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G Bangladesh Defense

Former BTRC top officials accused of Tk 90.1 billion telecom forgery

FE ONLINE REPORT
Published :
Dec 03, 2025 18:48
Updated :
Dec 03, 2025 18:48

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A group of former senior officials of the Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC) have been accused of causing a staggering Tk 90.1 billion loss to the state through deliberate misuse of power, illegal decisions, and revenue manipulation in favour of private International Gateway (IGW) operators.

According to an official briefing, six former BTRC executives—former chairmen Sunil Kanti Bose and Dr Shahjahan Mahmud, former vice chairman Brig Gen (Retd) Md Ahsan Habib Khan, and former commissioners Md Jahurul Haque, Md Rezaul Kader, and Md Aminul Hasan—have been named in a corruption and money laundering case approved by the authorities.

The plaintiff in the case and the investigation officer is Md Jalal Uddin Ahmed, Director of the ACC’s Khulna Divisional Office.

The Anti Corruption Commission (ACC) investigators said the alleged financial forgery took place between October 2015 and January 2018, during which these officials continued a set of “temporary and experimental” call termination rates and revenue-sharing arrangements long after their legal expiry.

In 2014, IGW operators were allowed to bring international incoming calls at a discounted and experimental termination rate of US$ 0.015 per minute, replacing the standard rate of $ 0.03.

Similarly, the government’s revenue share was lowered from 51.75 per cent to 40per cent, while IGW operators’ share was raised from 13.25 per cent to 20 per cent for a trial period of one year.

However, instead of restoring the original rates after September 2015, the accused officials illegally extended the lower rates for another 28 months, without any approval from the government, violating the Telecommunication Act, guidelines, and government directives.

Officials say these decisions were taken with “dishonest intent,” benefitting IGW operators at the expense of the national exchequer.

As a result, the government incurred losses in three major areas those include revenue sharing loss worth Tk 3.83 billion; allowing IGW operators to continue importing calls at a reduced rate led to an additional loss of Tk 29.41 billion while failing to ensure that the government-set call rates were applied to incoming international calls, Bangladesh was deprived of approximately US$ 72.1 million, equivalent to Tk 56.85 billion.

Altogether, the total damage stands at Tk 90.1 billion, marking one of the largest alleged financial frauds involving a regulatory body in recent years.

Authorities said the former officials abused their regulatory powers to favour private operators, amounting to “criminal breach of trust and misuse of authority.” The case has been approved under Sections 409 and 418 of the Penal Code, Section 5(2) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1947, and Sections 4(2) and 4(3) of the Anti-Money Laundering Act 2012.

Legal experts say the scale of financial damage makes the case highly significant, with the possibility of further investigations into whether any IGW owners colluded with the accused.

Officials said further action will be taken after completing the investigation and identifying all beneficiaries involved in the alleged forgery.​
 
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The link between power and the magic wand of wealth
Badiul Alam Majumdar
Published: 07 Dec 2025, 19: 38

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It is now almost certain that in the first half of February next year, the 13th National Parliament and the Constitution Reform Council elections will be held. At the same time, a referendum will take place on several important reforms included in the July National Charter. For a large portion of citizens, this is undoubtedly good news. However, many remain concerned about who will form the next Parliament and the Constitution Reform Council. There is also apprehension that the upcoming Parliament or Reform Council may include numerous controversial figures who could use power as a 'magic wand' to acquire wealth.

Our past experiences are not reassuring. As an example, consider a previous instance. Many readers may recall that in June 2008, elections were held for four old city corporations—Barishal, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet. For the first time, candidates were required to submit affidavits along with their nomination papers, detailing their educational qualifications, profession, sources of income, past and present legal cases, and the assets and liabilities of both themselves and their dependents. This was made mandatory following persistent efforts by “Shujan—Citizens for Good Governance” and under the guidance of the High Court. The purpose of submitting and publishing these details was to empower voters with information so they could make informed choices and vote for honest and qualified candidates.

In all these elections, candidates nominated by the Awami League were victorious—Shawkat Hossain Hiron in Barishal, Talukdar Abdul Khalek in Khulna, AHM Khairuzzaman Liton in Rajshahi, and Badruddin Ahmed Kamran in Sylhet. Candidates nominated by the BNP were defeated: Ahsan Habib Kamal in Barishal, Md Moniruzzaman in Khulna, Mohammad Mosaddek Hossain in Rajshahi, and Salauddin Rimon in Sylhet.

