[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

Massive reform, unity stressed for fair polls

Speakers at a dialogue on Saturday stressed national unity among the political parties and organising of fair elections after bringing about massive reforms upholding the spirit of the War of Independence and student-mass uprising.

www.newagebd.net

Massive reform, unity stressed for fair polls
Staff Correspondent 29 December, 2024, 00:49

Forum for Bangladesh Studies holds a national dialogue titled Responsibility for Reform and Election Roadmap at the Krishibid Institution Bangladesh in Dhaka on Saturday. | New Age photo

Speakers at a dialogue on Saturday stressed national unity among the political parties and organising of fair elections after bringing about massive reforms upholding the spirit of the War of Independence and student-mass uprising.

Some of them, however, gave opinions for laying only the base of the reforms before the elections, leaving the rest of the reforms to be completed by the elected political government.

Their remarks came at a national dialogue on ‘Responsibility for reforms and election roadmap’ hosted by the Forum for Bangladesh Studies at the Krishibid Institution Bangladesh in Dhaka city.

Adviser to the Ministry of Shipping retired brigadier general M Sakhawat Hossain said that if the state could not be reformed now, it would never happen.

‘We tried once in 2007. We carried out some tasks. But the tasks were not completed because of the ruling political parties. If we cannot do it now it will be an injustice to those who gave their blood in the July uprising. I am not saying that we will stay in power for four or five years. Reforms are possible within a year,’ he said.

Commenting on encouraging young people to form political parties, he said, ‘It is not right to discourage them. We think new blood is needed.’

Sakhawat urged political parties to be patient, saying ‘we have to face difficult situations.’

Calling on the political parties, he said, ‘We want our country to be stable. We are facing challenges. You, they (the future rulers), will also face big challenges.’

‘A big, very big challenge awaits us. It is not just internal; the biggest challenge will come from outside the country. Our new neighbour is being created. It is not normal; it is a different neighbour. Arakan is now a new reality. Now we have to think about the matter.’

Sakhawat said that there must be a bicameral parliamentary system to ensure representations of varied communities living in the country.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party standing committee member Nazrul Islam Khan said, ‘Many said in this dialogue that a crack has been created in the unity that was formed among the political parties to topple the Awami League regime, but I believe it is not right.’

‘We have differences of opinion on various issues. This is necessary for a democracy to work in sound health,’ he added.

‘Now is the time for cooperation. No political party or social organisation can do everything alone,’ he said.

Gono Forum co-chairman Subrata Chowdhury warned against a serious danger situation might surface if the canvas of reforms was widened. He urged for an election after minimum reforms.

New Age editor Nurul Kabir said that the student-led mass uprising had an aspiration for reform, and there was also a historical responsibility for democratic reforms in the constitution.

He suggested changing the name of Bangladesh to Jonogonotantrik Bangladesh instead of Gonoprojatontri Bangladesh in the constitution.

The editor also stressed reforms in the education sector to build a uniform education system for all.

He also suggested the recognition of basic necessities of food, clothing, education, shelter, and medical care as fundamental rights in the constitution and formulation of a legal mechanism to hold the state accountable if it failed to ensure those rights.

Suggesting the abolition of state religion, he said making Islam the state religion did neither help Islam nor the state.

He further said that most of the population is Muslim and Bangalee who were in both ways the first majority and so the country does not need to award them any special constitutional protections.

The non-Bengali and non-Muslim communities of the country, however, needed special protection in the constitution, he further argued.

Dhaka University professor Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir said that the greatest change would happen in 2025. Change would come from the Himalayas to the Bay of Bengal, but there was no leader who could lead in the current situation in the Bay of Bengal region.

‘We may have new neighbour. New states may emerge. Therefore, a situation should be created where Bangladesh will lead internationally and geopolitically in South Asia,’ he said.

Rashed also said that the reforms and elections should not be seen as opposites, but should move towards minimum unity to hold the elections.

Ganosamhati Andolan executive coordinator Abul Hasan Rubel said that a new political settlement was imperative for democratic transition. He suggested changes in the constitution through forming a constituent assembly.

