prasangik dalilpatra by Shahida Begum)

That was the first known concept and primary draft of the flag.

A second draft was done by the students in 1970. It was done in one night.

The idea was generated by the Shadhin Bangla Nucleus, a secret organisation formed in 1962 that played a crucial role in taking the independence struggle to its zenith.

Chhatra League and Jatiyo Sramik Jote (National Workers Unity) decided to hold a reception for Sheikh Mujib at the Paltan Maidan on June 7, 1970. Chhatra League later decided to form a special force (Joy Bangla Bahini) and give Mujib a guard of honour. (Bangalir Jatio Rastro: Kazi Aref Ahmed)

Following the decision, the Nucleus gave its leader Kazi Aref Ahmed the responsibility to organise the guard of honour, and the then Dhaka University Central Students' Union vice president ASM Abdur Rab was made commander of the "Joy Bangla Bahini".

The Nucleus decided that a "battalion flag" would be presented to Mujib at the parade. The main responsibility for preparing that flag was then given to Kazi Aref Ahmed. (Swadhinata Soshostro Songram Ebong Agamir Bangladesh by Sirajul Alam Khan)

On the evening of June 6, a day before the parade, Kazi Aref informed student leaders Monirul Islam, Shahjahan Siraj and ASM Abdur Rab about the Nucleus's decision to make a flag. He spoke to them in room 116 of the then Iqbal Hall (now Shahid Sergeant Zahurul Huq Hall).

Aref further said this battalion flag would be the national flag of a liberated Bangladesh.

Monirul and Rab suggested the dark green background of the flag, while Siraj proposed adding the red.

Aref then drew a dark green flag with a red sun right at its centre and showed it to everyone. The Nucleus's high-command Sirajul Alam Khan endorsed the design.

The Pakistan government, meanwhile, was spreading a propaganda that there was a plot afoot to create "United States of Bengal". So, Aref then proposed adding a golden map of Bangladesh in the centre of the red sun.

As his reasoning, he said Pakistan often spread propaganda saying Bangladesh's logical movement was supported by or had the involvement of India or Indian infiltrators and agents.

The Pakistan administration used to distribute an imaginary map of "United States of Bengal", which contained India's West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura along with East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and Myanmar's Arakan. This was done to undermine the Bangalees' demand for autonomy.

To ensure the flag was protected from such propaganda, the map of Bangladesh was then placed on the red disc and the colour golden was chosen to signify jute and ripe paddy.

Once it was decided upon, Kamrul Alam Khan Khasru was sent to buy the fabric -- he picked out dark green and red fabric from one Apollo Shop in New Market.

He then had the flag sewn at Pak Fashion on the third floor of Balaka Building. A Pakistani tailor Abdul Khalek sewed the Bangladesh flag.

Once the green and red flag was sewn, the challenge was to paint the map of golden Bengal on it. Shib Narayan Das, a member of secret students' organisation Swadhin Bangla Biplobi Parishad, was called to Iqbal Hall for this purpose.

However, Shib Narayan said he could only colour the map but not draw it. Hasanul Haque Inu and Yusuf Salauddin Ahmed then went to Enamul Haque, a student of East Pakistan University of Engineering and Technology (now Buet), who drew the map of East Pakistan on tracing paper.

Shib Narayan then used a matchstick to trace the map and used golden paint to colour it in.

Thus, the design of the flag of a liberated Bangladesh was complete.

That very night, it was approved at a meeting in room 116 of Iqbal Hall and the next morning, Sheikh Mujib presented the "battalion flag" to the "Joy Bangla Bahini". Commander ASM Abdur Rab received it.

The process of making the flag involved 22 student leaders, who did the entire work in secrecy.

THE FIRST HOISTING

The flag was hoisted for the first time on March 2, 1971, by members of the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad, an alliance established in 1969 in Dhaka University.

It comprised the main student organisations, whose objective was to wage a movement for the autonomy of East Pakistan and putting an end to the autocratic rule of Ayub Khan.

On behalf of the students, DUCSU VP ASM Rab hoisted the flag at a rally called by the Parishad to protest General Yahya Khan's sudden postponement of the national assembly session scheduled for March 3.

The rally was conducted at Bot Tola but Rab hoisted the flag at the rooftop at the southwest side of the Fine Arts building to ensure it was high enough for all to see.