Five years later, on 15 June 2013, elections were held again in these city corporations. All candidates nominated by the BNP and Awami League in 2008 contested again in 2013, although in Sylhet, the BNP nominated Ariful Haque Chowdhury. In the 2013 elections, all BNP-nominated candidates won. Once again, candidates were required to submit seven types of information through affidavits along with their nomination papers.
From the information submitted with the nomination papers, it is evident that all eight mayoral candidates—both winners and losers in the two elections—were businessmen. However, Talukdar Abdul Khalek became a businessman only after being elected; in his 2008 affidavit, he had listed his profession as “currently no business.”

The affidavit data further shows that the incomes of all four outgoing mayors and their dependents increased significantly during their time in office. In Khulna, Talukdar Abdul Khalek and his dependents’ income rose from Tk 3,62,000 to Tk 5,32,66,977, an increase of 14,615 per cent. In Barishal, Shawkat Hossain Hiron and his dependents’ income increased from Tk 5,80,250 to Tk 3,49,11,030, or 5,916 per cent.

In Rajshahi, AHM Khairuzzaman Liton and his dependents’ income rose from Tk 2,44,000 to Tk 57,75,772, or 2,308 per cent. In Sylhet, Badruddin Ahmed Kamran and his dependents’ income rose from Tk 2,10,000 to Tk 15,49,988, or 638 per cent—the relatively lower increase is because his personal income received as ‘honourarium’ was not declared in the affidavit. Overall, the average income of the four mayors and their dependents rose from Tk 3,49,063 to Tk 2,39,00,981, or 6,747 per cent.

On the other hand, among the three main candidates who were defeated in the 2008 elections, two saw an increase in income along with their dependents, while one saw a decrease. In Barishal, Ahsan Habib Kamal’s income increased from Tk 7,08,000 in 2008 to Tk 9,30,000 in 2013, or 31 per cent. In Khulna, Md Moniruzzaman’s income decreased from Tk 8,36,000 to Tk 2,00,000, a drop of 76 per cent. In Rajshahi, Mosaddek Hossain’s income increased from Tk 1,68,000 to Tk 1,92,000, or 14 per cent. Collectively, the income of these three defeated mayoral candidates fell by 23 per cent over five years. This indicates a correlation between election victory and income growth.

Looking at assets, the same trend is observed. The immovable and movable assets of Barishal Mayor Shawkat Hossain Hiron and his dependents increased from Tk 2,08,53,26 to Tk 10,94,39,150, a 5,148 per cent rise over five years. Khulna’s Talukdar Abdul Khalek’s assets rose from Tk 1,85,97,550 to Tk 10,08,41,292, or 442 per cent.

In Rajshahi, Khairuzzaman Liton’s assets grew from Tk 96,75,000 to Tk 1,94,47,198, a 133 per cent increase. Sylhet’s Kamran’s assets rose from Tk 2,14,78,290 to Tk 5,00,62,624, also a 133 per cent increase. The total assets of the four outgoing mayors and their dependents increased from Tk 1,29,59,041 to Tk 6,99,47,566, or 440 per cent. It is worth noting that the outgoing mayors had relatively low liabilities, which contributed to the large increase in their net assets.

The affidavit data shows that among the three main candidates who were defeated in the 2008 elections, the assets of two and their dependents increased, while one saw a decrease. In Barishal, Ahsan Habib Kamal’s assets decreased from Tk 1,04,11,650 in 2008 to Tk 27,73,000 in 2013, a decline of 73 per cent. In Khulna, Moniruzzaman’s assets rose from Tk 16,13,100 to Tk 30,55,537, an increase of 89 per cent.

Rajshahi, Mosaddek Hossain’s assets increased from Tk 1,68,000 to Tk 1,92,000, or 14 per cent. Overall, over five years, the total assets of the mayoral candidates and their dependents who were defeated in 2007 in the three cities—Khulna, Barishal, and Rajshahi—declined by 41 per cent. This indicates that asset growth is closely linked to electoral victory. It is noteworthy that in the 15 June 2013 elections, all outgoing mayors were defeated, while the three candidates who lost in 2008 were elected. Additionally, Ariful Haque Chowdhury won in Sylhet.

