[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

G Bangladesh Defense
[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.
174
3K
More threads by Saif


Information commission needs independence
FE
Published :
Mar 08, 2025 22:59
Updated :
Mar 08, 2025 22:59

1741482526347.png


As Bangladesh faces escalating demands for greater accountability in governance, the prolonged dysfunctioning of its information commission signals a troubling disregard for the nation's commitment to transparency. Six months after the 2024 political changeover, the commission remains non-functional, its leadership positions vacant despite discussions with the interim government. This alarming development, brought to light by the Information Rights Forum (IRF) recently at a press conference, highlights a significant lapse in governance. The IRF has justifiably called for the information commission to be established as an independent constitutional body-a move that would enhance its autonomy and safeguard it from political interference. Without such independence, the commission risks repeating past failures, such as the appointment of politically aligned leaders, which eroded public trust.

The IRF has proposed several amendments to the Right to Information (RTI) Act to enhance its effectiveness. These include expanding the Act's scope to cover private organisations operating with government licences or contracts, revising information delivery timelines, designating union-level offices as information-providing units, and increasing penalties for non-compliance. These proposals have merit. Not only would they strengthen the RTI framework, but they would also transform it from a mere legal right into a practical tool for citizens. During the previous autocratic regime, the commission-despite being the primary regulatory body for enforcing the RTI Act-was compromised by political allegiances within its leadership. Positions meant for impartial oversight were instead filled through political appointments, undermining its credibility and preventing it from functioning as a truly independent watchdog. As a result, the commission remained vulnerable to political interference, and its lack of autonomy routinely sidelined citizens' right to information when it mattered most.

For the RTI Act to serve its intended purpose, it must be fully implemented without obstruction. The current state of affairs, characterized by prolonged inactivity and apparent government indifference, is unacceptable. The government must recognise the information commission's crucial role in fostering transparency and accountability -- both essential pillars of a healthy democracy. It should prioritise granting the information commission constitutional status to guarantee its operational and financial independence. The proposed amendments to the RTI Act, as presented by the IRF, provide a clear roadmap for strengthening the commission and ensuring its effectiveness. The government should engage in constructive dialogue with the IRF and other stakeholders to expedite the amendment process and address any concerns. The appointment of commissioners must be conducted with utmost transparency, impartiality and urgency, ensuring that individuals of high integrity and competence are selected. Additionally, the government should allocate sufficient resources to the commission, enabling it to perform its duties effectively. Establishing clear operational rules and procedures for the commission and clear performance metrics for commissioners, particularly regarding information disclosure and appeals, is also crucial.

A functional information commission is the bedrock of participatory democracy that enables citizens to hold power to account. The interim government, tasked with implementing critical reforms to pave the way for future democratic processes, cannot remain passive while a cornerstone of transparency crumbles. A democracy thrives when its citizens are well-informed, and ensuring an efficient, independent information commission is vital for building an open and accountable governance system. The time to act is now, to ensure that the Right to Information Act becomes a powerful instrument for promoting good governance and empowering citizens.​
 

Guterres expresses solidarity with Bangladesh’s reform, transition
BSS
Dhaka
Published: 14 Mar 2025, 17: 28

1741998294151.png

Foreign Affairs Adviser Touhid Hossain called on him at Hotel InterContinental on 14 March, 2025. BSS

Visiting United Nations Secretary-General (UNSG) Antonio Guterres has expressed his solidarity with Bangladesh’s reform and transition process.

The UNSG made the remarks when Foreign Affairs Adviser Touhid Hossain called on him at Hotel InterContinental in the morning on Friday.

During the meeting, the Secretary-General and the Foreign Adviser discussed Bangladesh’s ongoing transition and reform efforts, according to a readout issued by UN after the meeting.

“The Secretary-General expressed his solidarity with Bangladesh’s reform and transition process,” said the readout.

The UN Chief expressed appreciation for the close cooperation between the United Nations and Bangladesh as well as for Bangladesh’s generosity towards Rohingyas.

The Secretary-General also thanked Bangladesh for its strong commitment to UN peacekeeping.

After the foreign adviser, High Representative of Chief Advisor on Rohingya Issue and Priority Matters Dr Khalilur Rahman also called on the UN secretary general at the same venue and discussed the issues related to the Rohingya crisis.

“The Secretary-General and the High Representative discussed the situation in Rakhine state and the upcoming High-Level Conference on Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar,” said the UN readout.

Later, the UN Secretary General met with Chief Adviser Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus at the Chief Adviser’s Office.

Antonio Guterres arrived in Bangladesh yesterday on a 4-day visit at the invitation of the Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

During the visit the UNSG will visit the Rohingya camp together with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus later today and join an iftar with one lakh Rohinbgyas there.

The UN Secretary-General is expected to "issue a call" to the international community to step up their humanitarian assistance for distressed Rohingyas.​
 

Govt fostering consensus on sustainable reforms in labour sector: Sakhawat

1742255962217.png


The interim government is fostering national consensus on sustainable reforms in all sectors, including labour, through active stakeholder participation.

Labour and Employment Adviser Brig Gen (retd) M Sakhawat Hossain highlighted this commitment during the 353rd Governing Body Session of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) held yesterday.

Sakhawat, accompanied by chief adviser's envoy for international affairs Lutfey Siddiqi, presented a progress report on Bangladesh's labour reforms amid existing complaints lodged against the nation.

In his speech, Sakhawat noted that the government has dismissed most politically motivated cases against trade union leaders and workers while ensuring genuine worker and employer representation in democratic tri-partite committees.

He also highlighted consensus on simplifying documentation for trade union registration, reducing mandatory meeting requirements, and allowing up to five unions within a single establishment.

Representatives from developing nations across Asia and Africa lauded Bangladesh's efforts in advancing workers' rights and fostering decent working environments.

Development partners welcomed the government's initiatives and pledged continued support.

The session concluded with a decision to defer the next discussion on the case from November 2025 to March 2026, reflecting positive steps taken by Bangladesh.

In his closing remarks, Sakhawat urged global stakeholders to support the swift resolution of the ongoing case against Bangladesh.​
 

Reform process facing internal, external resistance
Prof Ali Riaz tells roundtable discussion

1742513165411.png


Both internal and external forces are attempting to obstruct the reform process, National Consensus Commission (NCC) Vice-President Prof Ali Riaz said yesterday.

He described the reform process as the first major opportunity since the 1971 Liberation War to transform the state into an accountable institution.

Speaking at a roundtable discussion titled "Political Consensus and Citizens' Thinking in State Reform" at the capital's CIRDAP auditorium yesterday, he emphasised the need for public participation in the process. The event was organised by Shujan—Citizens for Good Governance.

"Moving forward is impossible without the participation, pressure, and inclusion of citizens," he said. "While political parties represent a large segment of people, they do not represent everyone. Citizens' opinions will be incorporated in parallel with discussions with parties."

Prof Riaz said that Bangladesh's institutions had been severely weakened over the past 16 years due to one-person-centric rule.

"The judiciary has been practically destroyed, and other institutions have been deliberately dismantled. Without establishing an accountable state system, including electoral reforms, the situation will remain unchanged," he said.

While political parties represent a large segment of people, they do not represent everyone. Citizens' opinions will be incorporated in parallel with discussions with parties.— Prof Ali Riaz Vice President, National Consensus Commission

He warned that the current structural system would be unable to prevent future autocratic rule.

Addressing queries about constitutional amendments, he defended the proposal to replace secularism with pluralism while retaining the term "state religion".

"Secularism has become the principle of a single political party, which the people have already rejected," he said. "Pluralism is a broader concept that includes all religions and castes under one umbrella."

He acknowledged that the provision for a state religion clause remained a divisive issue. "Multiple governments have upheld this provision since its inclusion. There is a political reality behind it," he said.

Over 40 percent of 190 countries globally have similar provisions, he added.

Shujan Secretary and NCC member Badiul Alam Majumdar outlined the interim government's three key responsibilities: preventing the return of autocracy, prosecuting crimes against humanity, and transferring power to elected political parties.

"These tasks can proceed simultaneously. Some reforms must be implemented before elections, while others can follow. The Election Commission must be independent and accountable, and a neutral government is essential during elections," he said.

Another NCC member Justice Emdadul Haque reiterated that judicial reform was a critical issue, noting that commissions had already submitted reports.

