100 Days of the Prime Minister: A message of responsibility, discipline and inspiration

Shahadat Shadhin


Prime Minister Tarique Rahman speaks at a meeting on easing traffic congestion in the capital

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman speaks at a meeting on easing traffic congestion in the capitalPress Wing
Bangladesh has embarked on a fresh journey after the struggle against 17 years of prolonged fascist rule, the July mass uprising, the departure of fascism at the cost of thousands of lives, the awakening of democracy in Bangladesh through the 12 February 12, and the revival of a vibrant parliament. At the helm is Prime Minister Tarique Rahman. Though he is new as prime minister, he is not new to politics. From his teenage years into youth, he traveled across the fields and villages of this country, reaching out and connecting with the people.

In his first 100 days as prime minister, Tarique Rahman has delivered and continues to deliver a message of action. He is working day and night to build a Bangladesh replete with human values. He is tirelessly working to fulfill every electoral promise. His groundbreaking initiatives, such as the Family Card and Farmer Card, are examples of that commitment. He is proving to be a visionary and compassionate leader. Initiatives like canal excavation and tree plantation are highly important in addressing climate change. In a small yet densely populated country like ours, no development can be sustainable without taking climate and the environment into account.

He has initiated the Padma Barrage Project and has also made commitments regarding the Teesta Project. He is a sensitive leader who takes the concerns of common people seriously. He regularly reads the newspapers, talks to the reporters, learns the details, and takes action accordingly. He wants to build a country that belongs to everyone.

Lee Kuan Yew inspired the entire nation to lift Singapore out of post-colonial uncertainty and poverty into economic stability. Nelson Mandela worked to build an inclusive state in post-apartheid South Africa instead of pursuing revenge. After World War II, Shigeru Yoshida led Japan’s economic recovery. Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman assumed responsibility during a critical period for the nation, laid the foundations of the country’s economy and industrial policy, united the entire nation, and created inspiration.

This is how leaders inspire nations. Tarique Rahman too works tirelessly round the clock and is also generating inspiration at home and abroad, within the government, parliament, schools and colleges, and among the youth. The prime minister is motivating young entrepreneurs. He has encouraged the disabled in innovations to boost confidence.

At an event organised for the Police Week, he said: “We all buy flats or land thinking about our children’s secure future. Let us also think about building a safe country for our children’s future.” If the country is safe, the safety of everyone’s children is ensured as well. He sees the country as one large family.

Complaints about not finding officials in government offices on time are longstanding. Since taking office, the prime minister himself has been arriving at the office at 9 am every day. This is having a positive impact across government offices throughout the country. He follows traffic laws himself, which encourages citizens to obey them as well. It is also sending a strong message to the traffic department to maintain discipline and to various branches of the government to establish order.

He is placing significant emphasis on creating employment opportunities for young people. He listens to the youth and thinks about their concerns. During a visit to Dhaka University, he sat with common students. He said, “I am sitting in front of the future of Bangladesh.” This reflects how he values young people.

Political tolerance, family values, refined cultural practices, patriotism, discipline, coordination, and dedication, are qualities we must cultivate to build the nation. Only then will the prime minister’s “I Have a Plan” vision be fully realised.
We have moved beyond a culture of fear. That is why the prime minister wants to hear everyone’s opinions and questions, not scripted ones. It is important to be a good listener while sitting in the prime minister’s chair. The prime minister has met with editors and publishers. Even before assuming office, he exchanged views with journalists. No one’s political ideology was considered a factor there.

The prime minister has emphasised restoring a culture of political tolerance. There will always be differences of opinion in politics; in fact, agreeing to disagree is essential. Unfortunately, for a long time our nation was deliberately divided on various issues. Although the mass uprising of 2024 emerged through a united national struggle, many unfortunately attempted after 5 August to pit 1971 against 2024. Here, Tarique Rahman and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) played a responsible role.

Tarique Rahman said, “1971 was our struggle to achieve independence, while 2024 was our struggle to protect that independence.” Through this, he freed the nation from unnecessary division and futile arguments and delivered a message of national unity: there may be differences of opinion in democracy, but not division. Immediately after the election, the prime minister visited the homes of Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman and NCP Convener Nahid Islam.