Political parties must undertake reforms, particularly ensuring transparency in candidate selection, ending nomination-related trade and undue financial influence
This analysis makes it clear that there is a significant correlation between political power and the accumulation of income and assets, although questions remain regarding the reliability of the information provided by competing candidates. Winning candidates assumed office and this power acted like a “magic wand,” enabling them and their dependents to substantially increase their income and assets. In contrast, the defeated candidates did not benefit similarly. This raises an important question—has our politics, which is meant to serve as a means of public service, increasingly become a profitable business? Does it create opportunities for individuals to acquire personal wealth rather than serve the public?

Furthermore, more recent affidavit data from parliamentary election candidates clearly illustrates the link between power and asset accumulation, which will be discussed in a subsequent article. This underscores the urgent need to establish new frameworks of transparency and accountability for elected representatives.

At the same time, political parties must undertake reforms, particularly ensuring transparency in candidate selection, ending nomination-related trade and undue financial influence. It is also crucial for the Election Commission to revise the affidavit forms provided to candidates and rigorously verify the completeness and reliability of the information submitted. Some changes to the affidavit forms have already been implemented.

* Dr. Badiul Alam Majumdar is secretary of Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik-SHUJAN (Citizens for Good Governance).​
 
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Extortion, corruption continue riding on lack of govt will

THE remark by the chief of Transparency International Bangladesh that the interim government has failed to put checks on corruption, land grabbing and extortion is worrying. The executive director of the anti-corruption agency has also said that various groups are engaged in partisan activities, land grabbing and extortion by abusing political and administrative powers, noting that corruption has occurred even within the government, which is concerning. The situation calls on the government authorities to put in greater efforts to deal with such issues that harm democratic governance and stand as a barrier to a society free of corruption. The agency chief has said that there was an opportunity during the tenure of the interim government to take a strong stand against corruption and there is no denying that the government has failed in this regard. The chief, who headed the anti-corruption reforms commission set up on October 3, 2024, which submitted its recommendations to the government on January 15, made the remarks at a press conference at which he recommended the inclusion of a set of 52 issues in the manifestos of political parties aimed at ensuring steps against corruption.

Transparency International Bangladesh also called on political parties to make public their positions on the use of money, muscle and religion in politics and to spell out their commitments in their manifestos in view of the next general election, scheduled for February. He made the call, noting that the debris of corruption that has accumulated over 54 years, especially during the past decade and a half when the authoritarian Awami League governed the country, cannot be cleared overnight. He has hoped that political parties would seize the opportunity that arose after the overthrow of the Awami League government, which changed the political landscape and would largely shape future outcomes. The issues will ultimately fall on political parties after the general elections. But the interim government has failed to show the will to stop menaces such as corruption, extortion and land grabbing. Leaders and activists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party have largely been blamed, and rightly so, for such incidents. The BNP leadership has punished many of its leaders and activists and asked the police to arrest anyone involved in such incidents. Yet the situation has not improved much because of the lack of will on part of the government. Leaders and activists of some other political parties are also reported to have been engaged in such menaces, but the finger has almost always been pointed at the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which has, rightly, made the headlines time and again for such misdeeds.

It is, therefore, time that the interim government acted decisively to stop corruption, extortion, land grabbing and the abuse of political and administrative powers without regard to the political affiliation of the offenders.​
 
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Finance adviser attributes rise in millionaire bank accounts to ‘hidden money’

bdnews24.com
Published :
Dec 09, 2025 21:48
Updated :
Dec 09, 2025 21:48

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Finance Adviser Salehuddin Ahmed has said the Bangladesh Bank’s report showing a rise in millionaire bank accounts is due to “money hidden at home for a long time” now being deposited.

He made these comments after a meeting of the Advisery Council Committee on Government Procurement at the Secretariat on Tuesday.

His remarks follow a report published on Sunday, which noted an increase of 5,974 millionaire bank accounts in the second quarter and a further 734 in the third quarter of this year.

On why the number of millionaire bank accounts is surging despite expectations of reduced corruption, he said: “This could be because money that was hidden away inside homes for a long time is now being deposited in banks. It is not that people have no money.”

Salehuddin said other government work, including procurement, will continue even after the schedule is announced. However, work that “influences” the election will be stopped.