Recalling the memories of that day, ASM Rab told The Daily Star that he only discharged the historical duty as it was unanimous decision by the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad.

"There was no specific flag and anthem in any country before liberation. Bangladesh is a rare example where a decision was made finalising a flag and an anthem before the country was even liberated," he said, adding that hoisting the flag inspired freedom-loving students and people and sparked in them the hunger for liberation.

"We had no alternative to an armed revolution then, and hoisting the flag became the emblem of the patriotic spirit of the Bangalees."

On the Republic Day of Pakistan (March 23), the Joy Bangla Bahini burned the Pakistan flag and hoisted the red and green one in its stead.

The flag was later taken to Sheikh Mujib's Dhanmondi-32 residence and he hoisted it there.

The first post-liberation cabinet meeting was held on January 13, 1972. There, Bangabandhu, who chaired the meeting, adopted the first 10 lines of Rabindranath Tagore's "Amar Shonar Bangla" as the national anthem and Kazi Nazrul Islam's "Chol chol chol" as the national marching song.

It was there that the decision to drop the map from the flag was taken and later, Patua Kamrul Hasan gave the national flag its current look.

This flag, a red disc on a green background, then officially became the national flag when the first constitution of Bangladesh was drafted and adopted on November 4, 1972.​

 

[Saif]

The nation celebrates Victory Day

The nation today celebrated the 54th Victory Day, the most precious day of the nation, by paying glowing tributes to 1971 Liberation War martyrs and recalling the glorious history, the nation scripted 53 years back by freeing the soil from long subjugation.

www.thedailystar.net

The nation celebrates Victory Day

Photo: Star

The nation today celebrated the 54th Victory Day, the most precious day of the nation, by paying glowing tributes to 1971 Liberation War martyrs and recalling the glorious history, the nation scripted 53 years back by freeing the soil from long subjugation.

On December 16, 1971, Bangladesh was born as an independent state at the cost of the supreme sacrifices of three million people and the honour of nearly half a million women.

As she holds onto her balloon, this little girl’s smile and the sparkle in her eyes embodies the spirit of Victory Day. In red and green, she was out with her parents to celebrate the occassion in Dhaka’s Dhanmondi area yesterday. Photo: Prabir Das

Marking the day, President Mohammed Shahabuddin and Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus paid homage to the martyrs by placing wreaths at the National Memorial at Savar this morning.

The president laid the wreath at the altar of the National Memorial with the rise of the sun at 6:34am followed by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

He was accompanied by his Timor-Leste counterpart who also paid rich tributes to the martyrs by placing wreaths at the National Memorial.

A contingent drawn from the Bangladesh Army, Navy and Air Force presented the state salute on the occasion.

Injured valiant freedom fighters and their family members, advisers to the interim government, foreign diplomats, invited guests and high-ranking civil and military officials were present on the occasion.

After paying tributes to the war heroes, the president, also a valiant freedom fighter, exchanged greetings with the injured freedom fighters and their family members.

When the president and the chief adviser left the National Memorial premises, people of all strata were allowed to pay their tributes to the 1971 martyrs by placing wreaths.​

 

[Saif]

Contribution of Bir Shrestha will forever be remembered: president

It is the highest military award of Bangladesh which was awarded to seven freedom fighters who showed utmost bravery and died in action for their nation

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Contribution of Bir Shrestha will forever be remembered: president

Photo: PID

A grand reception was held for the family members of the Bir Shrestha (the most valiant heroes) at Bangabhaban this afternoon on the occasion of Victory Day.

It is the highest military award of Bangladesh which was awarded to seven freedom fighters who showed utmost bravery and died in action for their nation.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin extended his greetings to the members of the Bir Shrestha families on the occasion of Victory Day during the reception.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin and First Lady Dr Rebeka Sultana hosted the reception at Bangabhaban today, marking Bangladesh's 54th Victory Day.

"The contributions of Bir Shrestha in the great Liberation War will forever be remembered by the nation," said Shahabuddin.

The president exchanged greetings with the members of the Bir Shrestha families.

Liberation War Affairs Adviser and freedom fighter Bir Protik Faruk-e-Azam was present as a special guest at the ceremony.

Senior Secretary of the President's Office Nasimul Gani and Secretary to the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs Israt Chowdhury presented gifts to the members of the Bir Shrestha families at the event.

