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[🇧🇩] Farewell to 2025 & Welcome Year 2026
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A defining crossroads: Bangladesh’s journey through 2025

BSS
Published :
Dec 31, 2025 21:05
Updated :
Dec 31, 2025 21:05

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Bangladesh bade farewell to 2025 standing at a crossroads expecting to lead the South Asian nation to a new political and social transition against the backdrop of renewed public expectations. The year unfolded amid post–July Uprising realities, with governance reforms, electoral preparedness, and democratic accountability dominating the national discourse.

The outgoing year heralded with youths as vocal stakeholders in shaping the nation’s future, which many describe as demographic dividend for the country in terms of population ratio as well.

This development particularly made 2025 a year of reckoning and reorientation for Bangladesh, expecting to set the tone for the path ahead.

Following were the major incidents of 2025:

Begum Zia’s demise:

A sad episode, however, marked the year end as the country lost former prime minister and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia on December 30.

During her strongly visible presence in the country’s political landscape for over four decades Begum Zia lived with dignity and demised with honour though her career included spells in prison and house arrest.

Begum Zia was the first woman prime minister of Bangladesh and the second in the Muslim world though her appearance as a public figure in political arena at the age of 35 was not planned debut and rather is widely viewed as accidental.

But she broke through a male-dominated political landscape and transformed into one of the region’s most formidable leaders though as the wife of Bangladesh’s slain former president Ziaur Rahman, she was a reserved presence alongside her famous husband.

Thrust into the political scene following her husband’s 1981 assassination, she took up his mantle, quickly learnt the art of politics and leadership and gained a nationwide with her uncompromising stance against the military dictatorship, maintaining her widely acknowledged kindheartedness.

The public in general call her “Uncompromising Leader” and her demise prompted a leading newspaper to make the headline of her obituary report—“Khaleda Zia: The uncompromising light goes out”, as doctors declared her dead at the dawn of December 30, at the age of 80 after her protracted ailments.

Apart from countrymen and people cutting across their political affiliations, she drew tributes from international leaders including premiers of India and Pakistan – the two bitter adversaries – who promptly issued statements mourning her death soon after the news of her demise broke.

All major media outlets across the globe prominently carried the report highlighting her achievements as the South Asian nation’s leader while Bangladesh observes a three-day state mourning from December 31.

The three-time premier Begum Zia made her last public appearance on December 21 when she joined the Armed Forces Day reception at Dhaka Cantonment and two days later she was admitted to Dhaka’s Evercare Hospital.

She breathed her last at the facility five days after the return of her elder son Tarique Rahman, BNP’s Acting Chairperson, after 17 years of self-exiled life in London.

Her Namaj-e-Janaza drew millions of people while prominent foreign dignitaries attended the funeral at the Manik Mia Avenue. Begum Zia was buried beside the mausoleum of her slain husband Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman at the nearby Zia Udyan.

Signing of National July Charter:

On October 17, the landmark “July National Charter-2025” was signed after a protracted consultation between the political parties and the National Consensus Commission, headed by interim government’s Chief Adviser Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus.

During the signing ceremony Nobel Peace Prize winner Professor Yunus said Bangladesh “embraced civilization” with the signing of the document and described the ceremony as the “birth of a New Bangladesh”.

“We were living in a barbaric world where there was no law . . . Now we have come into civilization,” he said as senior representatives of different political parties inked the deal at an historic event at the South Plaza of the Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban in the capital.

The 40-page charter outlines the political history of Bangladesh, covering the British colonial period, the historic Language Movement of 1952, the education movements of 1962, the autonomy movement of 1966, the 1969 mass uprising, the 1970 general elections and the subsequent Liberation War of 1971.

The document noted the one-party state through constitutional amendments in 1975 that followed various political developments, the subsequent return to democracy through 1979 elections after reintroduction of a multi-party system in 1978. The charter, however, pointed out that described the democratic path was “short-lived.”

It further highlights the period between 2009 and 2024, as a timeframe when state institutions were dominated by autocratic practices favoring certain individuals, families, and groups.

The charter criticized the three consecutive controversial elections of 2014, 2018, and 2024, saying they undermined the electoral system, politicized the judiciary, law enforcement and public administration and facilitated corruption.