Gazi Ataur Rahman, a leader of Islami Andolan Bangladesh suggested organising a bicameral legislature and a proportional representation system for national elections for an effective parliament.

He also stressed minimum reforms to hold elections.

Sarwar Tushar, a leader of Jatiya Nagorik Committee, proposed formation of a constituent assembly for formulating a fresh constitution.

‘A legal framework must be created to change the constitution and a constituent assembly must be formed to write the constitution anew,’ he said.

The constituent assembly could later become the legislative assembly or the national parliament, and if necessary, a referendum could be held, he added.

Opposing Tuesher’s proposal, Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal research cell Habibur Rahman said that such a constituent assembly would lack people’s participation.​

 

[Saif]

Reforms will never be done if not now, says Advisor Sakhawat

The time for crucial state reforms is now, as failing to implement them at this moment will make them impossible in the future, Labour and Employment Advisor Sakhawat Hussain has said. Speaking at a national dialogue on "Unity, Reform, and Elections" organised by the Forum for Bangladesh Studies,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Reforms will never be done if not now, says Advisor Sakhawat
Published :
Dec 28, 2024 22:13
Updated :
Dec 28, 2024 22:13

The time for crucial state reforms is now, as failing to implement them at this moment will make them impossible in the future, Labour and Employment Advisor Sakhawat Hussain has said.

Speaking at a national dialogue on "Unity, Reform, and Elections" organised by the Forum for Bangladesh Studies, or FBS, at the Krishibid Institution of Bangladesh in Dhaka’s Farmgate on Saturday, he explained the current political situation as a unique moment for reforms.

Sakhawat said, "The youth of Bangladesh, over 2,000 of them have sacrificed their lives in the streets, and more than 2,000 remain in hospitals.”

“At the [Combined Military Hospital], there are between 36 and 37 critically injured, and a few more martyrs are being added daily."

He continued, "In the early 21st century, such a large revolution has surely never happened in the subcontinent, and I don’t think anything of this scale has occurred anywhere else in the world.

“This context is why we are now discussing reforms and elections.”

The advisor recalled the reforms attempted in 2007, saying: "We made some progress back then, but they were undone due to the political parties in power.”

“I am not suggesting we should stay for five or six years; reforms can be made at any time. It might take a year, and then elections can follow.

“What is necessary now is a mutual understanding between the political parties."

The former election commissioner also emphasised the need for electoral system reforms, reports bdnews24.com.

“There have been many discussions about the election process. We have also talked about it extensively.”

“My view is that it should be based on a mix of partial proportional representation and majority system. Both seem logical to me."

Sakhawat also stressed the importance of introducing a bicameral parliament in Bangladesh.

"A bicameral system is essential for the country. If it is established, I believe it will bring in diverse people who can create a guideline.”

“This might eliminate the need for a caretaker government before elections."

He also remarked that the "Political Party Act" is crucial. "Without the law, the duties and responsibilities of political parties remain unclear.”

The advisor pointed out the issues with political involvement, saying: "Currently, we see people from the military or civil services, after retirement, seeking to become MPs, while businesspeople with no background in politics enter the field just by spending large sums of money for nominations.

“This practice, known as nomination trade, must be stopped."

Sakhawat said there was a three-year moratorium to stop this practice, but it has now been lifted.

"It was proposed that an individual must be a primary member of a political party for at least three years, and this should be verified to ensure that they have spent that time within the political party," he added.​

 

[Bilal9]

Don't worry about reforms, we will implement them: BNP's Amir Khosru

BNP leader Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has stressed the need for political unity to support the interim government in ensuring a democratic transition of power. There is no need for others to worry about state reforms as the BNP is committed to implementing them, he said at the seventh national confer

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Don't worry about reforms, we will implement them: BNP's Amir Khosru
Published :
Nov 30, 2024 13:43
Updated :
Nov 30, 2024 13:43

View attachment 11220

BNP leader Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has stressed the need for political unity to support the interim government in ensuring a democratic transition of power.

