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[๐Ÿ‡ง๐Ÿ‡ฉ] Israel and Hamas war in Gaza-----Can Bangladesh be a peace broker?
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No refuge for Palestinians caught between Israeli military and Jewish mobs

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A masked Jewish extremist swings a slingshot while hurling stones at Palestinians who had gathered for the annual olive harvest season, during an attack by Israeli settlers on the Palestinian village of Beita, south of Nablus in the West Bank, on October 10, 2025. FILE PHOTO: AFP

In the occupied West Bank, Palestinian villages have become open fields for illegal Jewish settlers operating under the protection of the Israeli army. In recent weeks, organised Jewish mobs, some armed with rifles and sticks, others carrying torches, have unleashed violence across occupied Palestinian towns and villages. It is not only that Israeli soldiers stand providing cover for the illegal Jewish mobs, but the army also blocks Palestinian farmers from accessing their farms for the annual olive harvest.

The Jewish mob's thuggery follows a clear pattern where settlers attack homes, burn olive groves, beat villagers and drive out farmers from their land. Multiple international eyewitness accounts and videos showed Jewish settlers descending from Jewish-only colonies, escorted by soldiers firing tear-gas or live ammunition at Palestinians defending their farms. Meanwhile, Western media copies Israeli military euphemising these attacks as "flash points" or "friction."

Since October, the olive harvest season in Palestine, Palestinian farmers have been attacked at least 259 times by illegal Jewish settlers. When Palestinian civilians attempt to defend their villages, they face violenceโ€”nearly 1000 died at the hands of Jewish settler mobs in the West Bank since 2023, including four American Palestinian citizens. Often, no charges were filed against the Jewish murderers. The violence has become so normalised that government ministers openly praise the mobs as defenders of "the Land of Israel." Jewish settlers now act as shock-troops in a slow-motion official annexation strategy, blurring the line between state and vigilante.

Under the watchful eyes of Israeli soldiers, Jewish mobs attack journalists filming the olive harvest. Refusing to intervene, the Israeli army fired steel-plated rubber bullets and tear gas at the Palestinian farmers and international activists, dispersing the olive pickers and empowering the Jewish mobs to cut and burn olive trees. In another arsonist attack, Jewish settlers on November 13 torched a mosque, sprayed the walls with racist graffiti, and set cars ablaze.

It is an open partnership between the Israeli army and Jewish settlers under an apartheid occupation. A dual legal system where illegal Israeli Jewish settlers are governed by civilian courts, while Palestinians have little rights in military courts. The distinction is not administrative; it is what Jewish apartheid in Palestine looks like.

According to Israeli and Palestinian human-rights groups, Jewish impunity is systemic: 97 percent of complaints filed against Jewish vigilantes resulted in acquittals or closed without investigation. In contrast, in Israeli military courts, 96 percent of the cases against Palestinians lead to convictions.

Beyond direct mob violence, a parallel system of control is tightening the noose on Palestinian daily life. According to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, there are 877 checkpoints and roadblocks restricting the movement of 3.3 million Palestinians across the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Checkpoints are for the non-Jewish only natives, while the illegal Jewish settlers enjoy free movement on Israeli-only roads. These barriers are not for "security," they operate as economic choke-points in a regime of systematic separation.

The economic and social cost for non-Jews is enormous. Trucks carrying perishable goods rot at checkpoints; workers lose entire shifts; ambulances sit in line. As one Palestinian described the ordeal simply: "time is being stolen from us." The military checkpoints serve as a visible thread in a larger web of structural Jewish apartheid.

Caught between armed Jewish mobs and military rule, Palestinians find no refuge in their own leadership. The Palestinian Authority (PA), remains largely paralysed or unable to defend them. While the PA maintains security cooperation with the occupier and silences dissent in the streets of Ramallah or Jenin, settlers torch olive groves a few miles away.

Internationally, Israel continues to face little consequence. The United States provides billions in aid while shielding it from accountability at the United Nations. The EU issues perfunctory statements of "concern," while maintaining preferential trade with Israel and continues to do business with the very settlements they describe as illegal under international law. By importing goods produced in illegal Jewish-only colonies, the EU, UK, and US are directly enabling Israel's racist mob culture.

These illegal colonies are bankrolled by an extensive network of Israel-first Zionist Americans, among them the Kushner family, and non-profit platforms, including several synagogues that openly host fundraising drives to finance the construction of Jewish-only homes on stolen Palestinian land.