The charter also reflects on the persistent democratic movements of the last 16 years, including road safety movement in 2018, subsequent anti-quota movement, and student-led Anti-Discrimination Movement, which culminated in the broad-based mass uprising against fascism in July 2024.

Finally, the charter contains a seven-point commitment, urging the signatory political parties to uphold it as the will of the people expressed in the July 2024 Uprising ad grounded in democratic principles and national consensus.

Launching of NCP:

On February 28, National Citizen Party (NCP) comprising the students and youths who spearheaded the 2024 July Uprising emerged as a political party vowing to pursue politics of national unity over division and to materialize their vision for a “second republic”.

July martyr Ismail Hossain Rabbi’s sister Mim Akhter announced the top leadership of the NCP central committee at its inaugural rally at Manik Mia Avenue in front of Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban in the capital with one of the top July Uprising leader Nahid Islam as its convener and Akhter Hossen as Member Secretary.

Unveiling of the July Declaration:

On August 5, Professor Yunus unveiled the ‘July Declaration’ before the nation at a public gathering at South Plaza of the Jatiya Sangsad (JS) Bhaban. The event was arranged commemorating the July Uprising Day.

Tarique Rahman’s homecoming:

Bangladesh’s transitional political landscape witnessed a significant event when Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman returned to Bangladesh on December 25 after 17 years in exile in the UK.

Hundreds of thousands of people welcomed him rallying on the streets stretching from Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport to July 36 Expressway, popularly known as 300-Feet Road, where he addressed a mammoth public reception.

Coming out from the airport building he touched in barefoot the soil with dew dropped grasses, grasped a fist of soil, brought it to nose and sniffed before traveling to a brief public event venue at July 36 Expressway.

A motorcade escorted Tarique Rahman’s bus to the venue as millions of people standing on the both sides of airport road bound to the 300-feet waving hands and chanting slogans like ‘Tarique Rahman Asche, Ma-Mati Dakche’, ‘Desh Neta Asche, Bangladesh Kapche’ and ‘Ajker Ei Din e, Shaheed Zia Mone Pore’.

With waving hands and smiling face onboard a bus he responded to the crowd making an extra-ordinary emotional scenario and after reaching the reception venue he said “I have a plan” to build a developed and prosperous Bangladesh with collective efforts of all, calling upon all to maintain peace and order at any cost.

“We want peace . . . we want to build a safe Bangladesh for all. We have to keep calm and patience in facing any provocation,” he said.

Referring to a popular quote from US civil right activist Martin Luther King “I Have a dream”, Tarique Rahman said, “I have a plan for the people of my country and for my countrymen” and sought people’s cooperation to realize his plan.

Disbanding of Awami League:

On May 12, the government banned all activities of deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League and its associated and affiliated organizations under Bangladesh’s tough Anti-Terrorism Act, on allegations of killings, genocide, crimes against humanity, and other grave offences to tame the July uprising, issuing an executive order.

Coinciding with the order the Election Commission (EC) on the same day suspended Bangladesh Awami League’s registration disqualifying it from contesting the upcoming general elections.

Sheikh Hasina’s trial:

On November 17, the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT-BD-1) sentenced to death deposed premier Sheikh Hasina and former home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal after their trial in absentia.

The three-judge panel headed by Justice Golam Mortuza Mozumder convicted them on charges of committing crimes against humanity on grounds of superior command responsibility for offences committed during the July Uprising.

The tribunal simultaneously handed down a five-year prison term to co-accused police’s former inspector general (IGP) Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun as he faced the trial in person under custody and appeared as an “approver” or state witness confessing his guilt.

Osman Hadi killing:

The fag-end of the year witnessed the fatal attack on Sharif Osman Hadi, the leader of cultural group Inqilab Mancha, imbued with the July Uprising spirit, and his subsequent death on December 18, sparking a nationwide protest and uproar.

Masked gunmen shot Hadi, a ranking leader of the July Movement as well, in the head and six days later he died at a Singapore Hospital where he was flown under government arrangements for advanced treatment.

Following his death Bangladesh observed a state-mourning on December 20 as declared by Chief Adviser Professor Yunus, who immediately after Hadi’s death appeared on the TV to make a nationwide address.

“Today, I came before you with very heartbreaking news. Sharif Osman Hadi, the fearless frontline fighter of the July Uprising and spokesperson of the Inqilab Mancha, is no more among us,” he told the nation.