There is no need for others to worry about state reforms as the BNP is committed to implementing them, he said at the seventh national conference of Gono Forum at the Engineers Institution Auditorium in Dhaka on Saturday.

The BNP leader accused those aligned with authoritarian powers of trying to destabilise the country through various means, reports bdnews24.com.

"Once authoritarian forces seize power by stripping the people of their autonomy and voting rights, they take away other rights as well," he said.

He referred to a string of recent events, including the Ansar revolts, incidents involving minorities, and unrest linked to autorickshaw drivers, that he alleged were aimed at creating instability.

"These activities are attempts to disrupt stability. Today, as we dream of building a new Bangladesh, political parties and the united populace must share a singular vision for the nation's future," Khosru added.

"We have removed the autocratic forces, but to fulfil the people’s expectations and aspirations, we must return to democratic norms collectively."

Khosru also addressed recent events that have stoked communal tensions, saying: "Incidents in the name of religion need to be analysed deeply. While I won’t claim communal issues don’t exist in Bangladesh, efforts to exaggerate and create instability must be thwarted. The destructive reactions seen abroad, such as attacks on Bangladesh's consulate in Kolkata, do not reflect the sentiments of the Bangladeshi people."

"We must ensure that external influences do not hinder our aspirations to build the Bangladesh of tomorrow. The only path forward is a peaceful, democratic process for transferring power, and everyone must unite behind this mission."

Khosru outlined his party's goal of restoring the people's democratic rights through elections.

"We presented a 31-point reform plan a year ago, which encompasses our vision for Bangladesh. It is this agenda that we pledge to implement as a national government after the elections."

"There’s no need to worry about reforms. We agree to make the necessary electoral and governance reforms based on a consensus of national unity. These changes can be implemented swiftly, ensuring power is returned to the people through elections."

Emphasising reforms to fulfil national aspirations, he added: "The upcoming national government will implement the 31-point agenda. This is a promise to the nation, and we are fully committed to realising it."​

Khosru Shaheb is the epitome of confidence.

The students however may not relinquish control before the "reforms" - as they see it.

 

[Saif]

Khosru Shaheb is the epitome of confidence.

The students however may not relinquish control before the "reforms" - as they see it.

Your Khosru Shaheb was responsible for antagonizing China by making attempts to establish diplomatic relation with Taiwan. People in the know say that he took $1 million as a bribe from Taiwan for the job. Khaleda Zia sacked him from Commerce Ministry to calm the situation.

 

[Saif]

Six reform commissions get extended deadlines

The interim government extended the tenure of six reform commissions tasked with submitting reform proposals on Bangladesh constitution, police, judiciary, Election Commission, public administration and Anti-Corruption Commission.

www.newagebd.net

Six reform commissions get extended deadlines
Staff Correspondent 03 January, 2025, 15:15

Representational image | UNB Photo

The interim government extended the tenure of six reform commissions tasked with submitting reform proposals on Bangladesh constitution, police, judiciary, Election Commission, public administration and Anti-Corruption Commission.

A Cabinet Division notice issued on Thursday said that the proposal submission deadline of the public administration reform commission, police reform commission, electoral reform commission, constitution reform commission, and ACC reform commission was extended until January 15.

The judiciary reform commission’s deadline, however, was extended until January 31, said Mahmudul Hussain Khan, secretary (coordination and reforms) at the Cabinet Division.

After the fall of Sheikh Hasina-led regime on August 5 last year, the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government on October 3 formed five reform commissions on public administration, judiciary, police, election commission, and Anti-Corruption Commission. The Constitution Reform Commission was formed on October 7.

The first five reform commissions and the constitution reform commission were asked to submit their reform proposals to the chief adviser by December 31 and January 7 respectively.

Although the commissions’ chiefs earlier told New Age that they wanted to stick to the deadlines, none of them submitted their reports in due time.

‘The extensions aim to provide the necessary time for the commissions to complete their tasks and submit their final reform proposals,’ said Mahmudul.

