[🇧🇩] India's Water Terrorism Against Bangladesh

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Farakka barrage: time for strategic legal action

IN 1975, India constructed the Farakka Barrage near the Bangladesh border, diverting water from the Ganges River into the Bhagirathi-Hooghly River to enhance the navigability of Kolkata Port. While this might have initially served India’s economic interest, the consequences for Bangladesh have...

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Farakka barrage: time for strategic legal action
Matiul Alam 16 May, 2025, 00:00

IN 1975, India constructed the Farakka Barrage near the Bangladesh border, diverting water from the Ganges River into the Bhagirathi-Hooghly River to enhance the navigability of Kolkata Port. While this might have initially served India’s economic interest, the consequences for Bangladesh have been devastating. Ecological degradation, agricultural disruption, economic hardship, and severe freshwater scarcity are just a few issues that have plagued Bangladesh for nearly five decades.

From the onset, the Farakka Barrage has violated essential principles of international river law. Under the ‘No Harm Principle’ articulated clearly in Article 7 of the 1997 UN Watercourses Convention, any state’s activity must avoid causing significant harm to downstream countries. Yet, Bangladesh has endured massive ecological and economic damage directly linked to India’s unilateral water diversion.

Another vital international law principle, ‘Equitable and Reasonable Utilisation’, demands that shared water resources be utilised fairly. However, Farakka’s operation has systematically deprived Bangladesh of its legitimate water rights, dramatically altering the environmental and socio-economic fabric of the nation, particularly harming agriculture, fisheries, and the globally significant Sundarbans.

India also failed its international obligations to adequately consult and inform Bangladesh before the barrage’s construction and subsequent management, further breaching established diplomatic norms. These actions collectively represent severe legal violations that demand accountability and remediation.

Historically, resistance against the Farakka Barrage is symbolically anchored by the legendary Farakka Long March of 1976, led by Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani. On May 16, 1976, thousands marched from Rajshahi to Farakka, vociferously protesting India’s unilateral water diversion. This event remains a potent symbol of Bangladesh’s enduring struggle for environmental justice and equitable water sharing. Today, commemorating this day highlights ongoing demands for justice and equitable sharing of transboundary waters.

Globally, similar disputes have found resolutions in international courts or arbitration bodies, providing critical precedents for Bangladesh. The Gabčíkovo–Nagymaros case (Hungary vs Slovakia) at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), for instance, underscored ecological integrity and fairness in international river use. Likewise, arbitration mechanisms facilitated by the World Bank in the Indus Waters Treaty (Pakistan vs. India) illustrate how impartial mediation can resolve deep-rooted water conflicts. Cases such as the ongoing negotiations around Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam emphasise the necessity of multilateral dialogue, while effective bilateral treaty management between the US and Mexico on the Rio Grande demonstrates sustainable diplomatic models.

Considering these global precedents, Bangladesh must now strategically engage in robust international legal action. Firstly, Bangladesh should immediately commission a detailed, multidisciplinary assessment to quantify ecological, agricultural, and economic losses inflicted by the barrage. Such documentation would underpin claims for monetary compensation from India based on clearly defined international liability principles.

Moreover, Bangladesh must consider petitioning international forums such as the ICJ or the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA). The ICJ offers formal, binding judgements suitable for complex interstate disputes, while the PCA provides flexible arbitration tailored to environmental and technical aspects of water conflicts. Utilising these forums can elevate Bangladesh’s grievances and catalyse fair, transparent solutions.

Interestingly, internal criticism within India provides Bangladesh with significant diplomatic leverage. Prominent Indian voices, including Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar and respected environmentalist Rajendra Singh, have openly labelled the Farakka Barrage a ‘curse’, highlighting its adverse impact on Bihar and West Bengal through intensified flooding, sedimentation, and riverbank erosion. These domestic criticisms validate Bangladesh’s concerns and amplify demands for the barrage’s phased decommissioning.

Bangladesh should strategically leverage these internal Indian critiques in diplomatic discussions, advocating for a bilateral review of Farakka’s viability. Bangladesh’s diplomacy must also extend to actively engaging Indian civil society, environmental groups, and media to build consensus for removing this problematic infrastructure.