"Reforms are an ongoing process that will be enriched further by citizens' opinions," he said.

Former Jahangirnagar University Professor Dilara Chowdhury stressed that over 90 percent of people support state reforms, and political parties are aligning with this demand.

"Though parties have their flaws, a country cannot function without them. Reforms must begin within the parties themselves, and necessary changes should be implemented before elections," she said.

Journalist Abu Saeed Khan argued against removing secularism while retaining "state religion", calling the proposal illogical.

"Secularism was not just an Awami League concern; it was a collective movement," he said. He also warned that the constitution should be amended, not rewritten, as the 1972 version was created through national consensus.

Dilip Kumar Sarker, central coordinator of Shujan, presented the keynote paper.

"Following the people's uprising, there is hope that authoritarian or fascist rule will not return and that democracy will be institutionalised," he said. "The ultimate goal is a society based on equality, human dignity, and justice. To achieve this, state reform and a change in political culture are essential."​
 

Media commission suggests merging BSS, BTV, Bangladesh Betar

1742687137250.png


The Media Reform Commission has recommended merging Bangladesh Television (BTV), Bangladesh Betar, and Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) into a single entity, which could be named "Bangladesh Broadcasting Corporation" or "National Broadcasting Corporation."

As part of this integration, the commission suggested incorporating BSS as the news division of the new entity, which would consist of three main divisions -- Television, Radio, and News.

The commission head Kamal Ahmed and other members submitted its report to Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at state guest house Jamuna today.

Later, at a press briefing in front of Jamuna, Kamal Ahmed presented a summary of the report.

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam and other commission members were present, and journalists were also provided with copies of the report summary.

Currently, BTV, Bangladesh Betar, and BSS operate as separate entities. The commission noted that combining television and radio into a single organisation would allow for optimal use of resources, expertise, and creativity. Similar models exist in international broadcasters like BBC and Deutsche Welle.

The commission emphasised that this integration would be particularly effective for news and current affairs programming. It pointed out that separating audio from video formats is not a complex task, and many radio programmes are now streamed as video content on social media.

Bangladesh Betar already does this regularly through its Dhaka and regional centres. Given this reality, formalising institutional collaboration between BTV and Bangladesh Betar has become essential.

According to the commission, the newsrooms of BTV and Bangladesh Betar lack professionalism and primarily function as platforms for government bulletins, state ceremonies, and development news.

News divisions in these outlets are typically run by government information officers, and reporters who are recruited have no opportunity to work independently.

On the other hand, despite its shortcomings and inefficiencies, BSS operates a professional newsroom.

However, due to government control and political interference, BSS has failed to become a fully independent and a model news agency.

The First Press Commission had previously suggested that a state-owned news agency should not exist, as many countries around the world do not have one.

In this context, the commission believes that instead of keeping BSS as a separate entity, it should be integrated as the "News Division" of the new unified broadcasting organisation. The news produced by this central newsroom would be broadcast on both BTV and Bangladesh Betar.

The proposed organisation would have three main divisions -- Television, Radio, and News -- under the Bangladesh Broadcasting Corporation or National Broadcasting Corporation.

The News Division would continue providing services to its existing clients. Each division would be led by a director, while the unified broadcasting entity would be headed by a director general.

Additionally, the Media Reform Commission has proposed replacing both the Bangladesh Press Council and the planned Broadcast Commission with a single regulatory body -- Bangladesh Media Commission. The commission has also drafted a legal framework for establishing this new media oversight body.​
 

Media commission recommends 'one media, one house'

1742687609326.png

Photo: CA press wing

The Media Reform Commission has recommended that no single company, group, individual, family, or entrepreneur should own multiple media outlets.

The commission recommended a bar on cross-ownership (owner of a TV station may not be allowed to own a newspaper) and ownership of multiple outlets of the same nature (same owner of more than one news outlets in the same platform in the same language) to safeguard the commercial viability of the sector, which it terms 'one media, one house'.

In its report, the commission proposed a series of reforms under 21 key points and sub-clauses.

The commission's chairman, Kamal Ahmed, along with other members, submitted the report to Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the state guest house Jamuna today.

The commission has also recommended bringing media outlets under the capital market.

As part of this, it suggested setting a deadline for medium and large media companies to go public by offering shares and getting listed on the stock exchange.

Among other recommendations, the commission stated that no journalist should be hired—whether on a temporary, permanent, or contractual basis—without an appointment letter, a photo ID, and a salary.

It also proposed that the probation period should not exceed one year.

Additionally, the commission recommended that the starting basic salary for permanently employed journalists should be equivalent to that of a first-class government gazetted officer.​
 

Reform may result in weak govt system, says BNP
Staff Correspondent 22 March, 2025, 16:14

1742694053701.png

BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir addresses a press conference at the BNP chairperson’s office in the capital’s Gulshan area on Saturday. | UNB Photo.

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party on Saturday alleged that the reform proposals of the National Consensus Commission appeared to be an unreasonable attempt to appoint unelected persons to state positions in the future.

BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir made the allegation at an emergency press conference at the party chairperson’s Gulshan office in the capital.

‘The democratic character of the state and the people’s ownership are reflected in the elected parliament. However, a review of the constitutional and electoral reform commission’s recommendations revealed that politicians are incompetent,’ he said.

Fakhrul said that the recommendations proposed new commissions, including a Constitutional Commission.

‘The description of the jurisdiction and activities of these commissions give ample reasons to believe that the aim is to undermine and disempower the legislative and executive branches as much as possible and it will result in a weak and almost ineffective government system,’ he said.

The BNP leader said that it was desirable that various reforms and constitutional amendments would be made with importance given to the democratic traditions, culture, and religious sentiments of the people.

Fakhrul said that there were similarities between the issues mentioned in the spreadsheet of the National Consensus Commission and the statements made by its members at different times, as well as those from certain political parties.

‘Theses may raise questions in the public’s mind about whether all the issues are part of a pre-determined action plan and whether they would truly serve the interests of democracy,’ he said.

Although highly important issues like the ‘preamble’ of the constitution were included in the reform commission’s recommendations, it was not mentioned in the spreadsheet, he said.

Though the spreadsheet listed about 70 proposals, the main report contained approximately 123 recommendations, he said.

He said that, similarly, although the main report of the Electoral Reform Commission had included around 150 recommendations, the spreadsheet had mentioned only 27 issues, most of which were related to constitutional reform.

‘Therefore, we believe that attaching our views on the main recommendations to the spreadsheet will avoid confusion,’ Fakhrul said.

BNP will submit its response and observations on the reform proposals to the NCC on Sunday.

The BNP leader once again alleged that some advisers of the interim government were directly and indirectly involved in the process of forming political parties while in power and the issue had created doubts in people’s minds.

He said that various signs and evidence of using the administrative machinery in this process gradually emerged. ‘It is not pleasant for the country and the democracy at all.’

‘There is no room for unnecessary debates such as “reforms before the election” or “election before reforms”. Since reform is an ongoing process, reforms and elections can proceed simultaneously,’ Fakhrul said.

He also mentioned that a reform charter could be prepared based on the consensus of political parties and the elected government would implement the reforms later.

In this situation, the main task of the interim government is to organise a free and fair national election quickly after implementing necessary reforms based on consensus, and then transfer responsibility to the elected government, Fakhrul said.

He mentioned that the elected government would complete the reforms desired by the people’s consensus.

BNP standing committee members Salahuddin Ahmed, Mirza Abbas, Selima Rahman and Iqbal Hasan Mahmud Tuku were also present.​
 

REFORM DIALOGUE: Khelafat Majlis for all reforms before polls
Staff Correspondent 22 March, 2025, 23:57

Khelafat Majlis central leaders, while meeting the National Consensus Commission on Saturday, demanded implementation of all the reforms in the constitution, electoral system, judiciary, public administration, police and Anti-Corruption Commission before the next general election.

At the LD Hall of the national parliament building in Dhaka city, they sat with the commission members in the second dialogue for political parties’ consensus on the recommendations by the reform commissions in the six areas and institutions.

The vice president of the consensus commission, Professor Ali Riaz, chaired the dialogue in which Khelafat Majlish secretary general Ahmad Abdul Kader led an eight-member team.

After the meeting, Kader told journalists that necessary reforms in the six areas would be well possible in the next 10 months if the political parties were sincere.

He, however, said that his party did not feel the necessity of a constituent assembly to adopt reforms.