Earlier, despite setting for submitting reports, none of the six reform commissions—on the constitution, election, judiciary, anti-corruption commission, police and public administration—had submitted their reports on Tuesday.

On that day, the cabinet division said that the commissions had extended their deadlines.​

 

[Bilal9]

Your Khosru Shaheb was responsible for antagonizing China by making attempts to establish diplomatic relation with Taiwan. People in the know say that he took $1 million as a bribe from Taiwan for the job. Khaleda Zia sacked him from Commerce Ministry to calm the situation.

My comment about Khosru shaheb was made in sarcasm.

Low-level underclass sowdagar.

 

[Saif]

Before preaching democracy, political parties must lead by example

Their lack of internal democracy casts doubt on the future of state reform drive

www.thedailystar.net

Before preaching democracy, political parties must lead by example
Their lack of internal democracy casts doubt on the future of state reform drive

VISUAL: STAR

As it is becoming increasingly clear, it is not enough to just plan state reforms and get some of them executed before the next election. To ensure the momentum is not lost post-election, political parties that will eventually take the reins of reform implementation must credibly demonstrate that they can deliver the reforms as promised. However, there remains a huge trust deficit in this regard, thanks in part to our experience with the reform drive under the last caretaker government that fizzled out soon after the 2008 election, when Awami League came to power. One way to prevent a repeat of that scenario is to ensure internal reforms within our political parties.

The argument is simple: if political parties cannot exercise democracy within their internal activities and decisions, how can they uphold democracy at the national level? A party that is run on the principles of accountability and transparency and in line with its own constitution is more likely to stick with the state reform agenda. Without these qualities, political parties, once elected to power, risk falling back into the same patterns of patronage, corruption, and authoritarian tendencies that have plagued Bangladesh for so long.

Sadly, as a report by this daily once again reminds us, most parties still function as highly centralised entities, with little regard for internal accountability or democratic practices. Our analysis of 25 parties reveals that party constitutions promising regular leadership elections and grassroots-driven MP nomination processes are routinely set aside. Party leaders also hold on to power for years, even decades, only to relinquish control in the event of ill health, legal troubles, or death.

For example, Awami League's Sheikh Hasina has been unopposed as party president for 43 years, while BNP's Khaleda Zia has held her position for 40 years. Although almost all party constitutions stipulate a council, every three or four years, to elect their office bearers, in reality, councils are rarely held and have rather morphed into mere formalities, rubber-stamping decisions made by party heads. Also, despite some parties introducing term limits or other reforms, such provisions are seldom enforced. The reliance on dynastic politics further entrenches these issues.

These practices have hollowed out the democratic essence of our political parties. Accountability for crimes or any breach of code of conduct by party members is another casualty under such circumstances. Since the political changeover on August 5, we have seen many instances where unruly members and supporters of some parties, notably BNP, have filled the void left by their fallen Awami League counterparts in various sectors, thus continuing corrupt practices of the past. It is precisely because of this trend that many have doubts about the continuity of the reform drive under a political government, which is unfortunate considering the huge sacrifices that went into bringing us this historic opportunity for change.

We urge political parties to critically review their internal practices and take corrective steps so that citizens can be confident of their ability and sincerity to sustain the reform drive post-election. They must honour their own constitutions, and regularly hold and enable their councils to become genuine platforms for electing leaders and shaping policies. They must lead the change that they want to see in the state.​

 

[Saif]

On reforming our imported institutions and governance

South Asia was fragmented in 1947 at the macro (regional) level, but even more egregiously so at the micro (nation-state) level.

www.thedailystar.net

On reforming our imported institutions and governance

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The July uprising of 2024 has yielded for Bangladesh's long-beleaguered people a "second liberation" from continuous oppression and tyrannical rule. Just as 54 years ago, people decided to take to the streets to wrest liberation from an oppressively neo-colonial rule, this time round, in the "36 days of July," people heeded the call by valiant students to challenge a government that they looked upon as tyrannical and fascist and overthrew it, demanding a complete revamping of our state institutions to ensure that no abuse of authority could ever revisit their future. Notably, and not surprisingly, one of the full-throated slogans of the students this time, "Ae baarer shongram, muktir shongram," was a reprise from the Liberation War in 1971.