A strong parliament is essential for an effective and stable democracy. The BNP government is emphasising keeping parliament vibrant and turning it into the central hub of national discussion. According to the proposal in the July Charter, BNP wanted to give the position of deputy speaker to the opposition. To address the energy crisis, an all-party committee was formed with five members each from the ruling and opposition parties. If an opposition member of parliament falls ill, the prime minister personally visits them. As part of political goodwill, he has also attended iftar gatherings hosted by the opposition.

He is reminding us of the importance of personal and family values. When the prime minister meets schoolchildren, he not only encourages them to study textbooks but also tells them to play sports, reduce mobile phone use, and read fiction too. The prime minister is encouraging a culture of reading books.

Political tolerance, family values, refined cultural practices, patriotism, discipline, coordination, and dedication, are qualities we must cultivate to build the nation. Only then will the prime minister’s “I Have a Plan” vision be fully realised.

* Shahadat Swadhin is Deputy Press Secretary to the Prime Minister​

100 days of the BNP government

Bangladesh is still trapped in a cycle of injustice

Anu Muhammad

During the Hasina government, one of the biggest sources of public anger was the widespread abuse and repression faced by ordinary people at every level of society, from university campuses to roadside hawkers. Alongside this were countless incidents of enforced disappearance, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, and the use of state power to suppress dissent. The judiciary was effectively brought under political control, leaving courts largely dysfunctional. Many people were detained without trial, while injustice and repression became deeply entrenched.

Public outrage against these abuses eventually erupted through the 2024 mass uprising. One of the central expectations of that movement was that such injustice would no longer continue. People hoped that minimum human rights would be ensured, citizens would feel secure in their lives, criminals would face justice, and innocent people would no longer become victims of state repression.

However, after the political transition and the arrival of the interim government, some of those expectations went largely unfulfilled. Instead, many people witnessed a continuation of injustice. Mob violence spread, while shrines, temples, cultural events, Baul gatherings, sculptures, and Liberation War murals came under repeated attack. Yet, the administration repeatedly failed to prevent these incidents. Even after attacks on institutions such as Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, Chhayanaut, and Udichi, no meaningful action was taken against those who incited or organised the violence.

There have been instances where draconian or vaguely-worded laws such as the Anti-Terrorism Act have been used to justify arbitrary arrests and detentions of individuals involved in democratic and political activism.

In February 2026, an elected government came to power. People expected this government to totally break this cycle of injustice. But the early signs so far haven’t been very encouraging. There have been instances where draconian or vaguely-worded laws such as the Anti-Terrorism Act have been used to justify arbitrary arrests and detentions of individuals involved in democratic and political activism. Early in March, three university students were arrested under the Anti-Terrorism Act simply for using their democratic rights to honour a historic event. Although they were assaulted by other students for playing the March 7 speech on loudspeakers, they were accused under anti-terror laws. One of them was released on bail a few days ago, while others remain in detention.

The situation is similar for more than 50 Bawm community members, including women and children, who have been detained during the Awami League regime. Many see this prolonged detention—more than two years now—as an attempt to criminalise an entire ethnic group. Even the non-political interim government did not carry out any proper investigation or present any explanation for their detention. There has been no meaningful progress in these cases even under the new government. In other words, arbitrary detention without due process and arrests under false and fabricated cases continue to occur.

Several widely discussed murder and rape cases from the Hasina era also remain unresolved. One of them was the killing of teenager Twaki, who was abducted, brutally tortured, and murdered. The family of the then MP Shamim Osman was accused in the case. Although the trial had progressed significantly, it reportedly stalled after intervention by then-prime minister Sheikh Hasina. During the interim government, the case did not move forward, and even now, there is little visible effort to revive it. Similarly, the case of the murder of journalist couple Sagar and Runi, which happened more than a decade ago, continues to drag on through repeated delays, turning the judicial process into what many describe as a farce.

Another highly discussed case involved the rape and death of a young woman named Munia. There, too, no progress is evident that would ensure justice. Despite the prominence of these cases from the Hasina era, neither the interim administration nor the current government has taken substantial steps to ensure accountability. Apart from limited developments in the case of Tonu, another victim, the others remain largely stagnant.

Ensuring citizens’ rights, including freedom of expression, the right to work, and personal security, sits at the core of democracy. Yet a culture of fear still lingers; cyberbullying and threats of mob violence are being used to suppress critical voices.

At the same time, there seems to have been a rise in violent crimes and murders. Violence against women and children has also risen sharply, particularly child abuse. A number of incidents of sexual violence in educational institutions, including madrasas, have been reported in recent weeks, yet there has been little visible effort to ensure accountability or to make anti-sexual harassment policies mandatory in such institutions.