He said that his party disagreed with the constitution reform commission-proposed ‘pluralism’ and suggested that the consensus commission should uphold ‘having faith in Allah’ as the fundamental principle of the constitution.

Khelafat Majlis suggested that the constitution must prohibit laws that violate Islamic laws.

‘We recommend direct elections for the 400 seats of lower house, instead of keeping 100 seats reserved for women, as proposed by two reform commissions,’ Kader said.

Of the 166-point key recommendations sent to the political parties, Khelafat Majlis agreed with 140 points, partially disagreed with 10 points and disagreed with 15 points.

Khelafat Majlis delegation included naib-e-ameer Ahmad Ali Qasemi, joint secretary general Mostafizur Rahman Faisal, Md Abdul Jalil and ABM Sirajul Mamun

In a separate meeting, a 13-member delegation from the Bangladesh Labour Party, led by its chairman Mostafizur Rahman Iran, participated in a dialogue with the consensus commission.

The party vice chairman and its Dhaka Metropolitan unit president SM Yusuf Ali, lawyer Johra Khatun Jui, Sylhet Metropolitan unit president Mahbubur Rahman Khaled, Chittagong Metropolitan unit president Md Alauddin Ali and Hinduratna Ramkrishna Saha, among others, were present.

Apart from Professor Riaz, consensus commission members Safar Raj Hossain, Justice Emdadul Haque, Iftekharuzzaman and Badiul Alam Majumdar along with the chief adviser’s special assistant Monir Haidar were present during the two dialogues.

Formed on February 12, the consensus commission is assigned to draft a consensus-based ‘National Charter’ by July this year.

On March 5, the commission sent a 166-point questionnaire to 38 political parties, requesting their feedback by March 13.

Till Saturday, the commission received feedback from 16 political parties, according to a press release.

Today, the commission is scheduled to hold talks with the Rashtra Sangskar Andolan.

Meanwhile, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Communist Party of Bangladesh and newly floated National Citizen Party are expected to submit their opinions on reform to the commission today.​
 

Reform proposals
BNP opposes equating July 2024 Uprising with 1971 Liberation War in constitution

UNB
Dhaka
Published: 23 Mar 2025, 18: 59

1742777316571.png

BNP flag Prothom Alo illustration

BNP on Sunday submitted its proposal to the National Consensus Commission on reforms, strongly opposing the inclusion of the July 2024 Uprising with same importance of the 1971 Liberation War in the preamble of the constitution.

The party also opposed other proposals, including changing the name of the state, curbing the powers of the Election Commission, and the formation of a national constitution council.

While the BNP agreed with the proposal to introduce a bicameral parliament and increase the number of reserved seats for women, it expressed differing views on the procedural aspects of these changes.

A three-member BNP delegation, led by Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed, handed over the party's proposals to commission's Vice-Chairman Prof Dr Ali Riaz.

The BNP submitted written proposals regarding reforms in the Constitution, public administration, the judiciary, the electoral process and the Anti-Corruption Commission.

Speaking to reporters later, Salahuddin Ahmed said the preamble of the constitution has not been explicitly mentioned in the commission’s proposal. The preamble is a vital part of the Constitution and the commission's suggestion to completely alter or revise it is essentially akin to rewriting it, he said.

The BNP leader specifically objected to the proposal to equate the events of the 1971 Liberation War and the 2024 mass uprising within the same context.

He said BNP considers this inappropriate and suggested that such matters should either be addressed separately or placed in the schedule section of the Constitution.

Salahuddin also said BNP supports the preamble as it existed prior to the 15th Amendment, rejecting the current proposal to change it.

Regarding the suggestion to alter the state’s name in the Constitution, he said the people of Bangladesh have long accepted the country's name through practice.

The BNP leader argued that changing the name would not bring any substantial benefits and thus the party remains firmly opposed to this alteration.

About the proposals on election-related reforms, Salahuddin said their party thinks the independence of the Election Commission (EC) will be hampered if some of the recommendations of the Election System Reform Commission are implemented.

He said BNP believes that the power to determine the boundaries of parliamentary constituencies and the national identity card service should remain in the hands of the Election Commission. "If the NID is handed over to a separate independent institution, then the Election Commission will have to rely on that institution repeatedly for all assistance related to the NID. We think it should remain under the Election Commission."

The BNP leader also said their party does not agree with the proposal to grant the parliamentary standing committee the power to hold the Election Commission accountable. "We do not think the Election Commission, as an independent constitutional institution, should be held accountable in that manner."

Salahuddin said their party feels the interim government should focus on the national election, not a referendum. "We think the national parliamentary election should be held now, not a referendum. If a political government is established democratically through national elections first, all discussions can take place, and decisions can be made in parliament."

He also said their party does not believe a constituent assembly is necessary for the extensive reform of the constitution. "A constituent assembly is formed with representatives from various professions when a new state requires a constitution… our state is not new, and we already have a constitution, although its democratic character has been destroyed," the BNP leader said.

Since a new structure and democratic framework of the state needs to be built, he said they proposed significant amendments to the constitution.

“Those demanding a constituent assembly have also suggested 69 amendments. We’ve proposed fewer, but through discussion, we can reach a broad consensus and create a revised constitution. If they want to call it a new constitution, we have no objection. There’s no need for a constituent assembly," Salahuddin said.

Regarding the Anti-Corruption Commission reforms, he said there were about 20 proposals in the spreadsheet. "Out of those 20, we directly agreed with 11, and with 7 or 8, we agreed in principle with some comments. We opposed only one proposal."

About public administration reform, Salahuddin said there were proposals on 26 issues. "We agreed on nearly half of them, and for the remaining half, we have our opinions and comments. Through detailed discussions, we can reach a consensus on these matters."

About the Judiciary Reform Commission's proposals, he said their party agreed with almost all of the commission's proposals.

"In our 31-point proposal, we recommended ensuring full independence of the judiciary, including transferring control of lower courts to the Supreme Court by amending Article 116 of the Constitution. We also support the proposal for an independent secretariat for the Supreme Court. Regarding financial management, we’ve suggested detailed discussions on future budget matters," the BNP leader said.

He said they have proposed establishing a lower judicial council based on the Supreme Judicial Council model to ensure accountability in lower courts.

Salahuddin said they opposed proposals, especially the formation of a National Constitutional Council with unelected individuals. "The core principle of the constitution is that the state should be governed by elected representatives, and this would harm that principle."​
 

Reforms to bring fundamental transformation in Bangladesh: Chief Adviser
BSS
Hainan, China
Updated: 27 Mar 2025, 13: 33

1743121827837.png

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus speaks at Boao Forum for Asia conference in Hainan on 27 March 2025 PID

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus has said that his interim government has initiated critical reforms to restore public trust in Bangladesh.

"Our youth and citizens demonstrated exceptional resolve and strength to redefine the future of Bangladesh. To restore public trust we have initiated critical reforms," he said while addressing the opening plenary of Boao Forum for Asia (BFA) conference in China Today, Thursday.

The theme of the conference is "Asia in the Changing World: Towards a Shared Future."

Professor Yunus said independent commissions have been launched to reform the electoral system, judiciary, civil administration, and law enforcement.

"These reforms, when implemented, will bring about fundamental transformation of our nation," he added.

The chief adviser said: "As we build a new Bangladesh, we face multiple challenges which are shared by other Asian countries."

In particular global financial market instability, political uncertainties, diplomatic tensions, and trade disruptions create volatility, he said.

He said rising interest rates and debt servicing costs are deepening Asia's debt crisis.

Professor Yunus said despite global commitments to the 2030 Agenda, progress is slow. Only 24 per cent of SDG have been met.

He mentioned that developing Asian countries face an SDG financing gap of 2.5 to 4 trillion US dollars annually.

Beyond SDG financing, Asia also needs large scale investments in infrastructure and economic diversification through responsible financing, he said.

The Chief Adviser said Bangladesh has been a victim of corruption and illicit financial flows, while these corrupt practices cost developing countries an estimated 1 trillion US dollar annually which is multiple times more than the total ODA they receive.

He said Asia should stand united to establish a multilateral mediation mechanism for asset recovery and return.

"Food security is under increasing pressure. Rising prices of essential commodities are straining household budgets, especially for low-income families," Professor Yunus said.

Climate change and natural disasters are exacerbating this crisis, he said, adding that strengthening food supply chains is essential.