Hadi’s namaz-e-janaza at the South Plaza of Jatiya Sangsad Complex drew tens of thousands of people on December 20 while it joined as well by the chief adviser and his advisory council members and senior government officials in civil and military services while he was buried later beside National Poet Kazi Nazrul Islam’s Mausoleum on the Dhaka University campus.

Milestone School Tragedy:

On July 21, a Bangladesh Air Force training jet crashed into a building on the campus of Milestone School and College at Diabari of the capital’s Uttara area killing at least 36 people mostly school children with rests being staff, teachers and the fighter jet’s pilot.

Over 170 people were injured, with many suffering severe burns; hospitals, especially the National Institute of Burn and Plastic Surgery, were overwhelmed with patients.

On July 22, the nation observed a one-day state mourning over deaths and injuries in the tragic crash of training jet while the tragedy sparked public outrage, with families and guardians demanding justice, proper compensation, and relocation of the school away from the flights path.

Earthquake:

At least 10 people including two children were killed several hundreds wounded on November 21, as a 5.7-magnitude earthquake with its epicenter being at Madhabdi of Narsingdi, 13km east off the met office’s seismic centre at Agargaon in Dhaka shook the capital and several other parts of the country.

The United States Geological Survey (USGS), however, confirmed that the epicentre of the tremor occurred at 10:38 am was located 14 kilometres west-southwest of Narsingdi, 10 kilometres beneath the surface level.

Buildings in Dhaka and neighboring districts suffered cracks, partial collapses and structural damages while the few seconds jolt prompted people inside concrete structures to rush outdoors in panic amid expert fears that had the tremor lasted for few more seconds it could have caused a greater havoc.

The country thereafter experienced few more subsequent quakes.

Student union elections in universities:

After a long impasse, authorities staged central student union elections at premier Dhaka University, Jahangirnagar University, Chittagong University and Rajshahi University in September and October.

Long-awaited Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU) elections were held on September 9 after a six-year pause.

Chittagong University Central Students’ Union (CUCSU) and Rajshahi University Central Students’ Union (RUCSU) elections were held on October 15 and 16 respectively after long 35 years while Jahangirnagar University Central Students’ Union (JUCSU) polls were held on September 11 after 33 years.

Jagannath University Central Students’ Union (JnUCSU) staged its first such election on December 30.

Bangladesh women football team’s success:

On July 2, Bangladesh women’s football team created history by qualifying in the AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 for the first time following their outstanding 2-1 triumph over host Myanmar in their second group match held at the Thuwunna Stadium in Yangon.

The success earned the team the Ekushey Padak 2025.

Bangladesh’s U-20 women’s football team won the 2025 SAFF U-20 Women’s Championship, held from July 11 to 21 at the Bashundhara Kings Arena and Sports Ground in Dhaka.

The hosts emerged unbeaten champions, securing their fifth title with six consecutive wins in a double round-robin format.​
 
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World begins to bid goodbye to 2025 with fireworks and icy plunges

REUTERS
Published :
Dec 31, 2025 22:12
Updated :
Dec 31, 2025 22:15

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Fireworks explode over Sydney Harbour Bridge to mark the New Year in Sydney, Australia, Jan 1, 2026. Photo : REUTERS/Hollie Adam

As Wednesday turned to Thursday, people around the world said goodbye to a sometimes challenging 2025 and expressed hopes for the new year to come.

Midnight arrived first on the islands closest to the International Date Line in the Pacific Ocean, including Kiritimati (Christmas Island), Tonga and New Zealand.

In Australia, Sydney began 2026 with a spectacular fireworks display, as per tradition. Some 40,000 pyrotechnic effects stretched 7 km (over 4 miles) across buildings and barges along its harbour and featured a waterfall effect from the Sydney Harbour Bridge.

This year, it was held under an enhanced police presence, weeks after gunmen killed 15 people at a Jewish event in the city.

Organizers held a minute's silence for the victims of the attack at 11pm local time, with the Harbour Bridge lit up in white and a menorah - a symbol of Judaism - projected onto its pylons.

"After a tragic end to the year for our city, we hope that New Year's Eve will provide an opportunity to come together and look with hope for a peaceful and happy 2026," Sydney's Lord Mayor Clover Moore said ahead of the event.