President's Military Secretary Maj Gen Mohammad Adil Choudhury and Press Secretary Joynal Abedin were also present.​

 

[Saif]

Our Victory Day and the questions of equality, justice, and human dignity

Bangladesh's hard-won independence, achieved through the Liberation War in 1971, remains the most defining political event in our history.

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Our Victory Day and the questions of equality, justice, and human dignity

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

My friend, this is the age-old story:
The people win the fight, the king is sung for victory.
—Kazi Nazrul Islam (translation mine)

Those who wax lyrical about and shed tears over oppression and injustice in the country and the world—while at the same time remaining silent about the questions of capital, empire, state, and class—may appear to be sympathetic to the oppressed, but they actually side with the oppressor and the unjust in the final instance.—Maulana Bhasani (translation mine)

Our Independence Day and Victory Day are organically interconnected, involving the historical vectors and valences that enacted the very becoming-and-being of Bangladesh as a distinct, sovereign state in the hardest political sense of the term. The Italian Marxist revolutionary Antonio Gramsci's famous formulation that "events are the real dialectics of history" aptly captures this relationship. Our Victory Day, celebrated on December 16, derives its significance from the Liberation War of 1971. It is impossible to contemplate the meaning of Victory Day without recognising its roots in the struggle to create an independent Bangladesh. In this reflection—both historical and conjunctural—I set aside the run-of-the-mill military details of the Pakistan army's surrender to explore broader, even unresolved questions surrounding independence and victory.

The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state followed a victory against the neo-colonial regime of Pakistan and its military oligarchy. This hard-won independence—achieved through the Liberation War—remains the most defining political event in our history. It created conditions, at least initially, for shaping a future free from colonial and neo-colonial domination. Bangladesh's liberation holds a singular place in South Asian history: unlike other nations in the region that achieved independence through ruling-class negotiations with colonial powers, Bangladesh was born of a bloody Liberation War, marked as it was by one of the most horrific genocides in human history.

This war was decisively a people's war, fought predominantly—if not exclusively—through guerrilla tactics and fuelled by the overwhelming participation of the poor. These men, women, and even children bore the brunt of the struggle, suffering the heaviest losses. Women—as freedom fighters—played a pivotal role at multiple levels, including those from ethnic minority communities whose contributions are often elided and erased in mainstream narratives dominated by our national ruling classes, particularly the Awami League. While middle-class Bangalee leaders figure flagrantly in these accounts, how many of us know freedom fighters like Kaket Heninchita, a courageous Khasia woman, or Princha Khen, a young Rakhine girl (just to cite two names, among many others)? What kind of victory did they achieve? What did the poor—who made up the majority of the fighters—truly gain, both then and now? These questions resonate while remaining urgent and unresolved on our Victory Day even today.

Yet, the history of Bangladesh has already been written in blood, even if it remains consigned to a massive blank in the narratives of those who claim the title of "historians" in the professional or disciplinary sense. Mainstream historians often unabashedly apotheosise their so-called "heroes," celebrated as extraordinary individuals; but there are other—and othered—historians and her-storians: peasants, workers, women, minorities, and the oppressed. These people not only make history but also keep it alive through the telling and retelling of their own stories of struggle, shared in solidarity with one another. Their voices challenge us to confront whose stories are remembered, whose victories are honoured, and whose sacrifices are forgotten.

Indeed, the Liberation War of Bangladesh was fought by both ordinary Bangalees and non-Bangalees at immense cost, driven by the hope of building a true "people's republic" predicated on the promises of equality, social justice, and human dignity—the three core principles enshrined in the Proclamation of Independence on April 10, 1971. However, immediately after independence, the middle-class leadership—including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the unparalleled leader of the Liberation War, despite being in jail at the time—perpetrated violence on the very core principles of our liberation movement that his own party initially endorsed. Freedom fighters from poor backgrounds were disarmed and sent back to poverty, while a state was constructed to serve the interests of the rising Bangalee bourgeoisie.

Moreover, it was none other than Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who—his historic contributions and stature notwithstanding—sowed the seeds of fascism (I'm fully aware of how the term "fascism" gets loosely used, but the term has its nationally and historically determinate register and resonance in Bangladesh) by establishing a one-party authoritarian rule. This move also created conditions for the extrajudicial killings—with some estimates pointing to at least 30,000 deaths—as already demonstrated in the superbly researched historiographical work of Badruddin Umar, among others.

