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[๐Ÿ‡ง๐Ÿ‡ฉ] Everything about the interim government and its actions
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Future of the nation depends on interim govt's success
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Jan 05, 2025 22:07
Updated :
Jan 05, 2025 22:07


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Security issues in public life have taken a nosedive in recent months. Financial insecurity of the people at the moment, though, is not of recent origin. In fact, it is a legacy from the past, ousted government. But far from improving, it has only worsened over the past months since the political changeover of August 5 last year. One can produce a hundred and one reasons as to why this is so. In most cases, those reasons may be genuine. But struggling in their day-to-day lives to make both ends meet, the common people who put all their hopes on the present interim government that it would finally be able to end all their miseries in no time has not happened. Some irreversible distortions to market structure already done during the 15 plus years of intervention by party thugs and cronies of the powers that be in the administration and businesses cannot be expected to be fixed overnight. Neither can the vested interests created during all the past years of despotism and firmly ensconced in the system be cleaned within months of the new government however well-intentioned it might be. But the common people with their back to the wall, thanks to unrelenting price hike of basic commodities and their fast-eroding purchasing power under the inflationary pressure that is showing no sign of relenting, cannot also be expected to be consoled with only sweet words. Worse yet, it is not only the growing financial insecurity that is their sole concern. Deterioration of law and order is yet another issue that is threatening the security of their lives. Though providing security in public life rests on the law enforcing agencies, so far, their performance in recent months has been nothing to write home about. Consider the disturbing show of strength reportedly by a juvenile gang of hoodlums, or what they are popularly called, kishore gang (teenage gang) in broad daylight in Cumilla town right under the nose of the police only demonstrates how inefficient and unprepared the police are to respond to any emergency related to law and order in time. Here again, the police authorities have very genuine arguments to justify their failures. In this connection, the home adviser recently spoke acknowledging many shortcomings of the police for reasons well-known to the public. On the issue of, for instance, combating crimes like the rising frequency of muggings and murders in the capital city, he said, the police are yet to be familiar with the nooks and crannies of the city to effectively free the city of petty or serious crimes. That means, due to ongoing restructuring of the police following August 5's mob attacks against them, many members of the Dhaka police are new here. So, it would take time before they are acclimatised with the city to play their expected role in combating city's crime efficiently. Perhaps, the same is the picture elsewhere in the country. The police are also in short supply of essential equipment including transport vehicles, walkie-talkies, etc., required to maintain law and order. When it comes to weapons and ammunition lost including small and light machine guns, pistols, shotguns, gas guns, teargas shells and launchers, stun grenades and so on were destroyed. Notably, a significant portion of those were lost during the violent mass uprising when out of some 664 police stations across the nation, 450 were set on fire. Amid such arson attacks large quantities of the crime-fighting gadgets and equipment were lost, it was informed. According to the police headquarters, during the uprising 5,750 firearms, 651,609 bullets were missing. With a note of reassurance, it was further informed that the process was on to procure those essential weapons and gadgets and get the stock replenished. Meanwhile, between August and November last year, 464 robbery cases were lodged with the police. In comparison, the number of murder cases filed in those months were alarmingly high at around 1937. However, the police headquarters said that cases against most of those incidents of crime as shown in the police records did actually take place during the previous government. Which is why the number (of criminal cases) looks so high. But that is hardly a good excuse because as it usually happens a large number of such criminal incidents often goes unreported. Had those also been reported and duly recorded, the number would be far higher. Now, the question the concerned citizens would like to ask the home adviser is why is the government so slow to address such an emergency like law and order? When it is a matter of physical security of the citizens, the response, however challenging, should have been prompter. As there is a government, the citizens would like to see some of its serious efforts and actions proving to be a deterrent to such crimes.

In fact, they want to see immediate result. The interim government is indeed in a tight spot to deliver in line with the popular expectations. But so far, the progress of the government in meeting the urgent requirements of people--- be it in the sphere of personal security or that of financial one--- is hardly reassuring. Naturally, the public's resentment is growing against the government. Unsurprisingly, the quarters within the system and outside it, who want to see the government fail, are no doubt contributing to make that happen. The situation calls for a unity among all the forces and their support for the interim government to bring about the much sought-after change in society.​
 

HC rejects petition challenging formation of interim govt

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The High Court today summarily rejected a petition that challenged the process for formation and oath of Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government under the Supreme Court opinion which was delivered following the president's reference.