In Croatia, revels got off to an early start. Since 2000, the town of Fuzine has held its countdown at noon, a tradition that has since spread across the country. Crowds cheered, toasted each other with champagne and danced to music - all in the middle of the day. Some brave souls in Santa hats took a plunge into the icy waters of Lake Bajer.

Elsewhere, preparations got under way for the more traditional midnight toast. In subzero temperatures in New York, organizers began putting up security barriers and stages ahead of the crowds that will flock to Times Square for the annual ball drop.

In Seoul, thousands gathered at the Bosingak bell pavilion, where a bronze bell is struck 33 times at midnight - a tradition rooted in Buddhist cosmology, symbolizing the 33 heavens. The chimes are believed to dispel misfortune and welcome peace and prosperity for the year ahead.​
 
What economy are we leaving behind in 2025?

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VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

When the interim government formed following the July 2024 uprising, macroeconomic stability was weak, with several major economic indicators performing poorly. The accumulated costs of governance failures, corruption, and prolonged financial mismanagement had undermined the economy's potential. Since then, the free fall of the economy has been halted, and some negative trends have been reversed. However, the economy now experiences slower growth, elevated inflation, weakened investment sentiment, and rising vulnerabilities in the financial sector.

The macroeconomic environment in Bangladesh in the fiscal year (FY) 2025 (July 2024 - June 2025) and early FY2026 reflects a fragile and uneven recovery. Real growth of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) moderated sharply, registering only 3.97 percent in FY2025. While this represents a partial rebound from the disruptions caused by political unrest, it remains significantly below the country's historical average and far from the levels required to generate adequate employment for a rapidly growing labour force. Industrial production trends suggest that the recovery is underway. However, the pace is slow and insufficient to compensate for earlier losses or to drive a broad-based industrial resurgence.

Inflation remains one of the most persistent macroeconomic challenges. However, headline inflation eased to 8.29 percent in November 2025, largely driven by a deceleration in food prices rather than a comprehensive easing of price pressures across the economy. Although food inflation fell to 7.36 percent during this period offering some relief to households, it is still not at comfort levels as wage growth has failed to keep pace with rising living costs. The wage rate index was 8.04 in November 2025, slightly increased from 8.01 in October 2025. This implies stagnant real wages and eroding purchasing power for large segments of the population, rising vulnerability among low-income groups, and subdued consumer demand.

Weak private investment is another defining feature of the current macroeconomic landscape. Private sector credit growth fell to 6.23 percent in October 2025, reflecting subdued credit demand and tighter lending conditions in the banking system. This contraction signals investor uncertainty, driven by political instability, policy unpredictability, and longstanding governance failures in the financial sector. By contrast, public sector credit growth surged to 24.11 percent over the same period, indicating a growing reliance by the government on domestic borrowing to finance its operations. While such borrowing may be necessary in the short term to maintain fiscal stability, it risks crowding out private investment and exacerbating pressures on the banking system if not carefully managed.

In the banking sector, several banks have struggled to mobilise deposits amid declining public confidence, while non-performing loans (NPLs) have continued to rise. The NPL was 35.73 percent of total disbursed loans as of September 2025, mostly due to the recent scrutiny of several banks' health by the Bangladesh Bank. Earlier, several non-compliant commercial banks would hide the actual amount of NPLs. This alarming figure is not merely a cyclical phenomenon but the result of years of weak regulation, political interference, and repeated loan rescheduling that masked underlying insolvency. The persistence of such vulnerabilities threatens financial stability and undermines the transmission of monetary policy.

Fiscal performance has also weakened. With a tax-to-GDP ratio of only 6.8 percent in FY2025, Bangladesh continues to lag behind its regional peers, limiting the government's capacity to finance development spending without resorting to borrowing. At the same time, growth in public expenditure, particularly development expenditure, declined sharply throughout FY2025, raising concerns about the sustainability of infrastructure investment, human capital formation, and long-term growth potential. The combination of weak revenue mobilisation and constrained development expenditure poses a serious challenge to fiscal sustainability.

External sector indicators present a mixed picture. Export growth was 8.6 percent in FY2025. However, during July–November FY2026, export growth remained sluggish, registering only a marginal increase of 0.62 percent. In contrast, imports rebounded strongly, growing by 5.2 percent during July–November FY2026, driven primarily by higher imports of intermediate goods. While this may signal a gradual revival of industrial activity, it also underscores renewed pressures on the balance of payments.