He said energy security is critical, especially for net-importing developing countries, while energy supply disruptions drive inflation, economic instability, and debt distress.

"We must find sustainable energy solutions and scale up investments in renewables," he added.

The Chief Adviser stressed investing in health and education for human capital development. Countries that invest in universal healthcare see better economic productivity, he noted.

Digital education and vocational training must be expanded to equip our youth for the jobs in future, he asserted.

About global crisis, Professor Yunus said geopolitical tensions are rising; climate change is escalating; debt burdens are unsustainable; and humanitarian crises are growing.

Political will for development cooperation is weakening, while the world faces an alarming shortfall in collective action, he said.

The chief adviser observed that Asia, home to 60 per cent of the global population and 55 per cent of global GDP, was at the center of these changes.

He said emerging norms, regulations, and technologies are reshaping governance and economic policies.

"Assumptions that shaped policies a decade ago are no longer relevant. The need for regional and global cooperation has never been more pressing," Professor Yunus added.

Former UN Secretary-General and Chairman of the Boao Forum for Asia Ban Ki-moon, Executive Vice Premiere of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Ding Xuexiang and Secretary General of Boao Forum for Asia Zhang Jun also spoke on the occasion.

Yunus for economic models prioritising people, planet

The chief adviser also stressed shifting toward sustainable economic models prioritising people and the planet over profits.

"We must shift toward sustainable economic models that prioritise people and the planet over profits," he said.

Professor Yunus said human civilisation is at risk as people continue to embrace self-destructive economic values.

The dominant economic model thrives on limitless consumption and it justifies over-extraction of resources and environmental degradation in the name of growth, he said.

Mentioning that the climate crisis poses an existential threat to humanity, the chief adviser said in Asia-pacific region, climate disaster-related economic losses are already enormous, which is equivalent to USS 65 billion.

He said climate vulnerable countries like Bangladesh are forced to divert resources toward disaster response, limiting investments in productive sectors.

"We need new, additional, accessible, non-ODA, non-debt-creating, grant-based climate finance, with an equitable distribution between adaptation and mitigation," he added.

Professor Yunus said universal access to life-saving medicines and technologies must be guaranteed.

He said the COVID-19 pandemic was a wake-up call, highlighting deep inequities in global health systems. Asia should take a united stance in the ongoing negotiation of the Pandemic Treaty, he said.

Pointing out the advancement of technology, Professor Yunus said, Rapid strides in data driven technology, robotics, quantum computing and artificial intelligence, are shaping the world.

Lower capability, capacity, and resource mobilisation in Asia compared to advanced economies, could further widen digital divide, he observed.

Data sovereignty and security is a critical concern, he said, adding that, if technology evolves irresponsibly, it could pose existential risks.

Asia must close the digital divide and build regional capacity in technology, innovation and incubation, he added.​
 

Reform commission recommendations

BNP opposes changes to fundamental principles of Constitution

Selim Zahid
Dhaka
Updated: 27 Mar 2025, 17: 44

1743122026277.png


The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has expressed its opposition to the recommendations of the Constitutional Reform Commission, which proposes excluding nationalism, socialism, and secularism from the fundamental principles of the Constitution and the core principles of state governance.

The party believes that a more reasonable approach would be to restore Articles 8, 9, 10, and 12 of the Constitution to their pre-15th Amendment status.

BNP conveyed its stance in response to the Constitutional Reform Commission’s recommendations, which were submitted to the National Consensus Commission earlier this week.

Additionally, last Sunday, BNP submitted detailed opinions on the recommendations of five different reform commissions, including those related to constitutional changes.

According to relevant sources, BNP has supported maintaining the National Parliament’s term at five years, rejecting the reform commission’s recommendation to reduce it to four years. The party also opposes the proposal that the Prime Minister cannot simultaneously serve as the head of a political party and the Leader of Parliament.

BNP argues that such matters should be left to the discretion of the political party in question. In its explanation, BNP stated that whether one or multiple individuals hold the positions of Prime Minister or Leader of the House should be a party decision, and imposing constitutional restrictions on this matter would contradict the fundamental principles of parliamentary democracy.

The Constitutional Reform Commission has also proposed incorporating equality, human dignity, social justice, pluralism, and democracy as fundamental constitutional principles.

The proposal emphasises that Bangladesh is a pluralistic, multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multilingual, and multicultural country, where the rights and dignity of all communities should be upheld.

However, BNP has disagreed with this recommendation, reiterating its stance that Articles 8, 9, 10, and 12 should be restored to their pre-15th Amendment form.

Article 8 of the Constitution currently states: “Nationalism, socialism, democracy, and secularism - these principles, along with all other principles derived from them, shall be considered the fundamental principles of the state.”

Meanwhile, Articles 9, 10, and 12 address nationalism, the establishment of a socialist economic system, and the implementation of secularism, respectively.

BNP maintains that these articles should revert to their pre-15th Amendment status. The 15th Amendment to the Constitution was passed by the National Parliament on 30 June 2011, during the Awami League government, effectively abolishing the caretaker government system.

Writer and researcher Mohiuddin Ahmed views BNP’s position on state principles as being driven by party interests.

Speaking to Prothom Alo, he stated that BNP’s demand reflects the constitutional framework as it existed when they were last in power.

He pointed out that BNP does not advocate for restoring the four fundamental principles of the 1972 Constitution but rather seeks to reinstate the changes made through the 1976 ordinance. In that year, Ziaur Rahman removed the four original state principles of the 1972 Constitution through an executive order.

Regarding the Declaration of a State of Emergency

BNP also disagrees with the recommendations made by the Constitutional Reform Commission concerning the declaration of a state of emergency. The commission’s recommendation states that the President may declare a state of emergency only after receiving approval from the National Constitutional Commission (NCC).

However, BNP argues that since the declaration of a state of emergency is closely tied to the executive authority of the government, this power should not be vested in any entity other than the government and parliament.

The Reform Commission also recommends that during a state of emergency, no citizen’s rights should be revoked or suspended, and the right to seek legal recourse in court should not be restricted or abolished.

To implement this, the Commission proposes repealing Article 141(b) and Article 141(c) of the Constitution. BNP opposes this proposal, stating that the recommendation fails to clarify the purpose of declaring a state of emergency if no citizen’s rights are to be revoked or suspended.

Term of caretaker government

The Constitutional Reform Commission’s recommendation has called for a caretaker government term of three months. But the Electoral Reform Commission has proposed a four-month term for the caretaker government. It has recommended holding all local government elections before the national elections during this period.

Disagreeing with this, the BNP said that the caretaker government is an exceptional system in the context of the reality of Bangladesh. The constitutional provision of running the state through the people’s representatives. Therefore, in this case, it is advisable to have a caretaker government for a period of 90 days as was in the past. The main responsibility of this government is to hold a fair and acceptable parliamentary election. During this period, only national parliamentary elections are necessary, not any other elections. There is no opportunity to hold local government elections before the parliamentary elections.

Agreement on a bicameral legislature

A review of BNP’s stance on the Constitutional Reform Commission’s recommendations reveals that the party opposes lowering the minimum age for contesting parliamentary elections to 21 years. It also disagrees with the proposal that the Prime Minister should be nominated with the support of the majority of members in the lower house of the legislature.

However, BNP supports the proposal to nominate one of the two deputy speakers of parliament from the opposition party. Additionally, the party wants the sole deputy speaker of the upper house to be elected from outside the ruling party.

BNP also agrees in principle with the introduction of a bicameral legislature. However, it believes that the recommended four-year term for both the upper and lower houses should be extended to five years.

The constitutional amendment proposal suggests that any amendment must be approved by a two-thirds majority in both houses and then put to a referendum.

BNP opposes this, arguing that it is impractical to subject all constitutional amendments to a referendum. Instead, the party believes it would be sufficient to restore Article 142 to its pre-15th Amendment status.

BNP suggests that a bill passed in the lower house could be sent back for reconsideration, with or without recommendations from the upper house. The party maintains that constitutional reforms should be implemented by the parliament elected after the national elections.

Position on the term of President and Prime Minister

The proposal states in the section on the President that the term of office will be four years and that no individual may hold the position for more than two terms. BNP does not agree with this recommendation, stating that it would be more appropriate for the President to serve a five-year term.

The party also argues that this recommendation is unnecessary, as the existing Constitution already limits the President’s tenure to a maximum of two terms.