The HC bench of Justice Fatema Najib and Justice Sikder Mahmudur Razi passed the rejection order, saying that the petition is "malicious" and "unacceptable" as the interim government was formed and sworn in under the opinion of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court.

The Appellate Division has delivered the opinion following the reference sent by the president of the republic under article 106 of the constitution, and therefore, there should not be any question about the legality of the interim government's formation and taking oath, the HC bench said.

Supreme Court lawyer Mohammad Mohsen Rashid filed the petition with the HC in November last year, saying the reference sent by the president to the SC was not valid as no prior notice was issued to this effect.

He also said in the petition that SC judges haven the opinions under duress.

Additional Attorney General Aneek R Haque told The Daily Star that there is no scope for any debate about legality of the formation of the interim government and its oath taking after the HC order.

On August 9 last year, SC Registrar General Aziz Ahmed Bhuiyan told The Daily Star that the interim government was formed after the full bench of the apex court gave its opinion in favour of considering the country's prevailing situation as President Mohammed Shahabuddin sought an opinion from the Appellate Division of the SC before forming the interim government.

On August 8, President Shahabuddin administered oath to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and the advisers to the interim government.

Aziz Ahmed said the full Appellate Division bench headed by Chief Justice Obaidul Hassan gave the opinion after the president sought it through the law ministry.

The other six judges of the bench are Justice M Enayetur Rahim, Justice Md Ashfaqul Islam, Justice Md Abu Zafor Siddique, Justice Jahangir Hossain Selim, Justice Md Shahinur Islam and Justice Kashefa Hussain.

The Appellate Division in its opinion said that the president can form the interim government during the current situation as there is no parliament now and the prime minister earlier resigned from office, SC Registrar General Bhuiyan said on that day.​
 

Interim government to take nation forward thru unity: Chief Adviser
BSS
Published: 16 Jan 2025, 18: 45

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Chief Adviser professor Muhammad Yunus today reiterated that the interim government would take the nation forward through unity.BSS

"...because the government was born amid unity; it was created through unity. When we work alone and see no one is beside us, we feel weak a bit. And when you all sit together, we get courage in mind that we remain united. We were born amid unity and the unity is our strength," he said while delivering his opening speech at a meeting with political parties here.

The interim government, led by chief adviser Prof Yunus, is holding the all-party conference over the proposed July Proclamation at the Foreign Service Academy.

Mentioning that the government gets rejuvenated through unity, Prof Yunus said one day, the students of the July revolution came to him and told him that they would make a declaration - the July Proclamation.

"I tried to understand what proclamation they are going to make. I told them that it would not happen," he said, adding that he advised the students to make the proclamation involving all stakeholders of the July revolution.

Noting that the aim of the today's meeting is to finalise the July Proclamation in unison, the chief adviser said if it could not be made unitedly, they do not need to announce it.

Stating that the nation remained united, he pledged that he would maintain the unity as long as his interim government would remain in power.

"We must go on this path. Give us this courage. Today, I feel courage by sitting with you again," he added.

Prof Yunus said if the July proclamation could be declared through unity, it would be good for the country and become good internationally too, showing the countrymen and the world that the unity of the nation remains solid.

The all-party meeting began at the Foreign Service Academy aiming to finalise proclamation of the July Revolution.

On 14 January, adviser Mahfuj Alam at a press briefing said that the council of advisers formulated a draft of the July Proclamation and held talks with some political parties, including BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and many stakeholders to get their opinions.