Remittance inflows have provided a critical stabilising force. During July–November FY2026, remittances reached $13.04 billion, representing a year-on-year increase of over 17.1 percent and reflecting both increased overseas employment and policy measures to receive remittances through formal channels. While this marks a notable improvement from earlier lows, reserves remain vulnerable to external shocks and shifts in global financial conditions.

Other structural challenges compound economic pressure. Private investment fell to 22.48 per cent of GDP in FY2025, its lowest level in five years, raising concerns about future growth and job creation. The energy sector continues to impose heavy fiscal burdens due to high generation costs, unplanned capacity expansion, and excessive capacity payments. Most critically, Bangladesh is set to graduate from Least Developed Country (LDC) status in November 2026, which entails the gradual withdrawal of trade preferences, currently covering approximately 70 percent of global exports. Without adequate preparation, this transition could erode export competitiveness and expose structural weaknesses.

Looking ahead, the outlook for FY2026 indicates a modest recovery, although some risks remain. The Medium Term Macroeconomic Policy Statement of June 2025 by the Ministry of Finance projectd GDP growth to be 5.5 percent and inflation 6.5 percent in FY2026. On the other hand, the Bangladesh Bank forecasts real GDP growth to be 5.38 percent and average inflation to come down to 7.26 percent in FY2026.

Clearly, in the short term, stabilising the macroeconomic environment must be the top priority. Inflation control will require a careful balance between monetary tightening and supportive fiscal measures to protect vulnerable groups. Addressing NPLs and strengthening bank governance are critical to restoring confidence in the financial system and reviving private investment. Policy consistency, regulatory transparency, and political stability will be essential to improve the investment climate.

Over the medium to long term, deeper structural reforms are unavoidable. Strengthening the institutional independence and capacity of the central bank is crucial for effective monetary management. Industrial policy must focus on productivity, skills development, and technological upgrading to diversify exports beyond garments. Social safety nets need to be expanded and better targeted to protect those left behind by structural change. Skills development programmes must be aligned with market needs, particularly for youth and women. Broadening the tax base and reducing reliance on indirect taxation are essential for fiscal sustainability. Investment in climate resilience and disaster preparedness is increasingly urgent in a climate-vulnerable economy. Above all, transparent and accountable governance must be restored to rebuild trust and unlock long-term growth potential.

Dr Fahmida Khatun is executive director at the Centre for Policy Dialogue.​
 
Welcome year 2026

Nilratan Halder
Published :
Jan 01, 2026 23:48
Updated :
Jan 01, 2026 23:48

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An eventful year marked by tumultuous national developments and international conflicts raising at times the spectre of a World War III has just passed. The world has already welcomed the New Year with open arms in the hope that the looming threat of global trade suffering commercial convulsions due to US reciprocal tariff and the lengthening shadow of war does not materialise. The wish list of the international community this year is likely to see the gnawing of hunger for an ever increasing world population disappears fast.

However, leaders may be elected by popular vote but there is no guarantee they would as well respect the popular opinion. But this is a time when far-right nationalism is on the rise in Europe. These nationalist parties are characterised by ultra-nationalism, anti-immigration stand, Euroscepticism and populist anti-establishment rhetoric. The US also has a man at the helm of affairs, who is a fierce defender of similar nationalism. That man is Donald Trump who proves to be a political enigma and, therefore, naturally unpredictable. He claims to be a peace broker but at the same time keeps open his option for unseating Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro no matter if that needs waging a war on that country. His unreserved support for Israeli President Netanyahu even prompted him to bomb nuclear facilities in Iran. No international law can approve this. Also, his demand for annexing Greenland goes against international rules but he seems to be adamant and this is enough to irate the Danes.

Now with such a man in power of the most influential if not powerful country on the planet, it would perhaps be too much to expect a more peaceful world than last year's. Yet people never cease to hope because it offers a lifeline---one that is eternal. Martin Luther King Jr. Once said, "We must accept finite disappointment, but never lose infinite hope". Whether the living world would be a better place to live in this year or get obliterated from the surface of the Earth is not known but about one thing there is no doubt that sane people will try their best to save the world. But Trump turns a deaf year to appeals or advice from wise people.