During the interim government’s rule, Liberation War murals and sculptures were vandalised in many places. Although identifying those responsible for the vandalism would not be difficult, no effective action has been taken against them. There has also been little effort to restore the damaged murals and sculptures.

Ensuring citizens’ rights, including freedom of expression, the right to work, and personal security, sits at the core of democracy. Yet a culture of fear still lingers; cyberbullying and threats of mob violence are being used to suppress critical voices. Lack of transparency and weak accountability in different institutions continue to surface. Land grabbing, deforestation, river encroachment, and extortion also continue. In many of these cases, people still do not receive justice.

Parliament has debated many issues in recent months, but urgent matters such as insecurity, judicial reform, resolving long-pending cases, ensuring safety and discipline in educational institutions, and establishing responsible leadership have not received adequate attention.

There are also concerns about Bangladesh’s position in international trade and strategic issues. There is strong evidence to believe that the US trade agreement signed by the interim government—without public consultation, and just three days before the February election—puts the country’s economy under serious risk and threatens the employment of millions. Also, the agreement restricts Bangladesh’s economic and political independence, giving excessive leverage to the Trump administration over the country’s sovereign decisions. If not significantly changed, this agreement is going to be a major source of injustice for millions of farmers, poultry and fisheries entrepreneurs, pharmaceuticals, IT workers and so on. The lack of engagement of all parties in parliament on this issue is a serious matter of concern.


Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) chairman Tarique Rahman takes oath as prime minister during a swearing-in ceremony at the National Parliament building in Dhaka on February 17, 2026. Photo: AFP

Another major issue is border killings. India is not only depriving Bangladesh of its water rights, but it also continues to carry out border killings. Early on May 14, one Bangladeshi, Khademul Haque, was shot dead by India’s Border Security Force (BSF) at the Amjhol border in Hatibandha upazila of Lalmonirhat, while two others were killed along the Pathariadwar border in Kasba upazila of Brahmanbaria on May 8. Previous governments were often criticised for not raising this issue with India strongly. It is expected that BNP would take a stronger position to ensure the safety of our citizens. So far, however, that strength has not been visible yet.

The expectation from the incumbent government, having emerged from an uprising, is naturally greater. Fundamental human rights, sovereign authority over national policy decisions, political freedom, freedom of expression, security of life, and access to justice must all be ensured. It is the responsibility of the administration to be adequately responsive to public concerns related to these. We do not want to witness continuing failures of citizens’ rights and the cycle of injustice.

Anu Muhammad is former professor of economics at Jahangirnagar University.​

First 100 days of BNP govt: MoFA's lacklustre performance

Mir Mostafizur Rahaman

Published :
Jun 01, 2026 23:51
Updated :
Jun 01, 2026 23:51



The first 100 days of a government are often treated as a symbolic milestone rather than a definitive measure of success or failure. No administration can be fairly judged on the basis of three months alone, particularly in a country where many of the most pressing challenges have accumulated over years, if not decades. Diplomacy, moreover, is a field where results often take time to materialise. Negotiations are painstaking, relationships require nurturing and breakthroughs rarely occur overnight.

Yet the first 100 days matter because they reveal priorities, energy and direction. They offer a glimpse into how a government intends to govern and whether it possesses the urgency required to address national challenges. One hundred days may be only one-fifteenth of a five-year tenure, but as the old saying reminds us, morning shows the day.

Viewed through that lens, the performance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) under the BNP-led government of Prime Minister Tarique Rahman has not been particularly encouraging.

The appointment of Dr Khalilur Rahman as foreign minister was among the earliest surprises of the new administration. A technocrat with a long diplomatic career and a distinguished record in international affairs, he previously served as national security adviser to the Yunus-led interim government. His appointment reportedly caught even some senior BNP leaders off guard, leading to speculation that the government intended to place professional expertise above partisan considerations in managing foreign relations.

Initially, the decision was welcomed by many observers. Bangladesh faces a complicated international environment, and a seasoned diplomat seemed well placed to navigate it. Expectations were therefore high that the foreign ministry would quickly embark on an energetic diplomatic agenda aimed at strengthening bilateral relations, expanding economic opportunities and advancing Bangladesh's strategic interests.

Those expectations, however, have yet to be met.