He hoped that an all-party meeting on Thursday would reach a consensus to finalise the document of July Proclamation.​
 

Current dynamics of the economy, reform and elections

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FILE VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

The student-led mass movement in July-August 2024 marked a significant turning point in Bangladesh's sociopolitical and economic history. This movement emerged in response to widespread grievances among people from all walks of life. Unemployment reached alarming levels, leaving millions of youth disenchanted and directionless. Under the false narrative of a growth miracle, economic discrimination further deepened societal divides, with wealth concentrated in the hands of a few while the majority struggled to make ends meet. The absence of democracy was palpable, with limited opportunities for citizens to express their choices through free and fair elections. Fundamental rights, including freedom of speech, were systematically curtailed, fostering an environment of fear and suppression. Corruption was pervasive across all levels of governance, eroding public trust and stifling economic, social, and political progress.

In the wake of the movement, an interim government was formed amid high expectations from all quarters. It was entrusted with the dual responsibilities of steering the nation towards economic stability and implementing political and institutional reforms. However, that journey has been fraught with challenges.

Political parties wholeheartedly supported the interim government and displayed prudence by appreciating its efforts to address the country's accumulated problems over decades. However, as time progresses, some have called for the national election as soon as possible as the reform process continues simultaneously. The studentsโ€”aspiring to form their political entity and participate in the upcoming national electionโ€”favour delaying elections until substantial reforms are implemented. It is widely believed that students desperately need time to organise their parties, which has so far proven to be tough for them. Many citizens, who have had enough of the defective and dysfunctional political system that gave rise to autocracy and rampant corruption undermining all rights, also want the election after substantive reforms.

Several reform commissions were established to chart a path towards a democratic and just society. Their recommendations addressed critical issues, including constitutional, electoral, anti-corruption, and police reforms. Other commissions are also set to place their recommendations to the chief adviser. However, implementing these recommendations requires political consensus and commitmentโ€”a daunting task given the divergence of positions on reforms and the interests of political parties.

The proposals of some commissions, particularly those regarding the constitutional reform, have given rise to many discussions as to which proposal recommendations should be included and which should not. Removing secularism as a pillar of the constitution, reducing the minimum age of election candidates to 21 years, and introducing a two-tier parliament with a national assembly and senate are some of the issues that sparked debates, reflecting the diverse perspectives within the nation. Such debates are healthy and can contribute to refining the proposals. Moreover, as reform is a continuous process, there should always be opportunities for improvement.

A close observation of the current discussions of reforms and elections in Bangladesh reveals that some are trying to sequence these two crucial tasks: reforms first, then the election. But in reality, the interplay between reforms and elections cannot be phased. Reform and elections are not mutually exclusiveโ€”both can be pursued in parallel. Reform is a prolonged and iterative process. It is also an ongoing endeavour that spans years, even decades. Elections, on the other hand, provide a mechanism for citizens to express their choices and hold leaders accountable. Hence, discussions that implicitly suggest that reforms should only be done after the national election don't hold water. This reminds us of the futile debate by Awami League politicians and some intellectuals about development and democracy, aimed at promoting their corrupt development model and undermining the importance of democracy.

Amid the political complexities, economic challenges have persisted. Inflation remained high at 10.89 percent in December 2024, eroding the ordinary citizens' purchasing power. Private and foreign investment stagnated due to an unfavourable business environment. Investor uncertainty about the political situation remains high. The tax-GDP ratio, a critical indicator of fiscal health, remained dismally low at less than eight percent, while the implementation of the Annual Development Programme (ADP) lagged behind targets. Meanwhile, the World Bank has projected that economic growth during the ongoing FY2024-25 will be 4.1 percent. Even without the World Bank's prediction, economists can say that such low growth is not unexpected during a turbulent year when investment and production were low, and severe floods hampered economic activities.

Although an increase in exports and remittances halted the freefall of foreign exchange reserves, the overall volume of forex reserves remained insufficient to support robust import growth. Depreciation of the taka further compounded economic difficulties, raising the cost of imports and hindering investments and production. Meanwhile, the National Board of Revenue (NBR) struggles to meet its revenue collection targets, exacerbating fiscal constraints. Missing the NBR target has persisted for about a decade due to high tax evasions, a narrow tax net, illicit financial flows, and several undue tax exemptions to specific business groups, organisations, and individuals over several years. The perceived fear among the public of complexities and harassment by the tax department, and the lack of adequate services in return for tax contributions, further discourage compliance. The government's limited fiscal space also curtailed its ability to expand social safety nets for the poor and low-income households, which are most vulnerable to inflationary pressures.