The current government, led by Dr Muhammad Yunus, stands at a pivotal juncture in Bangladesh’s diplomatic and environmental future. To succeed, it should promptly assemble a dedicated task force comprising international legal experts, hydrologists, environmental scientists, experienced diplomats, and policy advocates. This multidisciplinary team can guide rigorous assessments, manage strategic international negotiations, and sustain diplomatic momentum toward Farakka’s reconsideration.

Additionally, Bangladesh must ratify and actively utilise the 1997 UN Watercourses Convention. This action will fortify Bangladesh’s legal stance, explicitly safeguarding its downstream rights and responsibilities within international law frameworks. Ratification will send a clear international signal of Bangladesh’s commitment to resolving transboundary water issues through established global norms.

Finally, investing in domestic research and sustainable water management strategies is critical. While Bangladesh pursues justice internationally, it must also build resilience locally, mitigating current ecological damage and developing alternative freshwater solutions to protect millions dependent on the Ganges’ flow.

In conclusion, nearly half a century after its construction, the Farakka Barrage remains an undeniable source of environmental, economic, and diplomatic distress for Bangladesh. Yet, within this challenge lies a profound opportunity. By initiating strategic international legal action, leveraging global precedents, capitalising on rising internal Indian criticism, and strengthening diplomatic channels, Bangladesh can transition from victimhood to proactive stewardship. Dismantling or significantly modifying the Farakka Barrage could mark the beginning of a transformative regional shift from destructive water management toward cooperative, sustainable governance. The time for decisive action is now.

Dr Matiul Alam, a former professor of education, is an honorary educational research scholar at the University of British Columbia, Canada.​

 

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Bhashani wanted to ensure River Padma's due rights

Before anyone draws a litre of water from the Padma, they must think of the downstream districts, the Sundarbans, Padma’s right to meet the sea

en.prothomalo.com

Bhashani wanted to ensure River Padma's due rights
Gawher Nayeem Wahra
Updated: 21 Jun 2025, 16: 32

On 16 May 1976 a long March was held from Rajshahi towards the Farakka Barrage in India under the leadership of Maulana Bhasani UNB

Given the prevailing favourable political circumstances in the country, this year Farakka Day (16 May) was observed much more visibly than in previous years. The enthusiasts, the overenthusiastic, the mildly enthusiastic and the impulsive enthusiasts, everyone took part in commemorating Farakka Day. There were even photo sessions on the occasion.

Outside Dhaka, meetings, rallies, and seminars were held in Rajshahi. Many attended these events on a one-day trip from Dhaka. All this reflects a high level of enthusiasm. This is only natural in a country where everyone loves festivities and celebrations.

But have we truly internalized, as Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani did, that the Farakka problem cannot be solved with tears—whether from the eyes or from any other part of the body?

Ahmad Sofa used to say, “No one understood as clearly as Bhashani the devastation Farakka Barrage was causing to Bangladesh.”

It may have been deemed ‘discourteous’ for Bangladesh not to attend the inauguration of Farakka back then on 21 April 1975, despite an invitation, by the prime minister at the time, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, chose to heed the words of his dear Maulana Bhashani. Reportedly, it was at Bhashani’s request that the water resources minister Abdur Rab Serniabat was told to cancel his trip.

India’s ambassador back then, the seasoned diplomat Samar Sen, was surprised by this last-minute decision. Though he said nothing, it is beyond doubt that India’s minister of agriculture and irrigation, Jagjivan Ram, who was the central figure at the event, was displeased. In 1971, he had served as India’s defence minister. Perhaps that is why he took it for granted that they would readily respond to the invitation.

There is no record of the interaction between Maulana Bhashani and Prime Minister Sheikh Mujib. However, it can be assumed that he reminded the prime minister of the meeting held on 16 May 1974 between the prime ministers of Bangladesh and India. In that meeting, both leaders had agreed that the Farakka Barrage would not be operated during the dry season until the two countries reached an agreement on water sharing. (Source: Rameez Mohd Bhat, International Journal of Applied Research 2020; 6 (2): 264-268 Hydro-politics between India and Bangladesh: A study of Farakka barrage dispute).

India cannot unilaterally open the barrage without respecting that consensus. Being witness to such an inaugural ceremony would mean retreating from our rightful claim to water.

Maulana Bhashani perhaps reminded them of the first meeting held in 1973 between Bangladesh and India regarding the Ganges. In that meeting, it was decided that the Farakka Barrage would only be operational after the two countries reached a final agreement on water sharing. (Source: previously cited)

Several meetings between the two countries took place until 1975, but due to disagreements on various issues, no resolution on water sharing could be reached.