Since assuming office, the foreign minister has devoted considerable time and energy to his campaign for the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly. Securing such a prestigious international position would undoubtedly be a diplomatic achievement and could enhance Bangladesh's visibility on the global stage. There is nothing inherently wrong with pursuing that objective.

The problem lies in the perception that the campaign has overshadowed more immediate foreign policy priorities. The effort has required extensive travel and engagement with governments across different continents. As a result, the minister has spent much of his time abroad, leaving relatively limited space for focused attention on issues that directly affect Bangladesh's national interests.

In his absence, much of the ministry's day-to-day diplomatic engagement has fallen on State Minister for Foreign Affairs Shama Obaid. By most accounts, she has worked actively, meeting ambassadors, engaging foreign diplomats and representing Bangladesh in various forums. Yet diplomacy ultimately requires leadership from the top. Routine meetings and protocol engagements cannot be a substitute for strategic direction and policy initiatives.

Perhaps the clearest illustration of the ministry's underwhelming performance is the lack of progress with Bangladesh's two most important neighbours and partners: India and China.

The foreign minister visited both countries during the first 100 days. Yet no major initiative emerged from either visit. No significant agreements were announced. No breakthroughs were achieved. No new framework for engagement was unveiled.

Most strikingly, Dr Khalilur Rahman himself described his visit to India as a courtesy call.

That description may have been diplomatically accurate, but it also highlighted a deeper concern. Bangladesh's relationship with India is burdened by numerous unresolved issues that require sustained and proactive engagement. Water-sharing disputes remain unsettled. Border management continues to generate tensions. The construction of border fencing remains contentious. Trade imbalances persist. Concerns regarding push-ins and cross-border incidents frequently surface. Connectivity, investment and energy cooperation all require continuous diplomatic attention.

Given the importance of India to Bangladesh's economic and strategic interests, many expected the new government to launch a fresh effort to address these longstanding concerns. Yet the first 100 days have produced little evidence of such an initiative.

The same can be said about relations with China. As Bangladesh's largest development partner and a major source of infrastructure financing, China occupies a central place in Dhaka's foreign policy calculations. Yet beyond routine exchanges, there has been little indication that the government has articulated a new strategy for engaging Beijing or balancing its relations among competing global powers.

The government's handling of the Rohingya crisis is equally troubling.

Nearly a decade after the mass displacement of Rohingyas from Myanmar, Bangladesh continues to shoulder an enormous humanitarian burden. More than one million refugees remain in camps in Cox's Bazar and Bhasan Char. The financial, environmental and security implications of hosting such a large population are immense.

Despite the urgency of the issue, the foreign ministry appears to have adopted a largely passive posture. There has been no visible diplomatic offensive to mobilise international pressure, engage key stakeholders or revive momentum for repatriation. The issue rarely appears at the centre of the government's foreign policy discourse. Such passivity risks allowing the international community's attention to drift elsewhere while Bangladesh continues to bear the costs.

The ministry's approach to economic diplomacy also raises questions.

There has been some movement regarding the reciprocal trade agreement with the United States. However, the current administration appears to be largely following a process inherited from the previous interim government. There has been little public discussion about whether the agreement adequately safeguards Bangladesh's long-term economic interests or whether adjustments might be necessary in light of changing circumstances.

Government officials argue that revisiting an international agreement after it has been negotiated or signed is difficult and often impractical. That argument has merit. Nevertheless, citizens have a legitimate expectation that a newly elected government will conduct its own assessment of major international commitments rather than merely continuing policies adopted by its predecessor.

Another episode that attracted public attention was the government's response to the US-Israeli military action against Iran. The statement generated significant debate and criticism, with many questioning both its tone and substance. Regardless of one's position on the issue, the controversy exposed a broader problem: the perception that Bangladesh's foreign policy messaging lacks consistency and strategic clarity.

Foreign policy is not only about negotiations and agreements. It is also about communicating a coherent national position to domestic and international audiences. Mixed signals can create confusion and undermine credibility.

To be fair, diplomacy is often conducted behind closed doors. Governments rarely reveal the full extent of their negotiations. Important initiatives may be underway without attracting public attention. Some achievements become visible only after months of patient work.

For that reason, it would be premature to conclude that the foreign ministry has failed.

However, it is equally difficult to identify a signature achievement, a major breakthrough or a compelling strategic vision emerging from the first 100 days. The overall impression is not one of momentum but of inertia.