The interim government expanded its responsibilities to encompass a wide array of issues within a limited period. Though, initially, the interim government's tenure was unclear, many felt that an unelected and non-political government consisting of well-meaning but inexperienced peopleโ€”some of whom ran non-government organisations (NGOs) while others were senior retired bureaucratsโ€”cannot govern the country for long unless backed by the military. Along with political uncertainty and economic challenges, the law and order situation weakened and must be improved to ensure people's safety. Rent-seeking, corruption, bribes, and administrative hassles have not disappeared either.

Although public expectations for the interim government have been initially high, it is evident that patience is waning due to the slow pace of progress on these pressing issues.

Uncertainty about the fate of reform proposals is also a critical issue. A national consensus commission, led by the chief adviser, plans to engage with political parties and stakeholders to identify areas of consensus and recommend actions. This is critical since the reform agenda will have to be implemented by the elected government. However, concerns over the implementation of reform proposals remain. Will the elected government accept reform recommendations fully or partially? What if the elected government sets aside the reform proposals altogether and designs its reform agenda conveniently? What will be the oversight and accountability mechanism for implementing reforms?

While the interim government's intention to tackle political and economic challenges is commendable, the task appears daunting. Striking a balance between the demands of reform, the organisation of a free andfair election, and economic recovery has thus far proven to be a formidable challenge for it.

Dr Fahmida Khatun is executive director at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) and non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council.​
 

Interim govt will restore peopleโ€™s voting rights: Moyeen hopes
BSS
Published :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39
Updated :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39

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Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan on Wednesday said they believe that the Interim Government will bring back the voting rights of the people.

โ€œThe current interim government is the government of the people. We believe that the important responsibility entrusted with them for restoring the voting rights of the people will be materialized,โ€ he hoped.

Moyeen Khan said this after paying floral wreath at the grave of BNP founder Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar here with leaders and activists of the UK BNP chapter this afternoon.

UK BNP Vice President Abed Raja was present among others.

Moyeen Khan said BNP will reestablish the democracy for which Bangladesh became independent in 1971.

Calling upon the government to hold national elections as soon as possible, the senior BNP leader said, โ€œI hope, the government will quickly complete the reforms in important sectors and return state power to the representatives of the people.โ€

โ€œThatโ€™s why BNP is cooperating with the government in every possible way so that it can properly fulfill its important responsibility for restoring the rights of the people,โ€ he said.

Stating that the Awami League leaders was forced to flee due to the student-people movement, Moyeen Khan said, their fleeing is not new, like 2024 they fled in 1971, leaving the people at gunpoint of Pakistani occupying forces.

The senior BNP leaders said that the Awami League government cheated with the people of Bangladesh for the past 15 years, although they claimed to be a pro-independence force.

โ€œIn fact, Awami League is a force against the countryโ€™s independence,โ€ he said.

Moyeen Khan said AL killed democracy after independence and formed one-party rule in 1975.

โ€œAwami League established an unwritten BAKSAL in the country in the last 15 years,โ€ he said.​
 

Interim govt failing to maintain neutrality on some issues: Fakhrul

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File photo

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today urged the interim government to perform its duties impartially, alleging it of failing to maintain neutrality on some issues.

"Yesterday, in an interview, I said if the interim government can't remain impartial, a neutral government will be required during the elections. There is a reason for making this statement. We observe that the interim government is unable to maintain neutrality on several issues," he said while addressing a discussion today.

He urged the interim government to carry out its responsibilities impartially and address the problems the country is currently facing.

The Shaheed Asad Parishad organised the discussion at the Jatiya Press Club to mark the 56th martyrdom anniversary of student leader Asaduzzaman, who became a symbol of resistance during the mass uprising against the then Pakistani autocratic ruler Ayub Khan in 1969.

On January 20, 1969, Asad, a hero of the 1969 mass upsurge, was shot and killed by the Pakistani police during a protest rally near Dhaka Medical College and Hospital (DMCH).