This fusion of settler ideology and state power represents the logical endpoint of Israel's occupation. The army's policies ensure that every act of settler terror becomes yet another instrument in its overarching strategy. The apartheid wall, checkpoints, and military zones suffocate Palestinian life, while Jewish mobs terrorise their towns and villages.

To that end, the Jewish mob violence is not an aberration, but rather an inevitable outcome of a system built on Jewish supremacy and dispossession. As long as Western governments and media continue to ignore this silent Israeli war in the West Bank, as they did prior to October 7, 2023, in Gaza, Israel will persist in quietly sanctioning, arming and shielding the Jewish mobs.

Unlike in Gaza, there is no organised armed resistance to defend Palestinians in the West Bank, no declared war zone, no pretext to hide behind. What Israel is doing exposes its cruelty in its rawest form. It is carried out in broad daylight against a defenceless people whose only crime is existing on their own land, refusing despair, where their mere survival has become an act of resistance. It is a 77-year-long, unprovoked, racist campaign of state-sanctioned Jewish-mob terror.

This is an abridged version of an article first published on Middle East Monitor on November 17, 2025.

Jamal Kanj is the author of Children of Catastrophe: Journey from a Palestinian Refugee Camp to America, and other books. He writes frequently on Palestine/Arab world issues for various national and international publications.​
 
newagebd.net/post/middle-east/282853/israeli-army-kills-5-in-south-gaza

Israeli army kills 5 in south Gaza
Agence France-Presse . Jerusalem 22 November, 2025, 01:13

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Masked gunmen from the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement search for bodies in Nuseirat in the central Gaza Strip on Friday. | AFP photo

The Israeli army said it killed five Palestinians in the southern Gaza Strip on Friday in an area under its control.

The incident came after two consecutive days of deadly air strikes in the territory, and took place on the Israeli-held side of the so-called Yellow Line, the demarcation behind which the military has withdrawn as part of a fragile US-brokered ceasefire.

โ€˜A short while ago, IDF army troops identified five members who emerged from underground terrorist infrastructure in eastern Rafah, east of the yellow line,โ€™ the military said in a statement.

โ€˜The terrorists approached IDF troops deployed in southern Gaza, posing an immediate threat to them. Subsequently, the IAF air force eliminated the terrorists,โ€™ it added.

A Gaza hospital also said that one person was killed by Israeli fire in another incident near Khan Yunis, in an area outside Israeli army control.

On Wednesday, Gaza saw one of its deadliest days since the truce between Israel and Hamas came into effect on October 10.

Twenty-seven people were killed in strikes across the territory, according to Gazaโ€™s civil defence agency, which operates under Hamas authority.

The agency said five more people were killed on Thursday.

Israel has carried out repeated strikes against what it says are Hamas targets during the ceasefire, and there have also been multiple deadly incidents of its forces firing on people approaching or crossing the Yellow Line.

According to the health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza, 312 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli fire since the truce took hold.

The UN Security Council voted Monday in favour of a US-drafted resolution endorsing US president Donald Trumpโ€™s Gaza peace plan, though Hamas rejected the resolution as failing to meet Palestiniansโ€™ โ€˜political and humanitarian demandsโ€™.

The war was sparked by Hamasโ€™s October 7, 2023 attack on Israel, which resulted in the deaths of 1,221 people.

Israelโ€™s retaliatory assault on Gaza has killed at least 69,546 people, according to figures from the health ministry that the UN considers reliable.​
 

Gaza tragedy and a mockery of a ceasefire

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Palestinians inspect the site of Wednesday's Israeli strike on a tent in Al Mawasi, Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, November 20, 2025. PHOTO: REUTERS

Day after day, it becomes clear that the announcement of the Sharm El-Sheikh summit in October 2025 "to stop the war" was not intended to save civilians in Gaza Strip, but was instead a new episode in a series of political games played at the expense of the Palestinians' humanitarian tragedy. The Trump administration did not seek to save the people of Gaza from genocide; it wanted to ensure that Israel was saved from international isolation and to rebuild its regional and global image after its racist crimes were exposed. The announcement of a "ceasefire" was more like a political cover to shield the Tel Aviv government than a genuine attempt to protect civilians in Gaza. Since the announcement, neither the raids nor the killing of innocents have stopped. The Palestinian Ministry of Health in Gaza has recorded the deaths of at least 312 people, most of them children, in addition to thousands wounded, while the entire strip remains under direct fire.