However, having wrested our liberation in 1971, we were unable to rid the state of usurpation by power-hungry rulers driven by greed and self-aggrandisement in increasingly efficient ways to the detriment of the people. No matter how much people struggled to change this, they found their state circling back to the same place at regular intervals, regardless of which dispensation of rulers controlled the state. What national hubris embedded within our institutions firewalled itself against efforts at change?

Our institutions are essentially derived from the institutional concepts that were imported and transplanted by the British colonial rulers. However, the actual way they operationalised these imported institutions was not the same as the original British ones. The institutions in Britain were designed to govern and deliver services for the welfare of the Crown's subjects, while their replicas on colonised soil were designed to rule over conquered people. They were also designed to extract everything from colonised subjects to fill the coffers at home, and project their imperial power overseas.

I have long argued that, in order to secure our future, we need to bolster a sense of overriding confidence among the public that our core institutions are indeed secure against any political tampering. The separation of judiciary, making it completely independent of the executive branch, is a sine qua non for ensuring that the rule of law prevails in the state and that "Justice" truly acts blindfolded, without partiality towards anyone. We must also uphold and safeguard the independence and integrity of the Election Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), and resolutely address the malaise that plagues the bureaucracy and prevents it from acting professionally and neutrally, diminishing its capacity to deliver effectively. Civil servants must rediscover the lost creed that should define any bureaucracy: "To take decisions, justly and honestly, without fear or favour." Coupled with this, the freedom and independence of the print and electronic media must be guaranteed. Above all, leadership across the political divide needs to take constructive criticism in their stride.

Currently, there is a "chicken and egg" debate going on in our social spaces on whether we should have elections immediately, or first set in place critically long-overdue reforms demanded by the student leaders and talked at length above. At the heart of this conundrum perhaps lies the question: who will bell the cat of reforms?

An analysis of our history of the last 80 years, firstly of our fractured subcontinent itself at the macro level and secondly of our schizoid polity in the micro space of Bangladesh, one conclusion that one cannot fail to ignore is: if the process of selection of leaders and system of government is not inclusive, and if significant segments of society are excluded from the process of exercising their right to franchise, then the result inevitably leads to a state of explosive societal disequilibrium and institutional destabilisation, sooner or later. Perhaps the imported institutions we acquired had embedded within them inbuilt flaws triggered awake by their transplantation from the mother soil to distantly located colonial-nurtured soils. Perhaps the method of choosing our leaders, when we were allowed to practise self-rule by our British colonial masters, itself was not suitable for us.

Let's not forget that the British system of parliamentary democracy had a great deal of stability since the 19th and early 20th centuries, there being only two principal political parties, the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, with no significant minor or even lesser party around to challenge this diarchy. Since the Magna Carta of 1215, schisms within British society had been whittled down exponentially through an organic process following a series of struggles over the next several centuries. By the 1900s, the time when the concept of "self-rule" was imbued in us by a reluctant British Imperium, there had evolved a large space of political consensus between these two who were expected to, and did, play strictly by a variation of the Marquess of Queensberry Rules, applied to their sparring in political fisticuffs, with the monarch serving as the neutral referee. The British parliamentary elections were contested by all these parties on the basis of "first past the post" and "winner takes all" system largely accepted by all sections of society, with no fractious minority upsetting the apple cart!

However, when the denizens of the undivided subcontinent adopted this British system of Westminster-style parliamentary institutions and the extant method of electing leaders to govern them, they were already plagued by multiple societal divisions within them. Not only was there the major schism between Hindus and Muslims (with numerous other smaller faiths jostling for a place in the sun), there were sub-divisions within each religion as well, not to mention the regional differences based on language and cultural ethos separating north from south, east from west.