Fakhrul said the government should arrange the election as soon as possible after carrying out the necessary minimum reforms. "The government to be formed through that election would be able to fulfill the commitments made to people and work to meet the public's aspirations."

The BNP leader claimed that his party is seeking the election not merely to go to power, but because he fears that evil forces may exploit the situation if the election is unnecessarily delayed.

He also said all political parties agree on the necessity of holding elections, as it is the gateway to the democratic system.

Fakhrul said some people are saying the government should hold the election only after reforms. "But, should we wait four to five years or until the reforms are completed? People would be deprived of their voting rights for another long period."​
 

Interim govt will restore peopleโ€™s voting rights: Moyeen hopes
BSS
Published :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39
Updated :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39

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Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan on Wednesday said they believe that the Interim Government will bring back the voting rights of the people.

โ€œThe current interim government is the government of the people. We believe that the important responsibility entrusted with them for restoring the voting rights of the people will be materialized,โ€ he hoped.

Moyeen Khan said this after paying floral wreath at the grave of BNP founder Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar here with leaders and activists of the UK BNP chapter this afternoon.

UK BNP Vice President Abed Raja was present among others.

Moyeen Khan said BNP will reestablish the democracy for which Bangladesh became independent in 1971.

Calling upon the government to hold national elections as soon as possible, the senior BNP leader said, โ€œI hope, the government will quickly complete the reforms in important sectors and return state power to the representatives of the people.โ€

โ€œThatโ€™s why BNP is cooperating with the government in every possible way so that it can properly fulfill its important responsibility for restoring the rights of the people,โ€ he said.

Stating that the Awami League leaders was forced to flee due to the student-people movement, Moyeen Khan said, their fleeing is not new, like 2024 they fled in 1971, leaving the people at gunpoint of Pakistani occupying forces.

The senior BNP leaders said that the Awami League government cheated with the people of Bangladesh for the past 15 years, although they claimed to be a pro-independence force.

โ€œIn fact, Awami League is a force against the countryโ€™s independence,โ€ he said.

Moyeen Khan said AL killed democracy after independence and formed one-party rule in 1975.

โ€œAwami League established an unwritten BAKSAL in the country in the last 15 years,โ€ he said.​
 

A reminder of the nearly unwinnable hand Yunus was dealt

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The people of Bangladesh have little choice but to place their faith in a man who, throughout his storied career, has rarely disappointed his nation. Photo: CA Press Wing
History shows that the aftermath of popular revoltsโ€”particularly those that overthrow authoritarian regimesโ€”is marked by chaos and uncertainty. What Bangladesh is currently facingโ€”economic instability on pocketbook issues, such as exorbitant prices of essentials, a feeble investment climate, and a war of words among political stakeholders with competing vested interestsโ€”is a predictable symptom of a messy but necessary political transition.

In reality, that transition is underwayโ€”not through an overhaul of how politics functions in Bangladesh but within the pre-existing paradigm of a flawed system, through gradual, incremental steps towards democracy. Finding the sweet spot that constitutes a liberal, multi-party ecosystem will take decades, not months. It depends on both a good-faith commitment and the implementation of that commitment by political actors through self-reflection, public policies, and rhetoric that differ extensively from what Bangladesh has experienced in the past.

Yunus leads a team that, for all its flaws, has shown a willingness to listen to criticism rather than suppress dissent. However, testing the public's patience is the government's failure to adequately respond to those criticisms by matching words with actions. The public's patience is considerable, but it is not infinite and will inevitably reach its limits. Yunus' announcement that elections will take place sometime between the end of 2025 and mid-2026 has helped calm nerves slightly, offering a skeletal electoral roadmap.

Many segments of society, silenced for 15 years, are voicing their frustrations on a range of issues without the fear of reprisal. This sudden release of anger, while cathartic for some, has added to the government's woes. A vested quarter, still convinced that Hasina's political chapter is far from over, are intent on breeding chaos and disrupting the brittle equilibrium defining the social contract between an anxious population and an inexperienced government.