Europe is not in a good state, in fact, it is showing that its decline has begun. In this atomic age, the world is more vulnerable than ever before and Europe's lack of courage is exposed by Trump's ultra-nationalistic approach to their mutual relations. Defiance is no European leader's forte. What stuff Indian premier Narendra Modi is made of, they simply were missing. Europe has lost the leadership expected of it in time of the tariff crisis. So the scenario that is likely to unfold may take a further test of their leadership quality. Much will depend on how they respond to the emerging crises.

In this context, the rise of China has turned out to be a headache for the Americans. If China and India can settle their border disputes and focus on business interests, the US will find itself in a tight corner. With Russia playing a mediating role, this is not impossible. Also the BRICS platform now expanding, the majority of humans living on this planet will be in this group. Their financial might will be a force to reckon with soon. Their bank, the New Development Bank (NDB) now located in Shanghai is going to fund infrastructure and sustainable development projects in the emerging market. It is expected to have regional branches in several of its member countries. It will not take long to see a clear shift in the economic and development affairs in the emerging member countries.

Against this background, the world trade may shape up differently from what once was dictated by the Bretton Woods institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB). Chinese technological transformation and the emerging collaborative financial system can surely challenge the US supremacy in these areas. With Russia taking a rearguard action, the BRICS group is a formidable force. Unless climate change severely upsets the BRICS' journey on the fast track, this will be the Asian age. The world will be watching how the group manages itself this year, a crucial time for a transition of the centre of power.

When the world is in the throes of expectation, Bangladesh's momentous July-August uprising produced, albeit by default, political optimism of unprecedented order only to be dissipated at the last half of the year 2025. There is serious doubt about holding the national polls on the scheduled date of February 12. The leaders of the student-led uprising has long lost their ways in the political labyrinth and now the party they formed called National Citizen Party is split over the election alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami. Gone are the spirits that the pioneers of the uprising demonstrated to bring about a fundamental change in the system of governance.

Unless the law and order is restored, election cannot be held peacefully and fairly. The caretaker government is acting like the proverbial ostrich that seeks dissipation of the storm by burying its head in the sand. If the rule of law cannot be restored in place of frequent summary trials by the mob, there is no knowing how the 'mobocracy' can be stopped. What awaits the voluminous charters the reform commissions duly produced is also not known. A national election without reform to the system of governance is no solution to the country's endemic problems such as capturing power and abusing it to stay in power and accumulate unearned wealth. No political party is oath-bound to approve the reform commissions' reports.

Apart from the fundamental political reforms, the issue of graduation from the LDC (least developed country) this year brings about a paradigm shift in foreign trade and the economy. Suggestions that tax on the rich should be raised for allocation to welfare programmes targeting the poor and marginal segments of society hardly stand any chance of materialising. Businesspeople are likely to oppose any such move. If the political government hopefully to be formed keeps their trust in such an equalitarian ideology, the poor can hope for better days ahead. Let the New Year bring about a socio-economic metamorphism towards a rational and just constitution of the country's demographic landscape once and for all.​
 
2026: A year of repair, not miracles
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VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

A new year often starts with personal reflection. Each of us reflects on what went wrong, what we endured, and what we hope to change. Every Bangladeshi has their own story of loss, small gains, and ongoing struggles. While I can't relay each individual's story, I can try to tell our shared one: what went wrong for us as a country last year, what went right despite the challenges, and what we can reasonably expect from 2026.


A year before, on August 5, 2024, the Hasina government was ousted. It was not a sudden storm but the delayed result of over a decade-long suppressed anger. Many of us hoped that something fundamental might change. We hoped that the republic was getting a second chance.


To be fair, some hopeful things did happen. We saw political parties sit in the same room, discussing a framework for transition. On television talk shows and social media, people began uttering aloud the names of individuals and institutions that many would only whisper about at home earlier. Family members of enforced disappearance victims sat in front of cameras and told the country what had happened to their dear ones. It did not bring anyone back, but it broke the silence. It reminded us that this country still has a bit of conscience left.