This is particularly worrying because Bangladesh today faces an increasingly complex international environment. Strategic competition among major powers is intensifying. Global trade patterns are shifting. Climate diplomacy is becoming more consequential. Regional security challenges are evolving. Energy security, migration and technological transformation are reshaping the international order.

In such circumstances, Bangladesh requires a foreign ministry that is active, innovative and forward-looking. It needs a diplomatic establishment capable of anticipating challenges rather than merely reacting to them. It needs leadership that can translate opportunities into tangible gains for the country.

The good news is that 100 days do not determine the fate of a government. There is still ample time for correction, recalibration and renewed focus. The administration can still energise relations with key partners, revive efforts on Rohingya repatriation, pursue solutions to longstanding disputes and develop a coherent strategy for navigating an increasingly uncertain world.

But the warning signs from the first 100 days should not be ignored. Bangladesh cannot afford a foreign policy defined by passivity at a time of profound geopolitical change. A dynamic and vibrant foreign ministry is not simply desirable; it is essential for safeguarding national interests.

The sooner the government recognises this reality and injects greater urgency into its diplomatic efforts, the better prepared Bangladesh will be for the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead.​

A tough journey starts, mired in controversies

Finance minister inherited a ruptured economy. Now comes the harder part -- fixing it

Rejaul Karim Byron



The new government’s finance minister got off to a controversial beginning almost immediately after taking office, with the abrupt departure of Bangladesh Bank Governor Ahsan H Mansur setting an uncomfortable tone.

During the interim government’s tenure, the then-governor had initiated several significant reforms to rescue Bangladesh’s badly damaged banking sector. But he was removed in such a way that shocked economists and observers.

Mansur reportedly learned he was no longer governor from a television news ticker despite having met with the finance minister just the day before, when he was given no hint whatsoever of what was coming. People close to him say that even a small signal would have been enough for him to resign gracefully and leave on his own terms.

Addressing the issues will be a major challenge because he [finance minister] has inherited an economy characterised by high inflation, muted investment, and a subdued private sector response----Mustafizur Rahman, CPD distinguished fellow.

No one disputes that a government returning to power after two decades with a strong mandate has every right to decide who occupies the most important post in the financial sector. But the process of the governor’s removal was a bad signal that severely undermined institutional governance.

“The way it was handled completely ignored the autonomy of the Bangladesh Bank. There is a specific process for removal, and for an appointment, there should be a search committee, a shortlist, and interviews. Instead, someone was appointed within two hours without following any rules or regulations,” said Zahid Hussain, former lead economist at the World Bank’s Dhaka office.

A second controversy followed shortly after. A clause inserted into the Bank Resolution Act drew sharp criticism both inside and outside parliament. Originally introduced during the interim administration as an ordinance, it was among a small number of measures the new government chose to hold back from enactment for further review. When it was eventually passed into law, the new provision, section 18A, was added.

Opposition parties criticised the provision in parliament, and economists condemned it as a significant legislative slippage. Even the World Bank and the IMF recommended its repeal. According to sources at the finance ministry, removal of the clause was also included as a condition attached to budget support. The government is now reported to be considering an amendment to the law.

Another major challenge for Finance Minister Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has been navigating the IMF’s $5.5 billion loan programme -- and the conditions that come with it. Last November, the IMF suspended the sixth tranche, waiting for a newly elected government.

When the new government took office, it found itself facing a double bind: an urgent need for funds, and a set of reform conditions.

Opening a path out of this stalemate, the government will now exit the existing programme and start negotiations for a fresh deal. This breakthrough would give the minister some immediate relief and help keep the door open for budget support from other development partners.

“The finance minister has had to face new challenges, such as the rise in fuel prices and the need to secure foreign loans for that without relying too heavily on foreign exchange reserves. He had to tackle these issues, and he has done so reasonably well, even though it required taking unpopular steps like increasing fuel prices,” said Mustafizur Rahman, distinguished fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue.

Any fair assessment of the finance minister’s first 100 days must carry an honest account of what he inherited. Inflation had been running above 9 percent since March 2023. It dipped briefly after the new government took office and then rose to 9.42 percent in May, the highest in 16 months. Ordinary people have been squeezed for months between stagnant incomes and persistently high prices.