In the section on the Prime Minister, the reform commission’s proposal states that the Prime Minister will be nominated with the support of the majority of members in the lower house of the legislature.

BNP disagrees with this recommendation, arguing that since there is no direct election for the position of Prime Minister, the concept of nomination is irrelevant. The party maintains that the selection of the Prime Minister should be based on existing parliamentary procedures rather than an additional nomination process.

The Prime Minister’s section further states that if the Prime Minister voluntarily resigns before the end of the legislature’s term, loses a vote of confidence, or advises the President to dissolve the legislature for any other reason, then the President shall dissolve both houses of parliament only if it is evident that no other member of the lower house is able to secure the necessary majority support to form a government. BNP disagrees with this recommendation.

BNP argues that this proposal is unnecessary, as Article 57(2) of the Constitution already provides a clear framework regarding the dissolution of parliament in such cases.

According to this article, “If the Prime Minister loses the support of a majority of the members of Parliament, he shall resign or advise the President in writing to dissolve Parliament. If the President is satisfied that no other member of Parliament holds the support of the majority, he shall dissolve Parliament.”

BNP maintains that this provision is sufficient and does not require further modification.

Additionally, the reform commission’s proposal states that an individual may serve as Prime Minister for a maximum of two terms, either consecutively or at different times.

BNP disagrees with this, arguing that it would be sufficient to specify that “no person shall be considered eligible to be appointed as Prime Minister for a third consecutive term.”

About the High Court

The Constitutional Reform Commission has recommended the introduction of a permanent High Court seat in all divisions of the country with equal jurisdiction to the High Court Division. This recommendation falls under the Supreme Court section of the judiciary.

However, BNP opposes this proposal, arguing that establishing a permanent High Court Division seat in all divisions of the country conflicts with the basic structure of the Constitution.

As an alternative, the party suggests that a circuit bench of the High Court Division can be established outside Dhaka under Article 100 of the Constitution.

The commission has also recommended adding a provision to the Constitution to institutionalise the appointment of the most senior judge from the Appellate Division as the Chief Justice.

BNP partially agrees with this proposal. The party stated in its opinion that, considering the ‘doctrine of necessity,’ the obligation to appoint the Chief Justice should be imposed from among the three most senior judges instead.

BNP Standing Committee Member Salah Uddin Ahmed told Prothom Alo, “Separate proposals were submitted to the Reform Commission on all key issues, including the Constitution, Election Commission, and public administration, from BNP. However, we have observed that most of BNP’s proposals were not reflected in the commission’s recommendations. That is why we have provided detailed opinions along with the commission’s spreadsheet and have also included explanations on relevant issues to avoid confusion.”

The BNP leader, who was involved in drafting the party’s reform proposals, further stated that the responsibility for amending the Constitution lies with the elected government.

He emphasised that any constitutional amendment must take place only after an election, as the elected government should be the one to introduce and implement such changes in parliament.

*This report, originally published in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo, has been rewritten in English by Farjana Liakat​
 

Chief adviser calls for advancing reform activities quickly
BSS
Published :
Apr 12, 2025 20:51
Updated :
Apr 12, 2025 20:51

1744501110972.png


Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, also the Chairman of the National Consensus Commission, has called for advancing reform activities quickly with the goal of holding the national elections in December next.

He made this call at a meeting with two members of the Consensus Commission at the State Guest House Jamuna in Dhaka on Saturday afternoon.

National Consensus Commission Vice-Chairman Professor Ali Riaz and its member Dr Badiul Alam Majumder joined the meeting.

Special Assistant to the Chief Adviser (Consensus Building) Monir Haider was present on the occasion.

At the meeting, Professor Ali Riaz and Dr. Badiul Alam Majumder informed the Commission chief of the progress of the Commission's activities.

Separate discussions are underway with political parties on the recommendations of the reform commissions of the interim government, they said.

Discussions have so far been completed with eight political parties, they said, adding that a meeting is scheduled to be held with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) on Thursday.

They also informed that various programmes have been taken to take public opinions on the reform agendas and create public awareness on reforms.

At the time, Commission Chairman and Chief Adviser Prof Yunus stressed holding talks with the political parties and moving the overall reform process forward with the aim of holding the national elections in December next.​
 

The elephant in the room no one is talking about
Reform of political parties is of urgent need

1745546118725.png

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

Since Prof Muhammad Yunus took over as the head of the interim government, reforms have been very high on the national agenda. The whole country wants it. What is heartening is that even political parties, who are usually opposed to anything that does not originate from them, have worked closely with all the reform commissions and are now engaged in reaching a consensus.

However, one vital area has been left untouched in this discussion: reform of the political parties themselves. The nature, transparency, accountability, and inner democracy of political parties in Bangladesh determine the type of democracy and good governance they would be able to deliver. In fact, it greatly influences the society we end up with. The nature of the political parties who get elected determine to a large extent how the parliament, judiciary, and all its statutory bodies operate. They greatly influence the bureaucracy, almost all government institutions, the budget and its implementation, big business deals, etc. Very importantly, they control whatever oversight functions that are in the constitution.

There can be no denying the fact that one of the reasons behind the dismal state of democracy and governance in Bangladesh is directly related to the absence of internal democracy and public accountability in its political parties, especially of top party leadership.

From 1991, which marked the fall of Ershad and restoration of democracy, to 2024—a period of 33 years—we have had either the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) or the Awami League (AL) ruling the country, with two years of military-backed caretaker rule in 2007-2008. BNP ruled us for 10 years and a few months—one term in partnership with Jamaat—and AL ruled us for 21 years, the last 15 of which were uninterrupted, also with some partners who enjoyed ministerial positions but hardly any significant policy-framing roles.

Today, BNP is the party that everyone is looking at, talking about, and trying to understand better. History has opened doors for it that nobody expected so soon. In a free and fair election, BNP is most likely to emerge with the largest number of seats in parliament, not only for its wide acceptance but also for the massive rejection of its main rival, the Awami League. Hence, our focus today is on the party which is likely to significantly affect our future and on the person who is its second-in-command, Tarique Rahman.

Now is the most opportune moment for the BNP to emerge as a modern, democratic, innovative, and future-oriented party that fits in with the new aspirations of the people, especially the youth, and the needs of the 21st-century. The questions that rise in the public mind are: what sort of government will the BNP deliver? Are they fully aware of the aspirations of the people today, especially the youth? How much of democracy, accountability, fair play, and openness will this party present us with? Will it tolerate free media? The most asked question is: what sort of a leader will Tarique Rahman turn out to be? These questions are being raised not by the "enemies" of the BNP, but those who sincerely wish them well.

Students and their new leadership are absolutely right when they say that unless the constitution is amended, dictatorial tendencies will re-emerge. What we want to add is that amending the national constitution is eminently justified but hardly enough. It will have to be accompanied by changes in the constitution of political parties. This especially applies to the BNP as the party at the doorstep of power. We have carefully studied BNP's 31-point reform proposal titled "An Outline of the Structural Reforms of the State." As the document states, it is a reform proposal of the "state." Some of the points in the proposal are very farsighted and highly relevant. Suggestions of the formation of many "commissions" reflect what the interim government has undertaken. However, the proposal totally avoids any question of the reform of the party, which is highly centralised with all authorities concentrated in a single hand. As we have seen from experience—and BNP should, too—without intraparty democracy and accountability, it cannot deliver democracy and accountability in the governance process.

The reality is that the existing BNP party constitution makes the chairperson a repository of unquestioned and unquestionable powers. Under Section 1, "Duties, Powers, and responsibilities of the Chair…" the document says, "As the chief officer of the party, the chairman shall control, supervise and coordinate all activities of the party and for that purpose shall have the authority over the National Council, National Standing Committee, National Executive Committee, Subject Committees and other Committees nominated by the chairman and shall do control, supervise and coordinate their functions." Section 4 says, "The Chairman may dissolve the National Executive Committee, the National Standing committee… and other committees nominated by the chairman and reconstitute them…."

BNP's constitution gives all power to the chairperson, making him or her answerable to no one.

Seriously, can such a party run democratically? Do its values depict those of democracy? Can't there never be any dissent within? When such a party wins a majority in parliament, what will be the nature and functioning style of that government? It will totally be "top-down," and the top being only one person.