In 1947, India was partitioned principally in its two largest states, Bengal and Punjab. But the genie of marginalised politics in each neo-Westphalian state that emerged in August 1947 inexorably, and relentlessly, triggered within each new state smaller fragmentations, smaller partitions. What triggered these subsequent fulminations and multiple sub-partitions? I would argue in response that the feelings of disenfranchisement took possession of the souls of the smaller factions/groups who felt increasingly excluded by that insidious "first past the post/winner takes all" system, which could, it was discovered progressively, be skilfully manipulated by the winner to capture all state powers and then largely abuse the same for control and allocation of all resources of the state for themselves and chosen coteries.

In fact, the British "first past the post/winner takes all" electoral system has now come home to roost in British politics as well. Take the UK general election held on July 4, 2024, for example. With under 60 percent turnout of voters, the Labour Party won 33.7 percent of votes (both these figures reportedly lowest in over half a century). There were eight parties in the fray, including the Reform UK Party (a relatively recent, Brexit-championing fringe breakaway from the Conservative Party led by Nigel Farage). Reaping the benefit of the time-honoured "first past the post" system, Labour won 411 seats in parliament (out of 650) despite its record low voter turnout; meanwhile, Farage's Reform UK, despite having garnered 14.3 percent votes (almost half the votes of Labour) managed to get a paltry five seats. Among the other contestants, Conservatives managed to retain 121 seats with 23.7 percent of the votes, Lib-Dems got 72 seats, Scottish Nationalists Party got nine seats, the Sinn Fein seven seats, Independents got six seats, and the Green Party four seats. Today, perhaps the British too would be forced to consider reforms to their ancient system, while we stubbornly cling to what failed us to bridge our many rifts and schisms.

South Asia was fragmented in 1947 at the macro (regional) level, but even more egregiously so at the micro (nation-state) level. This is what prevents us at the national level from arriving at much needed consensus. The lack of such consensus at the regional level prevented SAARC from successful operationalisation; the same failing prevents Bangladesh from successful consolidation of its nation-state. It is essentially the same hubris at both levels, derailing both processes.

And what if a section of society does not like a party? Should that party be banned? Once again, we should glean a lesson from history. Vinayak Damodar Veer Savarkar, founder-member of the Hindu Mahasabha, asserted in a treatise in 1923 that India on gaining independence from British rule should be governed by Hindutva, being a Hindu-majoritarian state; neither the liberal British and the liberal Hindus nor any Muslim could accept the assertion. His follower Nathuram Godse, a member of both the Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing Hindu paramilitary volunteer organisation, assassinated Gandhi in 1948. The RSS was banned consequently, but resuscitated after a year and reorganised and gave birth to its political arm, the Jan Sangh. Jamaat-e-Islami was banned twice—both in Pakistan and in Bangladesh. In both instances, it lived to revive with greater vigour. There are numerous other examples around the globe, in recent and not so recent times as well. Quite a few of these banned parties or entities, after being comatose or in the cold for varying periods of time, sprang back to life, quite reinvigorated! As greater powers than us have discovered to their chagrin, banning a party, destroying its infrastructure or decapitating its leadership does not kill or make that entity simply fade into the sunset.

With hindsight, we all would have been wiser to have adopted a proportional representation system that would, at the very minimum, have given smaller entities in the political landscape a feeling of participation in matters of governance and resource allocations, as well as inclusion within the state. At the very least, the street mayhem generated by those left-out "minor" or "fringe" parties would have felt part of an inclusionary process of negotiating with other major stakeholders, to try and forge an acceptable modicum of consensus through an organic, melding process.

The burden of initiating reforms now falls on the interim government. If there are questions on the constitutionality of this task, I would argue that there exists today a historical necessity for the interim government to pursue its own policies if it deems such actions necessary for the well-being of the state and the larger welfare of people. It could do worse than considering the above and absorbing in the various lessons of history, while going forward with its onerous task of reforming the state institutions towards the next national election.

Tariq Karim, a former ambassador of Bangladesh, is currently president of the Bay of Bengal Institute and adviser emeritus of the Cosmos Foundation, and concurrently distinguished research fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies of the National University of Singapore (ISAS-NUS).​