The finance minister’s tools to bring inflation down are limited: monetary policy and fiscal policy. There is pressure to cut the policy rate to stimulate investment, but no such move has been made yet. On the fiscal side, austerity measures have been taken for the second time in the current financial year. Officials at the finance ministry argue that Bangladesh’s inflation is more driven by supply chain distortions than in most comparable economies, making it harder to tame through conventional tools alone. No visible relief is yet in sight.

Investment, meanwhile, has been stagnant for several years. Public investment depends heavily on ADP implementation, which had already fallen behind during the interim period -- and continues to lag. Private sector credit growth fell below 5 percent in March. The investment drought stretching over three years shows no sign of breaking. Many had hoped the arrival of a newly elected government would end the paralysis; the ongoing distress in the banking sector and the spillover effects of the Middle East conflict appear to be preventing that.

“His first major task will be how the budget is formulated; specifically, how he presents the financing strategy, determines the government’s priorities, handles sector allocations, and manages deficit financing. Addressing these issues will be a major challenge because he has inherited an economy characterised by high inflation, muted investment, and a subdued private sector response,” Mustafizur said.

While Bangladesh’s external economy is stabilising, with steady forex reserves, stable exchange rates, and strong remittances, crucial domestic reforms are lagging. Overhauls of the banking sector, the NBR, and the stock market remain slow. “They have started working on these, yes, but our hope is that these efforts proceed with more speed,” Mustafizur said.

In this fraught landscape, Bangladesh Bank made a striking announcement just before Eid-ul-Azha: a Tk 60,000 crore stimulus package, the largest since the Covid-19 relief programmes, to revive a private sector that has been losing ground for years.

The stimulus package can be read as the government’s most forceful attempt yet to break that deadlock. Whether it succeeds will depend on questions that remain unanswered: whether banks will participate meaningfully, whether closed factories can actually be revived, and whether the injection of money into a supply-constrained economy drives growth or simply drives up prices.

The package may be well-intentioned, but critics argue it has not been sufficiently evaluated against alternatives, and that controlling inflation should remain the top priority. Additional stimulus may push prices up faster than it increases output, particularly if supply-side constraints remain unresolved.

One of the bright spots in the government’s development agenda is the launch of the Family Card programme, which could prove significant for low-income households affected by months of high prices if it is implemented effectively. Alongside direct targeted relief, the administration’s vocal emphasis on cutting red tape offers a potential structural upside.

“The finance minister has been championing the need for deregulation, especially simplifying and automating regulatory processes to reduce the cost of doing business. This is long overdue, and we hope he will deliver a time-bound roadmap for deregulation in the forthcoming budget,” said Zahid Hussain.

But even the most optimistic reading of the government’s first 100 days runs into a hard external constraint. The shadow of the Middle East conflict hangs over all of this -- a source of serious concern, by the finance minister’s own admission, and a key reason why he has repeatedly said that a visible economic recovery is unlikely within the next two years.​

‘A strong Bangladesh needs social cohesion and a shared vision beyond politics’

Porimol Palma



Outgoing UNDP Resident Representative Stefan Liller has been in Bangladesh for the last four years. In an interview with Porimol Palma of The Daily Star, he talks about Bangladesh’s political transition, development trajectory, and renewed aspirations for reform.


What is your overall impression of Bangladesh as you complete your tenure?

The UNDP has been present in Bangladesh since its independence, and our work has evolved alongside the country’s needs. Initially, our focus was on rehabilitation and institution-building, which has now evolved to climate action, digital transformation, governance, and economic development.

As time passed, we saw a growing sense of concern regarding civic space, accountability, and governance. These tensions eventually culminated in the July uprising and subsequent political transition. The aspirations expressed by young people were incorporated into the interim government’s reform agenda, and at its request, the UNDP provided support in areas such as electoral reform, judicial reform, and anti-corruption initiatives. Over the past two years, we have worked closely with national institutions to advance these reforms.

How is the reform drive progressing?

There has been meaningful progress, particularly in governance-related areas. We have seen advances in judicial independence and efforts to improve efficiency within the justice system. Work is also underway to strengthen institutions such as the National Human Rights Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission, and to promote merit-based recruitment within the civil service.

What is particularly encouraging is the strong public demand for accountability and fairness, especially among young people. Through the consensus-building process, political parties demonstrated support for a number of core governance reforms. However, responsibility for carrying these reforms forward now rests with the elected government, which must determine how best to institutionalise and sustain them.