Indeed, anti-people ruling-class politicians, their followers, and subservient intellectuals forged and mobilised a proto-fascist tradition of hero-worship and cult-fetishism in the name of Muktijuddher chetona (the spirit of the Liberation War). In doing so, they erased the poor majority from the history of the Liberation War, effectively excluding them from the political, economic, and cultural policies of the new state. Despite subsequent changes in government—whether civil or military—the ruling class has remained unchanged, perpetuating inequality, injustice, and indignity in stark contrast to the core principles of our independence movement. A poignant example is Nagendranath, a courageous freedom fighter from Moulvibazar, who was reduced to begging on the streets of post-independence Bangladesh. His plight singularly serves as a stark reminder of the betrayal faced by those who sacrificed everything for liberation. Indeed, the rise of proto-fascist political and cultural practices during the Mujib era laid the groundwork for the full-blown fascist regime of Sheikh Hasina to which, of course, the 2024 July Mass Movement was nothing short of a powerful response, among other things.

In fact, the July Mass Movement emerged as the largest uprising in the history of Bangladesh. Marked by the sacrifice of over 1,500 martyrs, the movement inaugurated an unprecedented moment in the country's history. For the first time, a politically unaffiliated, student-led mass movement toppled an entrenched fascist autocracy, forcing Sheikh Hasina to flee. This movement's own victory resided not only in its outcome but in its rejection of conventional leadership in favour of a decentralised, almost non-hierarchical model, attesting to the youthful creativity and determination of the students. This truth must be recognised, no matter how the current situation with the interim government appears. Also, the immediate victory of the July uprising was deeply rooted in 15 years of socio-political struggles—often unsuccessful—that, however, fostered discontent and rage—accompanied by political awareness—ultimately culminating in the movement that toppled Sheikh Hasina.

Moreover, a significant triumph of this movement lay in its challenge to the Awami League's fascist-style commodification and idolisation of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In its place, the movement advanced a people-centred narrative of the 1971 Liberation War, accentuating the stubborn historical fact that ordinary individuals—not singular idols—are the true protagonists of this historic struggle. The 2024 mass movement—in which I myself was a direct participant in July and August—repeatedly called attention to the three core principles of our Liberation Movement of 1971—equality, human dignity, and justice—principles erased and violated by the Awami regime but reclaimed through the students' platform. Furthermore, the uprising exemplarily deconstructed the Awami League's long-exploited identitarian binary of "freedom fighter" versus "razakar," revealing its manipulative, authoritarian, and vindictive deployment over decades.

Indeed, the July uprising was a powerful act of resistance against decades of systemic oppression and the betrayal of the Liberation War's core principles. It's not for nothing that the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement platform recurrently declared, "A new Bangladesh will be built through the student-citizen uprising—one where equality, justice, and human dignity will prevail. A political settlement will ensure that dictatorship and fascism can never return."

Let us not forget this ardent declaration amidst the current turmoil created by the remnants of Awami fascism in Bangladesh. To remember is to resist; forgetting is defeat—victory lives in memory! So, let's remember then, you and I, the blood of the July uprising—the children, the youth, the elders brutally killed in their fight against Hasina's fascist regime. Let us reject the divisive rhetoric—in fact, the blatant falsehood—that pits 1971 against 2024, recognising instead their shared battle cry for equality, justice, and human dignity. In the words of the African Marxist revolutionary Amilcar Cabral, "Claim no easy victory!"

Indeed, every progressive mass movement in human history is simultaneously incomplete and paradoxical: it's never entirely victorious, yet never fully vanquished. The struggle for justice persists; while, of course, there are attempts—both inside and outside the country—to discredit and even besmirch the hard-won gains of the July Mass Movement. And yet, a truth looms large and remains undeniable: there can be no justice without bringing Sheikh Hasina and her collaborators themselves to justice. Equally imperative is the creation of a comprehensive record of the martyrs and the injured—a testament to their sacrifice—and the extension of necessary support to them and their families. This, at the very least, is the demand of history and the duty of our collective conscience, I reckon.