“Five banks will merge, nine NBFIs (leasing companies) will merge. Those will not be stopped.”​
 

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TIB finds misappropriation of Tk 2,926.88cr
25 December, 2025, 00:07

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The country incurred extra expenditure of about Tk 2,926.88 crore because of about 1.5 times higher than the actual cost of power generation from solar plants, according to a study conducted by the Transparency International Bangladesh, an anti-corruption watchdog.

The study report was launched at an event at the TIB office in the capital Dhaka on Wednesday.

The study titled ‘Generating Power from Renewable Energy in Bangladesh: Governance Challenges and Way Forward’ showed that while Tk 8 crore a megawatt was required for solar power projects according to the Bangladesh Power Development Board, but the six projects under the study had an average estimated cost of Tk 13.8 crore a megawatt.

This means Tk 2,926.88 crore of state resources were wasted through inflated cost estimates, said TIB executive director Iftekharuzzaman at the report unveiling event.

To a query, he said that the study period was limited to the power purchase deals signed by the Awami League regime before being ousted on August 5, 2004, in the wake of a mass uprising.

The Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provision) Act, 2010, which was misused by the AL regime to sign inflated power purchase agreements on political consideration, was scrapped by the interim government that assumed power on August 8, 2024.

Some 37 renewable energy projects out of total 42 power plants approved by the AL were cancelled by the interim government.

The AL failed to implement the Bangladesh’s Renewable Energy Policy 2008, as the target of getting 10 per cent total electricity from renewable sources by 2020 was missed for too much emphasis on costly fossil fuels.

Bangladesh’s current electricity installed capacity, comprising contributions from both on-grid and off-grid sources, is 28,616.48 megawatts, of which only 1,314.70MW or four per cent come from renewable energy sources.

In the past month, the government approved a dozen solar power plants through competitive biddings.

Iftekharuzzaman said that they would examine the current projects in the future studies.

Responding to a question, the TIB executive director said that the reform initiatives by the interim government since the ouster of the AL regime on the state affairs should not be compared with the reforms in the power and energy sector.

It will take more than two to three years to mend the damage made during the AL regime to the crucial sector, he said.

The average electricity tariff of the selected renewable energy projects in this study is $0.124 per kWh.

In comparison, the average tariff in the neighbouring countries is significantly lower — $0.03 in India, $0.032 in Pakistan and $0.045 in China.

Thus, the tariff in Bangladesh is nearly four times higher than in these countries.

The report highlighted that the interests of the fossil fuel lobby were being protected by marginalising renewable energy in the energy sector’s master plans, resulting in the failure to realise the vast potential of renewable energy.

The TIB has proposed 15 recommendations to address the existing institutional and policy challenges and build a sustainable and transparent energy system.

The recommendations include immediate cancelation of the existing fossil fuel-dependent energy master plan and implementing a new master plan based on the principles of reducing fossil fuel use and increasing the share of renewable energy in the energy mix.

Formulation of a realistic road map for power generation from renewable sources with uniform targets in all existing policies, including the Renewable Energy Policy 2025, has also been suggested.

Besides, amendment to the Power Act 2018 to provide a legal basis for power generation from renewable energy and providing clear instructions on the transmission, supply, and distribution of generated power through national or alternative grids is among the recommendations.

TIB energy governance coordinator Newazul Moula and assistant coordinator Ashna Islam presented the report.​
 
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Corruption threatens clean energy drive
TIB study on solar power projects raises concerns

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The transition to clean energy has emerged as an urgent priority for Bangladesh, yet it is disheartening to learn of rampant corruption and exploitation within the sector. A recent Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) study has revealed that around TK 250 crore has been siphoned off through corruption in land acquisition and compensation in five solar projects, with irregularities spanning every stage from approval to completion. The study also highlights a significant gap between official cost estimates and actual spending.

These projects were designed to deliver affordable clean power and are already in operation. Landowners interviewed for the study alleged that coercive measures were used to pressure them to sell land at dismally low prices, and in some cases, they did not receive their promised compensation at all. Another six projects examined by the TIB show that their combined cost was Tk 6,970 crore, far above the Tk 4,043 crore that would have been expected as per the Bangladesh Power Development Board's estimate of the average costs of setting up solar plants. In other words, about Tk 2,926 crore was overestimated compared to actual costs. Alarmingly, the study has found that the average electricity tariff of these projects is about $0.124 per kilowatt-hour, which is significantly higher than tariffs in our neighbouring countries.