How will the parliament function when such a party commands majority? We know because we saw such a party in power, and we lived under its rule and suffered immensely. If there is no scope for a party activist ever to question a decision made by the party chief, and if the future of that person totally rests on the party boss, will anybody ever dare to dissent? Will such unchallenged powers not give rise to dictatorial mind-set that will most likely find fruition in near future. And if such a party wins majority in parliament and forms the government, won't it be a one-person government, a one-person parliament, a one-person everything? Again, we have seen it, lived under it, and suffered. Can the BNP ignore the widespread demand that we should eliminate all traces of such a possibility recurring? Is it wise for it to do so?

We commend Tarique Rahman and BNP for already showing some positive signs in this direction. (I find his speeches sensible and mature. What he said on Wednesday about "seeking reforms and not revenge on his oppressors" is highly praiseworthy. He seems to have made the best use of his forced exile in the UK. I also express my appreciation for the use of language both by him and BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia. The humiliation and injustice inflicted on them by the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina personally could have easily triggered a very justifiable vilification of the latter. Both of them refrained from that and gave political discourse a new dignity and set an excellent precedent). Tarique Rahman's proposal of setting a two-term limit with further re-election prospect after a gap is better than what we have now. His openness to curtailment of PM's power and enhancement of that of the president is also welcome. The idea of an upper house is a refreshing change, but its membership should be proportionate, otherwise it will be a rubberstamp of the lower house preventing it from giving the government guidance.

However, all of the above changes will be mere cosmetic if the real power does not shift.

Here lies the strong logic for the posts of the PM, the party leader, and the leader of the House not being occupied by the same person. Even if the first two are the same, the PM and the party leader must be separate. Running the party and running the government must be in separate hands. Such a system helps the growth of leadership, assists the PM to be exposed to other views, and alerts them to be sensitive to the party's thinking. Otherwise, it is a one-person show that leads to massive misuse of power, which sometimes the over-empowered leader does not even know.

Tarique Rahman must fully grasp the uniqueness of his opportunity and the complexity of his challenges. We request him to objectively see the existing party power concentration in his hands and create avenues for expression of alternative and even dissenting views within the party structure without any threat to the person or the group concerned. Arguments may be put forward that such a scope will create disciplinary issues. Yes, they may, but without it, the party will be a sterile institution devoid of creativity, vibrancy, and in time filled with sycophants. We saw that happen to the Awami League leading to its detachment from the people. Sheikh Hasina not only destroyed government institutions, she also destroyed her party which had such a rich history and legacy.

BNP must learn from AL's mistakes. Tarique Rahman is making some timely decisions, and introducing intraparty democracy should be one of his goals.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​
 

EC will carry out its own reforms: CEC

1745546292721.png

Photo: Star

Chief Election Commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin yesterday said reforms that are urgent before the next election and within the Election Commission's jurisdiction will be implemented by the EC itself.

He said this while talking to reporters following a meeting with Australian High Commissioner to Bangladesh Susan Ryle at the EC.

"Some reforms, which are beyond the Election Commission's control and involve political issues, will be addressed through the National Consensus Commission."

The CEC added that the meeting discussed preparations for the 13th national election and to what extent the EC will be able to implement the recommendations of the Electoral Reform Commission.

On March 17, the EC objected to 10 key reform proposals, including those on the separate authority for delimitation of constituencies, the timing of local government polls and the national election, and probes against election commissioners.

In a letter to Prof Ali Riaz, co-chairman of National Consensus Commission, the EC raised the objection to the Electoral Reform Commission's proposal on authorising a parliamentary committee to investigate failures of election commissioners.

"Some reforms, which are beyond the Election Commission's control and involve political issues, will be addressed through the National Consensus Commission."— CEC AMM Nasir Uddin.

Additionally, the EC opposed the proposed Election Commission Ordinance 2025, which seeks to introduce criminal liability for election commissioners for failing to ensure fair elections. This provision would erode the commissioners' independence and expose them to political pressure.

Yesterday, CEC Nasir Uddin said Australia has expressed its willingness to assist the EC in the upcoming national polls.

He said, "They [Australia] enquired about our preparations for the next parliamentary election whether we are satisfied with it. They also asked about reforms. We informed them about the reforms that are underway. They said that if we seek assistance, they are ready to support us. She [Australian high commissioner) assured us of all possible and necessary support.

"We have completed the work on the voter list. We've initiated the procurement process. We also told her about the initiative taken regarding the delimitation of parliamentary constituencies.

"We informed that the deadline for party registration has been extended by two months and that changes are being made to the Electoral Code of Conduct, as well as the observer policy. We briefed the Australian high commissioner on all essential election-related activities."

Speaking to journalists, High Commissioner Susan Ryle said, "I had a very productive meeting with the Election Commission. As Bangladesh is moving towards an open, free and fair election, Australia stands by Bangladesh.

"We continue to work with you as best we can to support your efforts."​
 

Nine months after Hasina ouster, reforms remain tricky: Economist
Staff Correspondent 16 May, 2025, 18:46

1747440540531.png

A file photo shows jubilant crowd in the streets of Dhaka after the fall of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024. | Md Saurav

Nine months since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government by the student-led mass uprising, making big changes has remained tricky.

UK-based magazine The Economist made the observation in a report published on Thursday.

For 16 years Bangladesh has been shuddering from a continuous ‘earthquake’, says Muhammad Yunus referring to the authoritarian regime of Hasina, which was ousted by a massive uprising in August 2024, stated the report.

Now, as the interim leader, Yunus, is trying to ‘fix everything that has been destroyed’, he says. ‘We’re moving in the right direction, and the people are with us. We are hopeful’, the report read.

It said that since Sheikh Hasina’s toppling, the seeming extent of her regime’s excesses emerged. Past year a white paper alleged that around $16 billion was siphoned annually during her reign. Cases against Hasina, including charges of murder, abduction and genocide, are piling up. Parties across the political spectrum have demanded democratic changes to prevent the return of such abuses. But nine months since the revolution, making big changes is proving tricky.

The report stated that the process began almost immediately after Hasina fled to India. In September Yunus began setting up commissions to provide ideas for reform in several areas, including elections, the judiciary and the constitution. These groups are staffed with experts from civil society and academia. And to sift through the papers from these commissions, the government set up another one: the national consensus commission. This group has compiled all the recommendations (there have been 166 so far) and put them on a spreadsheet to which 35 political parties have contributed.

The consensus commission will work with political parties to establish a ‘July Charter’ that will allow elections to take place and usher in a ‘new Bangladesh’, the report attributed Yunus to have said.

Observing that finding consensus is tricky, it said that for a start, politicians and the public disagree over what commissions should even exist. Some grumble that there should have been one for textiles, the pillar of Bangladesh’s economy; others complain about the inattention to education. The biggest controversy has been sparked by a commission that was formed belatedly on women’s reform. Its recommendations included changes to Islamic inheritance law that give women greater rights and have sparked mass protests by Islamist parties.

Still, reformers remain optimistic, the report observed, stating that Ali Riaz, the vice-chairman of the consensus commission, pointed to some changes that were already implemented, such as an independent process for appointing judges to the High Court. The second phase of the dialogue will begin soon after May 15th, but Riaz is confident of having a charter finalised by August, it said.

Should that timeline be met, it would mean elections as early as December this year, said the report.

Yunus insists polls will take place no later than June 2026 (and that he will not take part), it mentioned.

But the delay is already coming with some costs. The interim regime has steadied prices and the banks, but growth remains weak. And the political situation is fragile. According to one survey, nearly 60 per cent of those polled believe that law and order have not improved since the regime change. Protests on the street have become routine, the report detailed.

The protesters’ most common demand is for retribution against the Awami League, it said, mentioning that the election commission suspended the party’s registration on May 12, banning it from contesting any elections.

But for all the revulsion for the party, it still enjoys some support, it observed. Mohammad Arafat, a senior Awami official, insists that the party had the ‘mandate of the people’, had been usurped by ‘jihadists’ through violence and that it would ‘fight to claim their rightful place in Bangladesh’, stated the report.

Even out of power, the Awami League may still be able to cause tremors across the country.​
 

Implement only essential reforms
Govt should prioritise key reforms aligned with election timeline


1748306648432.png

VISUAL: STAR

Given the current political situation, wherein the call for an election roadmap has become louder than ever, it is important that the interim government only carry out some essential and practical reforms that can be backed by political consensus.