Dr Azfar Hussain is director of the graduate programme in social innovation and professor of integrative/interdisciplinary studies at Grand Valley State University in Michigan, US. He is also a summer distinguished professor of English and Humanities at the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB) and vice-president of the US-based Global Center for Advanced Studies.​

 

[Saif]

Time to fulfil the dreams of 1971

This Victory Day, we must pledge to create a fair and just Bangladesh

www.thedailystar.net

Time to fulfil the dreams of 1971
This Victory Day, we must pledge to create a fair and just Bangladesh

Victory Day marks one of the brightest moments in our history—a time to honour the sacrifices of our freedom fighters, martyred intellectuals, and countless brave men, women, and children who contributed in various ways to liberate this country from decades of oppression under the Pakistani regime. It is a day of gratitude and reflection, reminding us of the resilience of our people and inspiring a vision of a stronger, united Bangladesh. This year's Victory Day is particularly special, as, after 15 years of authoritarian rule by the Awami League, we now stand in a free country following the student-led mass uprising that led to the regime's ouster. This moment presents an opportunity to correct the wrongs of the past and begin anew, building a Bangladesh founded on the principles of equity, justice, the rule of law, and human rights.

Unfortunately, in the 53 years since our victory on December 16, 1971, Bangladesh has yet to become a successful democracy. While the country has held four free and fair elections under caretaker governments, the elected administrations have largely failed to fulfil the people's aspirations. Over the past 15 years of Awami League rule, the situation deteriorated further. The economic condition worsened, and people's freedom of expression and right to dissent were suppressed through draconian laws like the Cyber Security Act (recently repealed). With the interim government taking charge after the fall of Sheikh Hasina's administration on August 5, there is renewed hope that the long-unfulfilled dreams of 1971 can finally be realised. On this Victory Day, we must pledge to overcome divisions and unite in our efforts to make Bangladesh a success story on the world stage.

To achieve this, we must address the major challenges currently facing the country. Stabilising the economy is an urgent priority. According to a government-commissioned white paper, an estimated $234 billion was syphoned out of Bangladesh between 2009 and 2023 during the Awami League's tenure. Recovering this stolen money is essential to revitalise the economy. Additionally, the lower- and lower-middle-income groups are struggling due to rising inflation, necessitating immediate government action. Another critical issue is the high unemployment rate, which must be addressed promptly.

Moreover, the government must work to improve the living standards of workers, especially those in the ready-made garment sector, who form the backbone of our economy. Ensuring the rights of marginalised groups is equally important. Environmental protection must also be prioritised, with a particular focus on improving air quality, which has become a significant concern for public health recently. These are just some of the key priorities that demand immediate attention.

Let this Victory Day be a moment for reflection, recalibration, and decisive action to guide our nation in the right direction.​

 

[Saif]

Dec 17: Freedom came a day later in Khulna

While Bangladesh officially emerged as an independent nation on December 16, 1971, the people of Khulna tasted freedom on December 17, when freedom fighters finally took control of the city after fierce battles.

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Dec 17: Freedom came a day later in Khulna

While Bangladesh officially emerged as an independent nation on December 16, 1971, the people of Khulna tasted freedom on December 17, when freedom fighters finally took control of the city after fierce battles.

Despite the Pakistani forces' surrender in Dhaka, Khulna remained under siege, with Pakistani troops and their collaborators, including Razakar, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams, holding a firm grip on the city.

"Jamaat-e-Islami leader AKM Yusuf, who led the Peace Committee in Khulna, established the Razakar force at an Ansar camp on Khan Jahan Ali Road in the city," said Alamgir Kabir, a freedom fighter. This gave the occupying forces a stranglehold on Khulna, leading to mass killings, destruction, and relentless repression.

In response, the Mukti Bahini launched guerrilla attacks to weaken enemy forces and disrupt their supply chains. Between December 11 and 16, freedom fighters captured several camps of the Pakistani army and their collaborators, including those in Gallamari, Badamtala, and Chuknagar. However, major camps in Khulna city, such as those in Shiromoni, Khulna Shipyard, and PMG Colony, remained under enemy control.

On December 17, freedom fighters entered Khulna city through multiple routes, including Gallamari, Rupsha Ghat, and Crescent Jute Mill, targeting remaining strongholds.

"This day evokes mixed emotions for the people of Khulna," said SM Babar Ali, 75, a freedom fighter and former lawmaker. "There was joy over Bangladesh's independence but despair knowing Khulna was still not free."

Freedom fighters, led by Major Joynul Abedin, launched attacks in Gallamari on the night of December 16 and early December 17, dispersing enemy forces.

"Two significant battles in Shiromoni and Khulna Shipyard ensured the city's liberation," added Babar Ali.