Thousands of wounded people are still prevented from travelling for treatment outside Gaza. Partially functioning hospitals can barely cope with the huge and growing numbers of critical cases, including life-altering injuries and the deaths of patients who have been denied even the most basic medicines. About 25 percent of the injured now face permanent disabilities due to a lack of medical equipment and the inability to treat complex injuries.

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While international media attention is focused on a limited number of recovered Israeli bodies, the fate of the Palestinians is being ignored. Some Palestinian bodies have been returned bearing signs of torture; others have been robbed; and the bodies of many who have been missing for decades are still held in secret graves or occupation refrigerators. At the same time, reports of torture prisons continue to emerge, going beyond even the horrors already exposed in Sde Teiman prison, where systematic violations have been committed against Palestinian detainees, including rape.

With the onset of winter, the suffering of the people is worsening. Camps for displaced families have been flooded with rainwater, and tents have become inundated and largely uninhabitable. The severe cold, combined with these dire conditions, has claimed the lives of children, the sick, and the elderly. Thousands of families now live without any form of protection, amid the continuation of the siege and the frequent obstruction of humanitarian aid.

Despite the tight siege, media and diplomatic reports have revealed systematic displacement through the so-called Ramon Airport, facilitated by fake and intelligence-linked companies. Dozens of Palestinians have suddenly arrived in South Africa, and there are reports of other shadowy agencies connected to Estonia flying Palestinians out. These "mystery flights" indicate Israel's intention to continue silent ethnic cleansing, which explains its insistence on maintaining the siege and denying Gaza even the most basic elements of life.

In this context, I have issued several statements to various Bangladeshi media outlets about the seriousness of this displacement through Ramon Airport, warning against exploiting the close relations and fraternal sympathy that bind the people of Bangladesh to Palestine. The most recent of these warnings came during my press conference regarding female students from Gaza, held on August 14, 2025.

In the West Bank, settler terrorism against the people in Palestinian villages and towns continues. Settlers, backed by the official support of the Israeli government and army, carry out frequent attacks on civilians, burn homes, and gradually displace residents, while Israeli security services cooperate with them, entrenching a policy of slow demographic cleansing.

Washington has pushed a draft resolution through the United Nations Security Council, calling it a "Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict," but in reality it only aims to satisfy Israel by deploying international forces to complete what the occupation has failed to achieve. It is not designed to protect civilians from continuous crimes. The resolution also entrenches the division of Gaza into a besieged and destroyed west and east, where reconstruction is conditional and politically manipulated. Moreover, it further cements the separation of Gaza from the West Bank and Jerusalem, undermining the Palestinian national entity, deepening political division, and further fragmenting Palestinian representation.

Here we must emphasise the essential role played by Saudi Arabia and France as sponsors of the conference on implementing the two-state solution, held at the United Nations Headquarters in New York in September 2025 and supported by the majority of the world's countriesโ€”with the exception of the United States and Israel. What offers Palestinians a degree of reassurance is the Kingdom's firm stance on the two-state solution. During a joint press conference with President Trump two days ago, the Saudi crown prince reaffirmed his country's firm stance on the matter. Though hope is an existential necessity for the present and the future, caution is also essential until Palestine and its people achieve real freedom and independence.

Yousef SY Ramadan is the ambassador of Palestine to Bangladesh.​
 

Dissecting the UNSC plan for Gaza and its inevitable dead end

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The resolution normalises Israeli occupation 'that will remain until Gaza is properly secure from any resurgent terror threat.' An open-ended clause grants Israel a permanent military footprint in and around Gaza and the power to define and determine any so-called 'resurgent threat.' FILE PHOTO: AFP

US policy documents on the Middle East do not reach the daylight before Israel is given the chance to filter and gut them. The latest UN Security Council (UNSC) 2803, Comprehensive Plan, is no exception. The resolution perpetuates the same failed logic that has governed international diplomacy for decadesโ€”one in which Palestinian rights are conditioned, but Israeli obligations are delayed with no mechanism, timelines, or accountability for violating agreements.

Following two years of using food as a weapon of war and genocide, the UNSC adopted the US-sponsored resolution, not to condemn but to reward the perpetrator. The UNSC Comprehensive Plan for Gaza is anything but comprehensive. It is narrow, short on details, rich in contradictions, and utterly lacking any overarching purpose.

Take the second paragraph of the resolution, for instance. The resolution "welcomes the establishment of the Board of Peace (BoP)" as a transitional international administration that will manage Gaza's redevelopment "until such time as the Palestinian Authority has satisfactorily completed its reform program."