During the dry season, due to the lack of water flow in the Padma, vast areas turn into sandbars. Padma River in the Talaimari area of Rajshahi city File Photo

By 1976, Maulana Bhashani was over ninety years old. He spent most of his time in the hospital. Even on the first day of the Bengali New Year (15 April) that year, he was in hospital.

After attending the Chhayanaut event in Ramna, Fakir Alamgir, a young and rising singer at the time, said upon arriving at Shahbagh, “Let’s go pay our respects to Huzoor.”

Whether it was his involvement with Biplobi Chhatra Union or out of deep reverence, he always referred to Maulana Bhashani as “Huzoor.”

Maulana Bhashani was asleep. It seemed his weary body simply wanted to rest.

There was little resemblance between the Maulana Bhashani I had first seen in 1970 on the “relief launch” during the relief efforts in cyclone-ravaged Monpura and the man lying in the hospital bed. It was as if a vibrant, plump grape had shriveled into a raisin.

But just days later, on 18 April 1976, upon being discharged from the hospital, it was as though the lion within him awoke. Maulana Bhashani declared that if India deprived Bangladesh of its rightful share of water, he would launch a long march.

This announcement surprised many at the time. Some dismissed it as a political stunt. But in truth, it was his final struggle at the risk of his life.

Monajat Uddin, a correspondent of Dainik Sangbad, participated in that long march on 16 May 1976. In his report the next day, he wrote that the 64 km journey was extremely arduous. The greatest concern was for Maulana Bhashani himself. After all, he was over 90 years old.

Monajat Uddin later recalled this in his memoir "Poth Theke Pothe", published on 1 January 1991.

On 28 April 1976, Maulana Bhashani issued a statement urging everyone to join and ensure the success of the long march.

Prior to the march, he also wrote a letter to Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi, explaining the reasons and background of the protest. From all this, it is clear that the long march was not just a dramatic gesture.

That letter, now part of history, ought to be essential reading for today’s youth. (Sources: 1. BBC Bangla report, Dhaka, 16 May 2022; 2. Majlum Jananeta Maulana Bhashani Smarak Sonkolon, edited by Mohsin Shastrapani and Bulbul Khan Mahbub; 3. Report titled Bhashani’s Farakka Long March of 1976 by M. Golam Mostafa, Convener, National Jatiya Krishak-Sramik Mukti Andolan, 14 May 2024).

Maulana Bhashani’s long march effectively laid the groundwork for bringing the issue to the international stage. Later, at the 31st UN General Assembly, Ziaur Rahman raised the Farakka issue. The UN recommended resolving the matter through bilateral discussions.

When the first non-Congress government, led by Morarji Desai, came to power in India in 1977, relations between the two countries somewhat improved. That same year, a five-year agreement on the sharing of Ganges water was signed. Subsequent agreements followed. The current agreement is set to expire in 2026.

The country’s higher judiciary declared in a verdict that a river is a “living entity.” This means rivers, like humans, have the right to a healthy and sustainable existence. There are legal provisions for taking action against those responsible for encroachment, pollution, or sedimentation

An analysis of the five Ganges water-sharing agreements reveals that Bangladesh’s share of water has gradually decreased over time.

Moreover, in other water-sharing agreements across the subcontinent, countries generally consider the total flow of the river and provide downstream countries with information about all barrages, dams, or embankments constructed upstream. This principle is even followed in the Indus Waters Treaty between India and Pakistan. However, such considerations have been neglected in the case of the Ganges Treaty.

India provides Bangladesh with information only about the Farakka Barrage. However, multiple other barrages and dams have been constructed upstream on the Ganges, which have disrupted and continue to disrupt the river's natural flow before it even reaches Farakka.

In addition, the upstream Indian states of West Bengal are themselves increasingly unable to contain their concerns over Farakka. Their interest in Ganges water is growing by the day. This suggests that in the coming years, our share is likely to shrink further.

Yet our need for water is rising. Just to keep the Sundarbans alive, floodwaters are required in Padma’s tributaries such as the Gorai, Kumar, and Madhumati rivers.

One possible solution is to increase our capacity to retain water and to use it more efficiently. However, discussions around Farakka Day did not reflect on what we ourselves can do, through our own strength and initiative, if India fails to supply the water we need.