A government, neither elected nor politically sharp yet burdened with the task of navigating a minefield of expectations, frustrations, and entrenched divisions, is far from ideal. However, the current situation simply reflects the raw, anarchic truth of a nation still trying to figure out its next steps.

A sentiment has taken root in Bangladesh: Yunus is an honest man with good intentions, a philosopher who has wooed international leaders every time he has travelled abroad since taking the reins of government. At the recent World Economic Forum conference, he was in fine form. In Bangladesh, though, he seems out of his comfort zone, struggling to steer the ship of stateโ€”a ship he did not want to captain.

There are many steps that, as chief adviser, Yunus could and should have taken but has not. Critics have examined these shortcomings in depth. But it is the nation's duty to continuously remind itself of the context in which Yunus finds himself in the position he occupies today and why he deserves a fairer assessment.

To begin with, consider how Yunus assumed office. He was preparing either to remain abroad or return to Bangladesh to face imprisonment under a regime that sought retribution. That regime, led by a prime minister with a personal vendetta against Yunus, resented the universal respect he commanded. His stature was an insult to the fragile ego of an autocrat.

In the aftermath of August 5, a group of young student conveners, most in their 20s, approached Yunus with an emotional appeal. They summoned him back to Dhaka from Paris, delivering an unambiguous message: you have to return to take the role of head of government in Bangladesh. And they were right.

Frankly, there was no other option than Yunus. At that moment, and even today, no one else other than him hadโ€”or hasโ€”the moral legitimacy to unify a fractured Bangladesh. Yunus brought an aura of hope, a balm for a country reeling from weeks of state-sponsored carnage. Mob violence still occurred, but viewed contextually, things could have been much worse. Nonetheless, being a symbol of national unity is one thing. Governing is another matter entirely.

His advisory council has attracted valid criticism due to the underperformance of certain individuals. According to Yunus's own admissions in a candid conversation with New Age editor Nurul Kabir, he was presented with a shortlist of namesโ€”likely suggested by the student convenersโ€”and chose individuals he knew personally. Unlike previous chief advisers of caretaker governments, who had the luxury of time to prepare and the clarity of purpose, Yunus inherited a state apparatus with neither.

The caretaker governments of 1991, 1996, and 2001 operated under three-month mandates to organise elections. They benefitted from defined goals, established timelines, and institutional preparation. In contrast, Yunus was tasked with a much broader and less defined mission: to reform a system riddled with corruption, dismantle entrenched authoritarian structures, unite political parties, hold elections, and manage the day-to-day affairs of the state. There was no roadmap, no consensus on priorities, and no clarity on the duration of his administration.

Most members of his advisory council have no experience in government, including Yunus himself, as he often reminds the public. He could not appoint figures closely tied to the Awami League or BNP, nor could he include anyone seen as ideologically extreme to the left or the right. This resulted in a team that lacks administrative skills and ideological cohesion. While these shortcomings are real, they reflect the impossible deck of cards Yunus was dealt.

The politics Yunus must navigate are no less fraught. The BNP demands elections as soon as possible with minimal reforms, pushing the idea that an elected government is urgently needed. Meanwhile, frontline student leaders have begun to display signs of inexperience, veering into unnecessary ideological debates, such as calls to amend Bangladesh's state ideology, rather than focusing on designing a coherent policy vision for the future. Activism, for all its courage and energy, has not translated into the kind of maturity needed post the uprising.

Then there are the religion-based factions, including Jamaat-e-Islami, which seek to steer Bangladesh in a direction likely at odds with a sizeable segment of the country. Considering all this and more, Yunus has become an umbrella shielding a nation from local and international conspiracies, striving to cocoon citizens from conflict with one another to the best of his ability, battered by competing political, ideological, and generational storms.

Compounding these challenges is the bureaucracy. The civil service, entrenched in inefficiency and outdated practices, has become a barrier to both reform and daily administration. Yunus has faced a public service designed to resist change, still bearing the influence of the previous regime. From law enforcement's failure to carry out its responsibilities to the continued dominance of syndicates, the bureaucracy has proven to be an almost insurmountable obstacle.