But the promise of better law and order quickly collided with the reality of weak institutions. We saw a political leader shot in the head in broad daylight. Revenge attacks turned entire localities into zones of fear. In the name of protecting religion, angry groups beat and burned people alive. Shrines and homes were once again targeted in 2025, becoming convenient outlets for intolerance and political frustration. Newspapers and cultural organisations were attacked and set on fire, as if silencing newsrooms and burning cultural centres could somehow fix the country's crisis.


In some cases, the state did act. There were events when police intervened quickly to save targeted minorities or disperse violent crowds. However, in most cases, we saw a state that often stood on the edge of the scene rather than at the centre. A sense grew that the interim government was reacting to events rather than shaping them—a vacuum filled by a familiar cast of actors, including local strongmen, religious demagogues, as well as political businessmen and ideological entrepreneurs, who push ideologies on digital platforms to gain followings. They have learned that a few charged words on Facebook or a fiery speech at a rally can be converted into very concrete gains on the ground. The language of sanity and logic was frequently drowned out by the louder sound of anger and past humiliation.

This brings us to the core problem that 2026 will have to confront: the collapse of public trust in state institutions. During its tenure, Awami League abused institutions such as the judiciary, police and civil administration. Most of the time, the opposition responded by attacking the ruling party and questioning the institutions. But during the July uprising and its aftermath, the institutions themselves came under attack. In other words, the institutions were abused from above and delegitimised from below. The result is a country where many people no longer believe that going to court or filing a complaint will lead to justice. Instead, they look for "big brothers" who can solve a problem through pressure, money, or violence, regardless of their motive for doing so. Groups with muscle, money and social media influence are happy to play that role. They mobilise under the banners of religion, nationalism, or justice, and take the law into their own hands. Violence on the street becomes an informal dispute-settlement mechanism.

Against this background, what can we reasonably expect from 2026? By February-March, we hope to see a democratically elected government in office. No one should romanticise the task that the new government will face. It will inherit a society where political fatigue lives alongside political rage, where some actors quietly believe that they benefit more from instability than from calm, and where divisions along lines of nationality, religion, ideology, and class have deepened rather than softened.


Bangladeshi citizens have the right to expect that the coming election will be genuinely competitive, free, fair, and participatory. That independent voices will observe and report on the election without being harassed. Without such an election, every later promise about reforms will stand on shaky ground.

But beyond elections, one expectation stands above the rest. The next government must treat rebuilding institutions as its central task, not as a decorative slogan. Restoring the credibility of the judiciary, the police, and the civil administration is not a technical reform programme; it is a survival strategy for the state. That means the government should remove political elements or influence from the routine business of state institutions as much as possible, enforce written protocols and laws, and promote individuals based on competence rather than party loyalty. People should find themselves in a system where they no longer have to rely on informal phone calls to access and receive public services. If ordinary citizens start to believe that a court case, a formal complaint, or a visit to a police station will be handled according to law rather than according to party colour, half the journey towards stability will already be made.


Stability in this sense is not a substitute for forced order imposed through fear. Bangladesh does not need the kind of "stability" where dissenting voice and opposition is beaten off the streets, and journalists are forced into silence. The stability we need in 2026 is different: predictable institutions, fair procedures, and a basic sense of safety for all communities. A Hindu family in a small town, an Ahmadiyya mosque in a village, a Christian hospital in a remote district, an Indigenous community in the hills, a Bihari camp, a secular blogger, a conservative imam, a labour organiser in an export factory, a business owner in a district town—all of them should feel that the state protects their right to exist and speak rationally, even when they disagree with each other.

If the next government fails to restore stability and rebuild trust in institutions, the country will face a grim future. Street clashes will become routine. Politics will turn into a permanent emergency rather than a method of governance. Talented young people will quietly leave the country for better opportunities. Those staying behind will try to adapt to a life where insecurity is normal. This is not the future anyone can possibly ask for.

As citizens, we make choices every day. We choose which leaders to support, which stories to share online, and whether to hold onto anger or revenge. We also decide which lines we won't cross. If we want strong institutions instead of angry groups, our actions, both online and offline, need to reflect that, even when we're upset.

Perhaps, the best way to look at 2026 is not as a magical turning point, but as a year for patient repair. We won't see all our dreams come true in just 12 months. What we can hope for is simpler: that people in power and regular citizens try to work together and rebuild some basic safety and trust by fixing our broken institutions.

Asif Bin Ali is doctoral fellow at Georgia State University.​
 

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