Alamgir Kabir recalled the intense battle in Shiromoni, where Pakistani forces had deployed several regiments supported by six tanks.

"Local support was crucial in this tank battle, which has since become a case study at military academies like Dehradun and Sandhurst," said Kabir. Eventually, 200 Pakistani soldiers surrendered with their weapons, while collaborators fled.

In another battle at Khulna Shipyard, freedom fighters overcame an ambush by the Pakistani forces. One fighter was martyred, and 16 others were injured.

After seizing control of Khulna, the freedom fighters hoisted the flag of independent Bangladesh at Khulna Circuit House and Shaheed Hadis Park. Major (retd) Joynul Abedin and Gazi Rahmatulla Dadu raised the flag at the Circuit House at around 10:30am.

Later, Sector-9 commander MA Jalil handed over several hundred prisoners of war, including Pakistani commander Brig Hayat Ali Khan, to General Dalbir Singh of the Indian forces in Khalishpur.

Khulna's liberation stands as a testament to the resilience and bravery of the freedom fighters and the local people who refused to surrender their dream of independence.​

 

[Saif]

Military Power, Youthful Passion, Moral Resilience: A journey from 1971 to 2024

IN THE quiet spaces between history and memory, where the weight of time presses heavily, there are forces unseen but deeply felt. Military might, cold and calculating, intertwines with the raw, untainted zeal of youth, pulsing with the hope of a future unshackled. From the dust and blood of...

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Military Power, Youthful Passion, Moral Resilience: A journey from 1971 to 2024
Abdul Monaiem Kudrot Ullah 16 December, 2024, 00:00

Tens of thousands people celebrate the fall of the autocratic Awami league regime on August 5. | New Age/ Md Saurav

IN THE quiet spaces between history and memory, where the weight of time presses heavily, there are forces unseen but deeply felt. Military might, cold and calculating, intertwines with the raw, untainted zeal of youth, pulsing with the hope of a future unshackled. From the dust and blood of 1971 to the turbulent echoes of 2024, the struggle for sovereignty unfolds — a tale of leadership carved in moments of quiet rebellion, of resilience rooted in the hearts of those who dare to dream.

In my early days as a naval officer, we often found solace in the cinematic retellings of Mutiny on the Bounty. The different versions of the story — be it from 1935, 1962 or 1984 — captured the human drama aboard the HMS Bounty in 1789. The tale of Captain Bligh and Fletcher Christian mirrored not just the historical rebellion but the eternal cycle of authority and resistance. Bligh, a figure of tyranny, embodied the systemic cruelty of empires built on exploitation, while Christian, initially complicit, ultimately rebelled. This duality — the oppressor and the complicit enforcer — is one that history often repeats.

Bligh’s authoritarian streak and Christian’s subsequent mutiny were not simply individual failures but reflections of broader institutional collapse. Christian’s rebellion, though initially heroic, ended in exile, serving as a poignant reminder that rebellion without systemic change often turns into retreat rather than true emancipation. This struggle between power, resistance and moral complicity reverberates in the events of 1971 and 2024.

In 1971, Bengali military officers like Ziaur Rahman, Shafiullah, and Khaled Musharrof found themselves facing a similar dilemma. As members of the Pakistan Army, they had to decide whether to comply with an oppressive regime or defy it in the name of justice. Their decision to align with the Bengali people marked a turning point in the liberation struggle — a struggle marked by leadership under immense pressure. The decision was fraught with moral complexity, as the officers risked everything for a cause that seemed insurmountable.

In 2024, the echoes of this conflict were once again heard, as a student-led uprising against corruption and authoritarianism gripped the nation. The military, initially deployed to suppress the dissent, found itself at the crossroads of moral duty and institutional obedience. At first, the army chief seemed resolute in supporting the regime, echoing Bligh’s unwavering command. But then, a pivotal moment of conscience arrived. Just as Fletcher Christian rescued Bligh’s boat, the army chief chose restraint, refusing to fire upon the people. His statement, “Ami sob dayitto nicchi” (“I take full responsibility”), was a profound rebuke to the regime that had grown deaf to the voices of its citizens.

The parallels between the events of 1971 and the July-August 2024 uprising are striking. Both periods saw the convergence of military power, political discontent and the fervent spirit of students and people. The leadership dynamics in both eras underscore the role of moral courage in the face of institutional collapse. The 1971 Liberation War, shaped by political missteps, military actions and the unyielding will of the Bengali people, teaches us lessons on the resilience needed to confront injustice.