The greatest challenge lies ahead. The recommendations from various reform commissions must now be either agreed upon, ditched, or left for the elected government to pursue, requiring negotiation among political stakeholders. Yunus has taken on the responsibility of building consensusโ€”an extremely difficult task. He has positioned his government as a facilitator without its own agenda, suggesting that those expected to lead Bangladesh after the elections should take the wheel in determining what is best for the country.

On paper, this approach seems inclusiveโ€”some might even call it democratic. The real question, however, is whether an 84-year-old man, who has lived a remarkable life, achieved nearly everything one can aspire to, and brought international recognition to Bangladesh, can rise to meet the moment and what is arguably the biggest test of his life. The people of Bangladesh have little choice but to place their faith in a man who, throughout his storied career, has rarely disappointed his nation. Criticise his government we will, but place our trust in him we must. Good luck, Dr Muhammad Yunus.

Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed is a public policy columnist.​
 

Anti-discrimination student movement blames govt for student violence
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jan 27, 2025 23:12
Updated :
Jan 27, 2025 23:12

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Recently, there has been an increase in inter-institutional conflict over minor incidents. Ordinary students and ordinary people are the victims of these sudden conflicts. In this case, the anti-discrimination student movement thinks that there is a lack of management of the interim government and law enforcement agencies.

The concern was expressed in a message sent by Zahid Ahsan, Cell Secretary (Office Sale) of, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement on Monday night, according to local media reports.

On Sunday, Dhaka College and Dhaka University students clashed several times. So far, more than 50 students of both institutions as well as some pedestrians have been injured in the incident.

The message also said that the police brutally attacked the students including Muhammad Rakib, the central executive member of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, and seriously injured them.

The anti-discrimination student movement strongly condemns and protests the indiscriminate attack on the students by the police. In the current situation, the government will have to be more active and initiative to maintain an overall fair environment in the educational institutions.​
 

Whom do the bureaucrats serve?
Existing bureaucratic culture is holding the government back

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VISUAL: STAR

When the Awami League government fell on August 5, 2024, following weeks of mass movement, there was a widespread sense of hope that better days lay ahead. The interim government took office on August 8, promising an efficient, pro-people governance system in line with the spirit of the July uprising. Unfortunately, over five and a half months on, it is struggling to even get on the track of that promise, thanks largely to a non-cooperative, past-bound bureaucracy.

According to a recent report by Samakal, several advisers of the interim government have expressed frustration at being unable to carry out their duties properly due to a lack of support from the bureaucrats. Adviser Nahid Islam even spoke about this publicly. As a result, the government has failed to complete 70 percent of the tasks it had set for itself, which is staggering. These unfinished tasks include crucial issues such as the posting of deputy commissioners, withdrawal of politically motivated cases, distribution of free school textbooks, procurement of necessary equipment at various government offices, etcโ€”all matters that needed prompt response.

Apparently, bureaucrats are still being sluggish, resistant, and mostly "strategic" in their work knowing the transient nature of this non-political administration; they are cautious to avoid potential trouble when a political party comes to power through election. Strong resistance is also coming from those who benefited from various perks under the Awami League regime; there are allegations that these officials are intentionally creating bottlenecks for the current administration.

As frustrating as this situation is, it is not entirely unexpected. Bureaucracy in Bangladesh has historically been politicised, used by the ruling party of the day to varying extents. This abuse peaked under the Awami League's rule, which politicised almost every level of government and provided perks and benefits to officials in exchange for loyalty. In return, these officials helped it maintain its authoritarian grip, stifling democratic practices and good governance. This led to a bureaucratic system so entrenched in corruption that any indication of change or reform triggers adverse, almost visceral reactions from bureaucrats fearing they might lose their positions of power and comfort.

Today, some of the old players may have changed, but the old system remains firmly in place. A properly functioning government requires a supportive and efficient bureaucracy. To achieve this, our outdated bureaucratic system must be dismantled to make way for a healthy, accountable system. Bureaucrats must realise that their job is not to pander to the rulers, but the peopleโ€”the taxpayers. They must check their self-serving attitudes and heed the public demand: to uphold the integrity of their duties.​
 

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