In the concluding speech of his long march (17 May 1976), Maulana Bhashani declared, “If India ignores the demands of the people of Bangladesh regarding the Farakka issue, a movement to boycott Indian goods will begin.”

This writer was present that day and heard Maulana speak. He had also said, “A river has its own rights. If it is not allowed to meet the sea, the world will be rendered desolate. All of creation will be destroyed. It will dissolve into nothingness.” These powerful words from his speech were not prominently reported in any newspaper the following day.

Monajat Uddin’s book and the article "Maulana Bhashanir Jibon Srote" by Abu Noman Khan, former office secretary of the Jatiya Krishak Samity and witness of that day’s march, published in the book Majlum Janoneta Maulana Bhashani Smarak-Sonkolon, edited by Mohsin Shastrapani and Bulbul Khan Mahbub, contain many details about the long march. However, there is no narrative of the “rights of the river.”

Hasan Mir, a former official at Rajshahi Radio (who passed away last year), told this writer, “We actually didn’t understand the meaning or implication of that statement. That’s why it didn’t make it into the radio news.” The call for a “boycott of Indian goods" gained more prominence. But he has several times mentioned the due rights of the river.

What are a river’s rights?
Before this project, a water treatment plant worth Tk 103 crore was built in Shyampur, Rajshahi, in 2011. Due to lack of water in the Padma, it remains non-operational most of the year.

In the Sarangpur area of Godagari upazila, where a new water treatment plant is being built on the Padma, the Ganges enters Bangladesh from India and takes on the name Padma. From here, a distributary of the Padma, the Mahananda River, branches off. This WASA treatment plant is being constructed at the confluence of these two rivers.

And it's not just Rajshahi. Water from the Padma is being extracted for the residents of Dhaka city as well. For that, the Padma-Jashaldia Water Treatment Plant was set up in 2019 in Louhajang, Munshiganj.
Today, we talk about rivers as “living entities,” but Maulana had already expressed that idea way back then. Readers may recall that on 3 February 2019, the country’s higher judiciary declared in a verdict that a river is a “living entity.” This means rivers, like humans, have the right to a healthy and sustainable existence. There are legal provisions for taking action against those responsible for encroachment, pollution, or sedimentation.

Maulana Bhashani had essentially voiced this same principle 43 years before that court ruling, through his statement about the river’s rights.

Yet in discussions on Farakka Day, not a word was said about river pollution or about the implications of extracting water from the Padma while violating the river’s rights.

A mega project has been launched in Godagari to extract 200 million litres of water daily just for the residents of Rajshahi city. Professor Sarwar Jahan of Rajshahi University confirmed this. The previous government signed a deal with a Chinese company on 21 March 2021 to establish this project.

If such a vast quantity of water is extracted daily, the Padma will hardly be able to flow as far as Pabna. And what about the water needed for the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant? How many millions of litres per day will that require? Where are those figures?

Why should Khulna city sit back and watch? It, too, is claiming a share of the Padma’s distributary rivers. Water from the Madhumati River is being diverted to Khulna. At present, nearly 53 per cent of Khulna city’s demand for safe drinking water is being met by the Madhumati alone.

Under this project, water from the Madhumati, located 71 km away, is diverted by pipe to the Samantasen area of Khulna, where it is treated. Alongside a water treatment plant with a daily capacity of 110 million litres, a reservoir with a storage capacity of 775,000 cubic metres has been built to store untreated water. This allows for a three-month supply of water for the city’s residents. Since June 2019, the project has been operating at full capacity, while the Madhumati is dying.

Back in 2000–01, efforts began in the Manikhar area to extract, treat, and supply water from the Madhumati River to meet the needs of Gopalganj town. This was the first water treatment plant in the area. A second was established there in 2019–2020.

We must not forget that aside from the Padma’s tributaries, the Gorai, Kumar, and Madhumati, there is no other route for fresh water to reach the Sundarbans. Without an adequate supply of fresh water, how will the Sundarbans survive?

Can Padma not be saved?
The growing tendency to extract water from the Padma to meet urban demands must be controlled. The Padma’s right to meet the sea cannot be obstructed.