As we reflect on these moments, we recognise that history is never linear. It is fluid, shifting with the collective will of a people determined to break free from oppression. Whether in 1971 or 2024, the struggles of Bangladesh are shaped by the interplay of military might, youthful rebellion and the moral dilemmas of leadership — a reminder that even in times of darkness, the unseen hands of change are often the ones that reshape the future.

Prelude to crisis: unravelling of governance

THE story of resistance — whether in the distant drumbeats of 1971 or the sharp, searing cries of 2024 — is a tale of systematic exclusion, a suffocation so slow it feels like the tightening of a noose. In the years before Bangladesh’s liberation, East Pakistan was relegated to the periphery — a colony within a nation. It was stripped of its voice, dignity and dreams, bled dry by a West Pakistani elite whose arrogance reduced the vibrant heart of Bengal to a mere appendage.

Oppression bred defiance. As early as 1964, Lieutenant Commander Moazzem Hossain began organising an armed mutiny, inspiring Bengali personnel in the armed forces to rally behind the cause of independence. His actions symbolised the growing discontent within the Bengali ranks of Pakistan’s military. By the late 1960s, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani’s fiery rhetoric and mass mobilisation amplified the call for self-rule, while the Six-Point Program of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League transformed decades of suffering into a powerful manifesto for autonomy. These forces coalesced into a tidal wave of resistance, culminating in the liberation war of 1971.

This war was marked by early acts of defiance in places like Chittagong and Kushtia, where military and civilian resistance to Pakistan’s brutal crackdown demonstrated the resilience of the Bengali people. In Chittagong, Bengali military personnel, with the support of local fighters, disrupted Pakistani supply lines and seized key installations. Kushtia became another symbol of defiance, with pitched battles between the Mukti Bahini and Pakistani forces, showcasing the spirit of rebellion that would define the liberation struggle.

Yet history, it seems, has a cruel sense of irony. Fast forward to 2024, and the echoes of the neglect that once fuelled the independence struggle reverberated in an independent Bangladesh. The Awami League had become synonymous with the entrenchment of power. Rigged elections in 2014, 2018 and 2024 fractured democracy, turning institutions into tools of control and squandering public trust. The opposition, led by Begum Khaleda Zia’s BNP, consistently branded the government as “Oboidho Sarkar” (illegal government), deepening its legitimacy crisis. By 2024, a generation of disillusioned youth, disconnected and desperate, stood at the brink of rebellion. Their frustration echoed past struggles, driven by the same sense of betrayal and exclusion.

Escalation: repression and military dissent

REPRESSION, a tragic hallmark of resistance movements, often becomes the catalyst for their intensification. In 1971, Pakistan’s military launched Operation Searchlight, a brutal crackdown aimed at silencing dissent but inadvertently galvanising the Mukti Bahini into action. Similarly, in 2024, the Hasina regime employed censorship, surveillance and violence to suppress mounting unrest. However, these tactics only stoked the fires of rebellion. The deaths of activists like Abu Sayeed in Rangpur and Sajedul in Chattogram became powerful symbols of resistance, their sacrifices rallying a fragmented opposition into a more cohesive movement.

The leadership of student coordinators played a pivotal role, effectively mobilising protests and coordinating decentralised grassroots efforts. Their actions turned scattered anger into organised uprisings. Protests erupted in key cities like Chattogram and Rangpur, evoking the spirit of the liberation struggle. In Chattogram, student activists clashed fiercely with security forces, reclaiming streets and galvanising national attention. In Rangpur, inspired by the sacrifices of their predecessors, a new generation of rebels defied government forces with a fervour reminiscent of the battles of 1971.

This was not the first time dissent had roared with such ferocity, threatening to shake the foundations of power. In 2014, the BNP-led opposition orchestrated a nationwide rebellion of sorts, a storm of protests that ground government activities to a halt. Streets were ablaze with anger, offices shuttered and the machinery of governance faltered under the weight of mass resistance. Yet Sheikh Hasina’s government stood resolute, bolstered by a state apparatus primed to crush any semblance of defiance. The question whispered in the smoky alleys of Dhaka was chilling: What if General Iqbal Karim Bhuiyan had acted differently? A military chief with moral clarity might have changed the course of history.