Since taking office on August 8 last year, the interim government has formed 11 commissions to reform the constitution, judiciary, election commission, police, public administration, local government, anti-corruption, health, women's affairs, mass media, and labour. All of them have submitted their reports, with many proposing more than 100 recommendations. Since March 20, the National Consensus Commission (NCC) has been holding talks with various political parties and other stakeholders to reach a common ground on the recommendations. While it is understandable that an agreement will not be reached on every single recommendation, some can be left behind for consideration at a later time by an elected government. In fact, during their dialogue with NCC members on May 25, civil society members urged the interim government to refrain from amending the constitution and leave the task to elected representatives. There are other such reform recommendations that are best addressed by a parliament rather than an interim administration, since such action may be viewed as crossing a constitutional boundary.

The interim government should also consider, while selecting recommendations, what is feasible within its tenure. For example, the police commission's report urges immediate implementation of a Supreme Court directive regarding arrests, searches, and questioning. This kind of recommendation can easily be implemented in the short term. Therefore, the government should carry out such reforms if doing so helps with holding a free and fair election. When the NCC was formed on February 12, its tenure was fixed for six months; in other words, we can expect the NCC to complete the discussions and deliver a summary of agreed-upon recommendations by August/September. If the election is going to be held anytime between December 2025 and June 2026, there may not be sufficient time left to implement even all the agreed-upon recommendations.

With that in mind, the interim government should prioritise recommendations that will make the return to democracy and a parliamentary system smoother. As such, the focus should be on the reports of the election, police, judiciary, public administration, and local government reform commissions. However, the government must be careful not to leave out key stakeholders in their attempt to implement the reforms. While the consensus of political parties is crucial, there are groups who will be impacted by the reforms, and they must be consulted as well. Ultimately, we hope all stakeholders will rise above their individual concerns and prioritise greater national and democratic interests in reaching an agreement on the necessary reforms.​
 

‘Revolutionary student-people’ rally before secretariat, demands removal of anti-reform bureaucrats
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 27 May 2025, 18: 42

1748390267599.png

A mass rally of the 'July revolutionary student-people' at the secretariat on 27 May 2025. Dipu Malakar

The ‘July Revolutionary Student-People’ held a mass rally in front of the secretariat on Tuesday, demanding the removal of bureaucrats opposing the interim government's reform initiatives and the trial of individuals they described as fascist accomplices.

The rally began shortly after 12:30 pm in front of the Osmani Memorial Auditorium on the opposite of the secretariat’s main entrance.

Participants chanted various slogans against the evil activities by the bureaucrats and allies of the ousted fascist regime.

The demonstrators called for the removal of secretaries and other bureaucrats who, they alleged, are opposing reform efforts and maintaining ties with the fascist party.

The rally was led by Arif Sohel, central member secretary of the anti-discrimination student movement.|

Participants chanted various slogans against the evil activities by the bureaucrats and allies of the ousted fascist regime.

1748390369432.png

Participants chanted various slogans against the evil activities by the bureaucrats and allies of the ousted fascist regime. Dipu Malakar

Addressing the rally, Arif Sohel said, “We demand the removal of secretaries and bureaucrats inside the secretariat who are obstructing reform and trying to put the government in danger. Also, the government must take action against officials and employees at the secretariat who have been engaged in the movement over service rules.”

He added, “Bureaucrats allied with the fascism must be removed, and held on trial.”

Meanwhile, employees inside the secretariat continued their protest for the fourth consecutive day on Tuesday, demanding the withdrawal of the Govt Service (Amendment) Ordinance, 2025. Law enforcement agencies took high security measures outside the secretariat.

Around 12:00 pm, a five-member delegation from movement – including ‘Julai Mancha’ convener Arif Talukder and spokesperson Shakib Hossain – entered the Secretariat to hold discussions with the protesting government employees.​
 

Reform versus reality: Bangladesh perspective

Rabiul Islam Dhaka
Journalist at Prothom Alo
Updated: 27 May 2025, 22: 12

1748390886391.png

The Health Sector Reform Commission, led by National Professor AK Azad Khan, submits the report to Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on 5 May 2025 PID

"Nothing ever becomes real till it is experienced," John Keats wrote in his letter to his younger brother George and sister-in-law Georgiana Keats. By the quotation, the English poet means that one doesn't truly understand or fully grasp the reality something until he or she personally goes through it. This quotation from the English poet matches with some initiatives by the interim government led by Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus who is globally acclaimed for his ingenuity.

After the fall of autocrat Sheikh Hasina-led government amid the student-people's uprising on 5 August 2024, Professor Muhammad Yunus assumed office on 8 August hailed by most of the political parties except Hasina-led Awami League. After the 15 years of autocratic rule, it was expected at that time that the country would return to democracy. But after over 9 months of his rule, the road seems to be bumpy for Mr Yunus who recently planned to resign out of frustration. Mr Yunus is pioneer in microcredit but not experienced in politics. The 84-year old gentleman faces difficulty in navigating the country towards democracy.

While briefing newsmen on Monday over the proposals of five reform commissions covering the constitution, electoral process, judiciary, public administration, and the Anti-Corruption Commission, Professor Ali Riaz said consensus has not yet been reached on several important constitutional reform issues.

All in good faith, the Yunus-led interim government undertook some initiatives for state reforms. His government formed various commissions for reforms. Some commissions have submitted their reports. The interim government formed the Bangladesh National Consensus Commission led by Muhammad Yunus. Professor Ali Riaz is the vice-chairman of the National Consensus Commission. He held meetings with the political parties over the recommendations submitted by the various reform commissions.

While briefing newsmen on Monday over the proposals of five reform commissions covering the constitution, electoral process, judiciary, public administration, and the Anti-Corruption Commission, Professor Ali Riaz said consensus has not yet been reached on several important constitutional reform issues. As per the Daily Star report on 26 May 2025, the disagreement includes term limit for the prime minister, appointment process and tenure of the caretaker government, composition and power of the National Constitutional Council, inclusion of pluralism as a basic principle of the constitution, number of posts party leaders can hold simultaneously (prime minister, party chief and leader of the house), method of electing the president and process for amending the constitution.

Given the country's prevailing situation, it seems that it would be difficult for the interim government to reach a consensus among the political parties. Meanwhile, the government was compelled to backtrack from its decisions whether these are good or bad for the country. On 12 May, the government issued an ordinance dissolving the NBR and the Internal Resources Division (IRD) and announced the formation of two new divisions: Revenue Policy and Revenue Administration. Amid the protest by the NBR officials halting the services at all offices, customs houses and ports, the finance ministry stepped in and issued a press statement assuring a suspension of the ordinance as part of a reconciliation effort.

Moreover, following the approval of the draft of the ‘Public Service (Amendment) Ordinance, 2025’, government officials and employees launched protest at the secretariat and the administration hub comes to a standstill. The protestors postponed their agitation as the secretaries assured that they would present their demands to the cabinet secretary tomorrow, Wednesday. Several more professional bodies including primary school teachers have also taken to the streets for various demands.

Political parties including Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the National Citizen Party have been also raising various demands and taking to the streets. BNP has been demanding a specific election road map after carrying out important reforms while Jamaat--Islami and NCP has been demanding election after reforms. The interim government repeatedly announced that the election will be held between December 2025 and June 2026. However, the BNP insists that the election must be held by December 2025.

Under such a circumstance, the interim government should sort out important reforms and take initiatives to reach consensus on those by meeting the political parties and announcing a specific roadmap demanded both by BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami to hold a free and fair election.

BNP at a press conference on Tuesday expressed its disappointment over the government’s failure to make any clear announcement regarding the national election. The party also called for the immediate announcement of a specific roadmap to form a national parliament through a free and fair election by December.

Under such a circumstance, the interim government should sort out important reforms and take initiatives to reach consensus on those by meeting the political parties and announcing a specific roadmap demanded both by BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami to hold a free and fair election. Ultimately, the political parties will run the country. They must be accountable to the people. Any deviation from democratic norms, the people won't spare them. All must learn from the past. Ignorance won't be spared!