Another long-story narrated as a hope for reviving the Padma goes back to the Pakistan era: the “Ganges/Padma Barrage.” Since 1961, efforts have been underway to implement this project. In 1970, the president at the time, Yahya Khan, allocated 5 crore rupees for preliminary work on the Ganges Barrage. Construction began about two and a half miles downstream from the Hardinge Bridge.

However, after the war, the Ganges Barrage Circle was dismantled in 1974. In 1980, to overcome the devastating effects of Farakka, General Zia laid the foundation stone for this project in Talbaria, Kushtia.

Following several feasibility studies, the site for the Ganges Barrage was later recommended to be in Pabna’s Pakshey. The recommendations stated that, once implemented, the Ganges Barrage project would restore navigability to 16 rivers including the Gorai, push back salinity intrusion in the region, and help reestablish the ecological balance that had been disrupted by Farakka.

The estimated length of the barrage is 2.1 km. It is to stretch from Satbaria in Sujanagar upazila of Pabna to Habaspur in Pangsa upazila of Rajbari district on the river’s right bank, that is, the opposite bank.

According to the feasibility report, the barrage will establish a direct road link between the southwestern region of the country and other parts. A four-lane road bridge built on the deck of the barrage, along with a 7 km approach road on the right bank, will connect the western and southwestern regions to the Rajbari-Kushtia highway through an 8.5 km link road.

The barrage will be modeled after the Teesta Barrage built in Dalia, Nilphamari. Upstream from the barrage, a vast reservoir will stretch 165 km to Panka in Chapainawabganj. This reservoir will have a water-holding capacity of 2,900 million cubic meters. From this volume, 2,000 million cubic meters of water will be supplied during the dry season through the barrage.

Site of the centre to extract water from Padma at Godagari, Rajshahi Courtersy: Author

But this will require Herculean efforts and resources. Without making the effort to procure those resources, can the Padma really be saved simply through nostalgic recollections of the Farakka marches?

Before any citizen draws even one litre of water from the Padma, they must think of the downstream districts. They must think of the Sundarbans. And they must think of the Padma’s right to meet the sea.
If we don’t understand that killing a river means killing civilization, then how can we call ourselves civilized?

* Gawher Nayeem Wahra is a researcher​

 

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Won’t accept any implementation delay: Nahid

National Citizen Party Convener Nahid Islam yesterday said his party would not accept any delay or political maneuver over implementing the Teesta master plan.

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Teesta master plan
Won’t accept any implementation delay: Nahid

National Citizen Party Convener Nahid Islam yesterday said his party would not accept any delay or political maneuver over implementing the Teesta master plan.

The NCP leader made the remarks while speaking at a rally in front of Ghoshpara Liberation War Memorial in Kurigram town.

Nahid also stressed that the master plan must be realistic, inclusive, and tailored to meet the needs of Kurigram's vulnerable communities.

"Kurigram stands for the struggles of landless char dwellers, the sorrow of border killings, and the unfulfilled promises of water-sharing treaties," he said.

The district also represents both historical defiance and deprivation, from Taramon Bibi's fight to the July uprising, he said.

"If we want a just and inclusive Bangladesh, we must uphold the dignity of Kurigram," Nahid said.

He also said, "Even though the fascist regime has collapsed, the fascist structure remains intact. Mafia control, land-grabbing, and political terrorism continue. NCP aims to dismantle this old order and build a fair, equitable Bangladesh."

Around 12:30pm, the NCP's "Desh Gorte July Podojatra" (July March to Build the Nation) entered Kurigram's Rajarhat upazila from Rangpur. After a stop at Trimohoni Bazar, the march reached Ghoshpara around 2:00pm, where thousands of party activists joined a brief rally.

Addressing another rally at Rajarhat, Nahid announced that the NCP would unveil its manifesto for the reconstruction of Bangladesh at the Central Shaheed Minar in Dhaka on August 3.

"We vow to resist those who are conspiring to derail the people's uprising," he said.

Hasnat Abdullah, chief coordinator (south) of NCP, addressed the police and said, "Dear brothers in the police force, do not become BNP's police. The Awami League government once tried to turn the police into its own, and you saw the consequences of that. We urge you not to align with any political party. Instead, stand for Bangladesh."

NCP Chief Coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari, its chief coordinator (north) Sarjis Alam, joint chief coordinator Abdul Hannan Masud and member secretary Akhtar Hossain, among others, addressed the rally.​