According to the TIB, a syndicate of plant officials, local land registration officials, union and upazila land office staff, middlemen, local public representatives, and even members of parliament were involved in the corruption. From the outset, vested interest groups exerted influence over policymaking and strategy formulation. The same networks reappeared during land acquisition and environmental clearance, leading to coordinated manipulation of compensation, leasing arrangements, and approval processes.

Such story of corruption during Awami League's tenure is widely known, but its impact on the renewable energy sector should particularly alarm policymakers. Renewables now account for about five percent of total generation capacity, with solar contributing more than 80 percent of that share. Solar remains a largely untapped resource to this day. Experts note that diversifying our solar approaches—such as floating photovoltaics, agrivoltaics, and advanced PV technologies—can expand capacity without displacing farmers or inflating costs, which can also address a lot of the irregularities identified by the study.

The interim government has set ambitious targets to raise the share of renewables to 20 percent by 2030 and 30 percent by 2041. But intention or initiation alone cannot deliver results. Current and future authorities must ensure proper execution as well. Land acquisition processes must be transparent, project costs must be subjected to timely review, and tariffs must be determined fairly. The promise of solar power will only be real if it meets proper planning and execution.​
 
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White-paper authors delve deep into rot at heart
Corruption corrodes ICT-powered knowledge economy


Ismail Hossain
Published :
Jan 06, 2026 23:45
Updated :
Jan 06, 2026 23:45

sector steeped in misdealing sending billions of fast bucks into pockets of a small group of politically and commercially favoured firms.

Such unholy practice happened in the fastest-growing knowledge economy as licensing decisions taken during the Awami League government between 2009 and 2024 favoured these cronies, leading to market concentration, regulatory distortions and potential losses of public revenue running into billions of taka, the findings show.

At the centre of the findings is Summit Communications Limited, which the white-paper authors describe as a prime example of how multiple licences across adjacent layers of the telecoms value chain were clustered among a "favoured few", undermining policy neutrality and fair competition.

The post-uprising government Monday published the white paper on the telecommunications sector, outlining corruption, irregularities, administrative weaknesses, and structural problems over the past 15 years.

The document was prepared by a taskforce formed in April last year with the approval from the chief adviser of the interim government to review and analyse allegations of corruption and misconduct within the posts and telecommunications ministry.

It reveals that licences concentrated across the value chain, resulting in the malpractices. A limited number of corporate groups "accumulated multiple high-value licences -- often spanning upstream and downstream infrastructure -- allowing them to consolidate market power in ways that policy didn't originally envisage".

"Summit Communications alone holds licences for Nationwide Telecommunication Transmission Network (NTTN), Submarine Cable Systems and Services, International Terrestrial Cable (ITC), International Internet Gateway (IIG), Interconnection Exchange (ICX) and tower sharing, placing it across nearly every critical layer of Bangladesh's digital backbone," the white paper reads.

Other companies identified as part of this "favoured few" include Fiber@Home Limited (NTTN, ITC, IIG), Novocom Limited (ITC, IIG, IGW), 1Asia Communication Limited (ITC, IIG, IGW), BDLink Communication Limited (ITC, IIG), and Mango Teleservices Limited (ITC, IIG, ICX, IGW).

The white-paper authors argue that such clustering of licences -- many of them adjacent in the value chain -- converted regulatory policy into "de facto cronyism, allowing select firms to dominate essential facilities while crowding out competitors".

Summit equity restructuring raises red flags. The most detailed case study in the white paper concerns Summit Communications' equity restructuring, which it says exposed procedural inconsistencies, valuation concerns and regulatory flip-flops with significant implications for state revenue and governance.

The transaction involved the issuance of 142,088,136 new shares at Tk 12 per share, amounting to Tk 1.70 billion, dramatically altering Summit's ownership structure.

Following the issuance, Global Energies (UAE) acquired roughly 49 percent, Sequoia Infra Tech (Mauritius) about 21 percent, while the chairman's direct holding fell from an estimated 95 percent to around 25 percent. The company's CEO retained a smaller stake.

Given Summit's control over a substantial portion of the national fibre backbone, the white paper notes, the restructuring amounted to a "de facto change of control", even though it was formally characterised as a new share issuance rather than a transfer of existing shares.