The government is busy dealing with immediate crises rather than pursuing deeper reforms. Also, poverty and inequality are on the rise. How should these priorities be balanced?

Bangladesh’s development story over the last four decades or so has been remarkable. The country became a global example of how poverty reduction and economic growth can be achieved despite significant challenges. However, recent years have been difficult. The effects of the Covid-19 pandemic, global inflation, supply chain disruptions, and rising fuel prices have created a challenging environment. Economic growth slowed, inflation increased, and many vulnerable households have faced additional pressures.

The government is, therefore, dealing with a “perfect storm” of economic and social challenges. Issues such as food security, energy supply, and inflation understandably require immediate attention. Addressing these urgent concerns, however, does not mean abandoning long-term reforms. Rather, governments must pursue both tracks simultaneously. Initiatives such as digital support systems for farmers demonstrate how immediate challenges can be addressed while also laying the groundwork for longer-term transformation.

Bangladesh is currently preparing for LDC graduation (regardless of any deferment) while development assistance is declining. How can the country navigate this transition?

Bangladesh is graduating from the Least Developed Country (LDC) status because of its success, and that should be recognised as a major achievement. However, graduation also presents new challenges. As preferential trade benefits gradually decline, Bangladeshi products will face increased competition in international markets. This means the private sector must become more productive, innovative, and diversified. Competing solely on low costs will no longer be sufficient. The government has already developed a smooth transition strategy, which is encouraging. The risk lies in not implementing these preparations effectively and quickly enough.

At the same time, development assistance globally has declined significantly. Funding reductions have affected sectors such as climate adaptation, health, and development cooperation. For Bangladesh to sustain its progress, domestic resource mobilisation will become increasingly important. The country’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains among the lowest in the world, limiting the government’s ability to invest in critical sectors such as health, education, and social protection. Greater private investment, stronger regional trade partnerships, and increased economic diversification will be essential to future growth.

Youth unemployment remains a serious concern. What solutions do you see?

The challenge is not simply creating jobs, but creating decent, productive, and sustainable jobs. A significant proportion of university graduates remain unemployed, while a large share of the economy continues to operate informally. The private sector must remain the primary engine of job creation. To support this, Bangladesh needs policies that encourage entrepreneurship, attract foreign investment, and reduce unnecessary barriers to business. At the same time, there is currently a clear mismatch between the skills many graduates possess and the skills employers require. Closing this gap requires substantial investment in education, training, and lifelong learning.

How can the international community continue supporting Bangladesh if aid is declining?

International cooperation remains important, even as funding levels change. Our role is not simply to provide financial resources but also to share global experience, technical expertise, and innovative solutions. Ultimately, neither the UN nor the government can create jobs on their own. Sustainable employment comes from a vibrant private sector operating within a supportive policy environment. Our role is to help governments strengthen institutions and create conditions that enable inclusive growth.

Bangladesh is highly vulnerable to climate change, yet climate finance remains inadequate. Why?

Bangladesh contributes less than one percent of global greenhouse gas emissions, yet it is among the countries most exposed to climate impacts. During my travels across the country, particularly in coastal districts such as Satkhira, I have witnessed first-hand how climate change is affecting livelihoods, homes, and entire communities. The financing gap remains enormous. Bangladesh is already investing billions of dollars in adaptation measures, but the scale of future needs is much greater. Closing this gap will require a combination of international climate finance, private investment, green financing instruments, and innovative blended-finance mechanisms.

Is there any realistic prospect of Rohingya repatriation in the near future?

The people of Bangladesh have shown remarkable generosity in hosting the Rohingya population. However, the burden on local communities, particularly in Cox’s Bazar, remains substantial. Unfortunately, funding reductions and ongoing instability in Myanmar have made the situation even more difficult. The only durable solution remains a political one that allows for safe, voluntary, and dignified repatriation.

In the meantime, the international community must continue sharing responsibility. Development efforts should focus not only on refugees but also on the wider host communities. Investments in infrastructure, climate resilience, education, and livelihoods can benefit the entire district while reducing pressure on local resources.

What would you recommend as you leave Bangladesh?

Continue pursuing reforms while promoting inclusion, transparency, and sustainability. A strong and prosperous Bangladesh will require social cohesion and a shared national vision that extends beyond political cycles. The country has enormous potential. If people can come together around common goals, Bangladesh’s future will be very bright.​