But history, as it often does, repeated itself. In 2018, the flames of resistance flickered again, but once more, they were extinguished by the unyielding hand of power. General Aziz Ahmed, the man who could have tipped the scales, chose instead to toe the regime’s line. And in 2024, as the spectre of yet another sham election loomed, the nation found itself abandoned again. General Shafiuddin, his actions eerily reminiscent of the darkest days of Tikka Khan and Niazi, stood steadfastly loyal to the very machinery of oppression that had long strangled the voice of the people.

The betrayal was palpable. With every passing day, hope seeped away, not just from the streets but from the collective psyche of a nation. The military — once viewed as a potential arbiter of justice in the face of political chaos — was now a spectre of complicity, its silence deafening, its allegiance clear. To many, Hasina’s government had become the consequence of the military’s original sin — a tainted birthright that left the nation tethered to the very oppression it had fought so valiantly to escape decades ago. The people no longer looked to the barracks for salvation. They knew now, bitterly, that their battle was theirs alone.

After the grim triumph of conducting yet another voterless election, a strange and sinister reality began to unfold. The government machinery — bloated with its newfound sense of invincibility — saw itself not merely as servants of the state but as kingmakers. Bureaucrats, long accustomed to servility, now strutted about with the hubris of conquerors. But beneath this facade of power lay an unsettling truth: society had turned its back on them.

In the neighbourhoods and schools of the regime’s enforcers, a quiet rebellion simmered. Children of government employees were teased, humiliated and ostracised by their peers. Families, once proud of their connections to the military or bureaucracy, now hid those links, even in schools operated by the armed forces. The social fabric, taut and frayed, was beginning to tear. A profession once cloaked in honour had become a badge of shame.

Within the military, the discomfort was sharper, more visceral. Orders to suppress unarmed civilians hung heavy in the air, the weight of bloodshed pressing down on younger officers. For many, the echoes of 1971 grew louder with each passing day — the same pangs of conscience, the same gnawing doubts. Back then, men like Ziaur Rahman, Shafiullah and Khaled Musharraf had chosen defiance over complicity, abandoning their posts in the Pakistani military to join the fight for liberation. Their decisions had been dangerous, reckless even — but profoundly human.

Now, in 2024, those same cracks began to reappear. Quiet conversations in mess halls turned into whispered doubts about the morality of their mission. The ranks swelled with men and women questioning their roles, haunted by the faces of those they had been ordered to subjugate. The machinery of the state, once invincible in its brutality, seemed to wobble under the weight of its own sins. History, it seemed, had come full circle, offering yet another reckoning. Whether this reckoning would lead to redemption or collapse, no one yet dared to predict. But the seeds of dissent had been planted, and they were growing fast.

Legacy of defiance: unending struggle for justice

THE tale of Bangladesh is one of relentless struggle, a saga etched in the annals of history. The 1971 liberation war and the 2024 uprising, though separated by decades, share a common thread: the unwavering spirit of resistance against oppression.

The 2024 uprising marked a pivotal moment in Bangladesh’s history. The military, once a tool of repression, became an instrument of change. General Waker’s courageous decision to defy orders and side with the people was a testament to the enduring power of conscience. This act of defiance, echoing the bravery of the 1971 military officers who defected to join the Mukti Bahini, shattered the illusion of the regime’s invincibility.

However, as history has often shown, the aftermath of revolution is rarely straightforward. The collapse of the regime created a power vacuum, a fertile ground for the seeds of extremism. The nation, once united in its struggle for independence, now faced the challenge of rebuilding itself amidst a backdrop of political instability and social unrest.

The military, once again, found itself at a crossroads. It had the opportunity to shape the future of the nation, to ensure that the sacrifices of the past were not in vain. The legacy of the 1971 war, a legacy of courage, sacrifice and unwavering commitment to the cause of freedom, must continue to inspire future generations.

As Bangladesh embarks on a new chapter, it must learn from the mistakes of the past. The pursuit of justice and democracy is a relentless struggle, requiring unwavering commitment and eternal vigilance. The nation must strive to build a society based on equality, social justice and the rule of law.

The story of Bangladesh is a testament to the enduring power of the human spirit. It is a reminder that even in the darkest of times, the flame of hope can never be extinguished.

Abdul Monaiem Kudrot Ullah is a retired Captain of Bangladesh Navy.​