A major issue flagged in the report is the handling of the 5.5 percent share-transfer fee prescribed under a Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC) circular issued in November 2021.

In June 2024, BTRC's legal adviser opined that the issuance of new shares did not constitute a "transfer" and therefore fell outside the scope of the fee. On that basis, the transaction was initially allowed to proceed without any levy, despite its control-altering impact.

Following the political transition in August 2024, the regulator reversed its position and demanded the fee. Summit subsequently reported paying around Tk 100 million.

The white paper describes this reversal as a "fee flip-flop" that both privileged a large infrastructure operator at the outset and later undermined regulatory predictability. "Such selective interpretations weaken confidence in the rule of law and expose regulators to allegations of politicised enforcement."

Valuation and potential revenue leakage: The white paper also questions the Tk 12-per-share valuation, suggesting it may have been significantly below market value for a company controlling critical national infrastructure.

If undervaluation occurred, the report notes, the state may have suffered revenue loss in two ways: through a lower regulatory levy base for the 5.5-percent fee, and through the effective transfer of control at a discounted price, conferring competitive advantages on incoming shareholders.

The combination of permissive legal interpretation and low pricing, the paper argues, created a credible pathway for revenue leakage, highlighting the absence of robust, independent valuation and scrutiny prior to approval.

Beyond Summit, the white paper documents opaque share transfers, weak verification of beneficial ownership and inconsistent application of fees across several International Gateway operators. Such practices, it says, complicated dues recovery and eroded regulatory credibility.

Where infrastructure operators occupy "quasi-monopolistic or essential-facility positions", even semantic distinctions-such as whether a transaction is deemed a "new issuance" or a "transfer"-carry major consequences for market structure, public revenue and national strategic safeguards.

The perception-and in some cases the evidence-of differential treatment for politically connected or large-scale actors during the 2009-2024 period has, according to the white paper, undermined investor confidence, invited litigation and weakened enforcement of licence obligations.

In the end comes a call for audits and reform as remedies. The white paper recommends forensic audits of licensing, share transfers and revenue-sharing arrangements, particularly for firms holding multiple infrastructure licences.

It also calls for tighter rules on ownership changes, clearer definitions of control, and stronger safeguards against regulatory capture.

Without such reforms, the experts warn, Bangladesh risks repeating a cycle in which telecom policy serves private concentration rather than public interest, at substantial cost to state revenue and market integrity.​
 
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ACC questions Chief Heat Officer Bushra Afreen over father’s corruption

bdnews24.com
Published :
Jan 15, 2026 19:50
Updated :
Jan 15, 2026 19:50

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The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has questioned Asia’s first Chief Heat Officer Bushra Afreen, daughter of former Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC) mayor Atiqul Islam, as part of an ongoing corruption investigation.

She was interrogated at the ACC headquarters on Thursday morning for around one and a half hours, starting at 9:30am.

ACC public relations officer Akhtarul Islam said Deputy Director Md Saeeduzzaman conducted the questioning.

A senior ACC official told bdnews24.com that Bushra was summoned as part of an inquiry into allegations of illegal wealth accumulation against her father.

“Details were sought on whether she had any involvement in the acquisition of these assets,” the official said.

Following the change in power after the July Uprising, Atiqul was arrested and is currently in jail.

The ACC said its inquiry and investigation into corruption allegations against him are ongoing.

A court on Jan 7 imposed a travel ban on Atiqul’s wife Shaila Shagufta Islam and daughter Bushra.

The ACC is investigating allegations that Atiqul and others were involved in abuse of power, tender irregularities, misuse of public funds in the procurement of equipment for spraying mosquito larvicide, corruption and money laundering.

During the inquiry, the commission said it found Atiqul and his family members own immovable and movable assets disproportionate to their known sources of income in various parts of Dhaka and elsewhere in the country, as well as abroad, including in Canada and the United States.

According to the ACC, information has also emerged suggesting that Atiqul, his wife, and daughter were attempting to flee abroad and transfer these assets.

Fearing that such moves could hamper the investigation, the commission sought court orders to restrict their foreign travel.

Earlier, on Oct 16, 2024, Atiqul was arrested from Mohakhali DOHS in the capital. He was subsequently shown arrested in multiple cases and questioned in custody.​
 
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