In other words, the recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people is contingent, sequenced, and time-bound: reform first, demonstrate worthiness, satisfy outside evaluators, and thenโ€”maybeโ€”they can "securely and effectively take back control" of their land. Meanwhile, Israel's commitments are, at best, deliberately vague, crafted with ambiguities allowing varying interpretations, much like UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338, written purposefully in a nebulous language that enabled Israel to evade compliance for decades.

There is not one single concrete or enforceable requirement placed on Israel: to halt its extrajudicial assassinations, military attacks, complete withdrawal, or stop the expansion of Jewish-only colonies established on the same land reserved for the supposed Palestinian "self-determination."

The resolution weakens item 7 of "Trump's 20-point Gaza peace plan", which had called for "full aid be immediately sent into the Gaza Strip." The new Comprehensive Plan replaced "immediately" with an emphasis on "the importance of the full resumption of humanitarian aid." Israel's inexplicit obligations are further watered down to mere "consultation" and "cooperation," giving the occupying power wide latitude to dictate interpretations and evade any real accountability.

The distortion becomes even more evident in paragraphs three through eight. These sections deepen the asymmetry: Israel, whose leaders are indicted war criminals, is elevated to a co-supervisor with veto power over every stage of Gaza's future. In effect, this resolution upends international law by granting war criminals the final word on Gaza's fate.

Paragraph three, which addresses humanitarian aid, orders stringent monitoring of aid distribution inside Gaza. At the same time, there is no unequivocal demand on Israel to open all crossings or stop hindering humanitarian aid delivery fully. The limited aid must be policed in Gaza, but the state that used food as a weapon and starved the population is not required to do anything differently.

In paragraph four, a foreign-controlled "operational entities" strip Palestinians of their political agency by placing them under a technocratic committee selected from abroad and subordinate to the misnomer BoP. Yet, there is nothing in the resolution about the freedom of ingress and egress, no mention of opening the seaport or rebuilding the airport. Furthermore, there are no tangible punitive measures if and when Israel fails to adhere to the UNSC Resolution.

The funding structures in paragraphs 5โ€“6 absolve Israel of responsibility. Gaza's reconstruction is handed to donors and the World Bank, financed through voluntary contributions. Israel, the power that destroyed Gaza is not asked to contribute a dollar, let alone pay reparations or assume legal responsibility for murdering and injuring 241,000 Palestinians, destroying all the universities, 97 percent of schools, 94 percent of the hospitals and 92 percent of the residential homes.

The heart of the resolution's inequity is found in paragraph seven, which authorises a foreign military force (ISF) tasked with enforcing Palestinian demilitarisation. The Palestinian Resistance must disarm, surrender weapons, accept foreign security supervision, and undergo vetting. Israel's withdrawal, however, takes place only "when conditions allow" and is to be negotiated between its army and ISF, guarantors, and the US. Palestinians are entirely excluded from determining the terms of the Israeli withdrawal from their own land.

Even more alarming, the resolution normalises Israeli occupation "that will remain until Gaza is properly secure from any resurgent terror threat." The open-ended clause grants Israel a permanent military footprint in and around Gaza while also granting it the power to define and determine any so-called "resurgent threat."

Finally, paragraph eight mandates that any extension of international presence in Gaza must be done "in full cooperation and coordination with Egypt and Israel." Once again, Palestinians are excluded from determining their own future. It is all left for Israel since its consent is conditional on the "full cooperation."

Taken together, these provisions expose the true nature of the so-called Comprehensive Plan: a political instrument designed to entrench, not end, the structural inequality of occupation. And less than 72 hours following the UNSC Resolution, Benjamin Netanyahu appointed Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, two Jewish racist ministers who openly called for the ethnic cleansing and for building Jewish-only colonies in Gaza, to be in charge of, or more likely to undermine, the second phase of Trump's 20-point plan.

In short, the UNSC Comprehensive Plan whitewashes Israel's genocide and ties the future of Palestinian self-determination to a checklist that Israel is neither bound to accept nor prevented from obstructing. A plan that will lead to exactly where previous UN Resolutions, mainly 194, 242, and 338, had gone, to an inevitable dead-end.

Jamal Kanj is the author of Children of Catastrophe: Journey from a Palestinian Refugee Camp to America, and other books. He writes frequently on Palestine/Arab world issues for various national and international publications.​
 

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