*Rabiul Islam is a journalist at Prothom Alo.​
 

The reform drive must continue apace
The first round of reform talks produced a wide range of agreements and disagreements

1748393210830.png

VISUAL: STAR

It is reassuring to see the conclusion of the first round of talks between the National Consensus Commission (NCC) and political parties over reforms meant to lay the groundwork for a more accountable and transparent system of governance. In a country where political deadlock is more common than consensus, the achievement of common ground across a wide spectrum of issues marks a departure worth noting. The first round—which covered 166 key reform proposals over 45 sessions—produced agreements in several major areas, but also disagreements in others, setting the stage for the second round of talks expected to begin within days. While this process goes on, the NCC plans to engage the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics to conduct a survey to gather public feedback on key proposals and finalise a "National Charter" based on broader consensus by July.

Thanks to the structured and publicly accessible manner in which the discussions were held, we now know the areas where the parties agreed, partially agreed, or disagreed. For instance, all parties agreed to reinstate the non-partisan caretaker government system to oversee elections, but disputes remain over its formation, tenure, and the mechanism for appointing a chief adviser. Similarly, while there is support for a bicameral legislature and empowering the opposition through the deputy speaker's post, disagreements remain over how members of the proposed upper house should be elected. Another crucial sticking point is the proposal to limit the prime minister's authority—particularly preventing one from simultaneously holding the posts of PM, party chief, and leader of the House. Proposals to impose term limits on PM and reform the process of electing the president have also proven divisive. Sharp divisions remain over the proposed formation of a National Constitutional Council to oversee key appointments and uphold legal standards.

That said, the areas of consensus are significant in their own right. Parties have collectively endorsed vital judicial reforms, including the creation of a separate Supreme Court Secretariat, curbing executive control over judicial appointments, and introducing accountability mechanisms to discipline judges exhibiting political bias. There is also agreement on placing key parliamentary committees—such as those on public accounts, estimates, and government undertakings—under opposition control. On anti-corruption, all parties supported granting the Anti-Corruption Commission constitutional status, and ensuring its independence and accountability. Electoral reforms have also made notable progress. In public administration, there is strong support for automating public services, revising outdated laws such as the Official Secrets Act, and modernising the Right to Information Act.

While full consensus on all unresolved issues is unlikely, as Prof Ali Riaz, co-chair of the NCC, has also acknowledged, we hope that political parties will engage sincerely in the remaining talks. Otherwise, the push for critical reforms may stall. At the same time, we must keep in mind the challenges of implementing reforms. The protests following the dissolution of the National Board of Revenue and the introduction of the Public Service (Amendment) Ordinance, 2025 show that real change will depend on our collective resolve to follow through despite the resistance these changes may provoke. All stakeholders must, therefore, rise above partisan or group interests, and act from a place of national responsibility.​
 

EU urges democratic reforms in Bangladesh’s political transition

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jun 06, 2025 23:46
Updated :
Jun 07, 2025 00:35

1749251422411.png


The European Union (EU) has said the regional grouping has consistently supported Bangladesh’s political transition, calling for it to be underpinned by the rule of law, fundamental rights and lead to democratic elections.

“This is a pivotal moment,” said the EU Embassy in Dhaka as Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, in a televised address to the nation, announced a timeline leading to elections.

The EU Delegation called on all stakeholders to engage constructively in this process and to take forward work to define an ambitious reform agenda that will lead to a more stable, more prosperous and democratic Bangladesh, according to a UNB report.

Chief Adviser Prof Yunus on Friday announced that the next national election will be held sometime in the first half of April 2026, reaffirming the government’s commitment to reform, justice, and democratic progress.

“After reviewing the ongoing reforms in justice, governance and the electoral process, I am announcing today that the next national election will be held in the first half of April 2026,” he said in a televised address to the nation in the evening.

Based on this announcement, Prof Yunus, the Election Commission, will provide a detailed roadmap for the election at an appropriate time.

He said they want an election that will satisfy the souls of the martyrs of the uprising and bring peace to their souls.​
 

Reforms are heard of everywhere, but nothing to be seen
We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated. The government could have started by scrapping the environmentally destructive projects, but we are witnessing the opposite.

1749511999411.png


Reforms were our biggest expectation from the post-uprising government. The government and persons associated with the government continually talk about carrying out reforms. But what do we actually see?

Till now they haven't made it clear what exactly are the reforms they want to carry out in the areas of politics and the economy. Many of the reform commission have submitted those reports, but we see no tangible action about even the implementable recommendations in those reports. In fact, we see a continuance of lot of past trends.

Reforms are in the offing, we hear, but the matter remains hazy. The issue of reforms is being discussed, true, but the people have no idea how these reforms are going to be implemented.Which areas should be prioritised for reforms by the government which we got through the mass uprising? Education, healthcare, and employment for unemployed workers along with their safety in the industrial zones. But so far, we have not seen any sign of change in the education and health sectors.

In fact, the allocations for education and health were already inadequate in the last budget, and in the revised budget these been reduced further. There has long been a demand in Bangladesh that the allocation for education should be increased to 6 per cent or 7 per cent of the GDP. But we have consistently seen it remain within the range of 1 to 2 per cent. The current budget shows no change in this regard either.

It wasn't just about increasing the amount of funding. There was also a demand for qualitative improvements. To ensure that education and healthcare fall within the scope of citizens' rights, institutional capacity and other qualitative reforms were essential, but no such initiatives have begun in the past ten months.

We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated
Workers still have to protest to claim their unpaid wages. The government signed an 18-point agreement with workers, but it has not been implemented. The most alarming issue is that, due to the government's announcement of the closure of many factories, nearly a hundred thousand workers have lost their jobs. Those who were employed have lost their employment, and no new job opportunities have been created. Based on this, it can be said that unemployment has increased over the past ten months.

Due to inflation, a new class of poor has emerged. Hundreds of thousands more have fallen below the poverty line.

All this is happening because there is no focus on what the focus of reforms should be. Priority hasn't been given where due. Then there is the matter of institutional capacity. During the last government's rule we saw that all the institutions were run on orders, not by increasing the institutional capacity. In other words, the orders were impose from above and that was how the institutions would run. The inherent dynamism and strength of the institutions were destroyed.

During the time of the now ousted fascist government, this weakness had developed across all institutions - universities, the judiciary, the police, the administration, and both public and private sectors. This was made possible due to a few submissive and spineless groups. There were expectations from this government. There was significant scope for reforms, to enhance the institutional activity of these institutions, to build their capabilities and bring transparency to processes ranging from recruitment to other areas. But even in these aspects, we are seeing no change. What we are seeing instead is people being forcibly appointed or removed.

The judicial system, too, is carrying on as before. The same sorts of cases are being filed. Indiscriminate arrests and remand orders are being made. Some are being given bail, some not. We are also seeing the process of proving war criminals to be innocent. Overall, the problems that existed in the institutional powers, independence and capacity of judicial system, the administration, and in the universities, still persist.

Enhancing the institutional capacity of the energy and power sectors was another major expectation of the people. We have always said that if national capacity in these sectors is strengthened, then subsidies would not be necessary. We will be able to get gas at a much lower cost. We will get renewable energy at a much lower cost. We will get electricity at a much lower cost. And the environment will not be harmed. This transformation is certainly possible if national capacity is developed.

We are witnessing the rise of hate-driven, discriminatory groups, which gives the impression that a new fascist force is gradually gaining strength.

The previous government did not do that. Instead, they made foreign loans, foreign projects, and import dependency the core of their policy. Certain groups were given undue advantages.

We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated. The government could have started by scrapping the environmentally destructive projects, but we are witnessing the opposite.

Rather than building national capacity, the government is moving toward handing over the management of Chattogram Port and the exploration of oil and gas to foreign companies. This means the same trend continues: dependency on imports, foreign investment, foreign companies, and foreign loans.

In the social sphere, too, we are witnessing several problems. For example, persecution of minority communities and ethnic groups has not stopped. This is deeply painful for us. Many members of the Bom ethnic group have been detained. Among them are women and children. None of them are being granted bail. A Bom man suffering from cancer was granted bail only a day before his death. He had become just skin and bone, but he was still denied bail. He received no proper medical treatment in custody, and he died in pain.

At the same time, we still see attempts to silence women who are becoming vocal in society or who were active during mass uprisings. Certain groups continue their efforts, through threats, intimidation, and smear campaigns, to suppress them. We’ve seen such incidents in the case of college teacher Nadira Yasmin in Narsingdi and in various other places.

The government’s indifference to these issues is a matter of serious concern. There ostensibly is a silent endorsement of those groups. Even now, incidents of attacks, vandalism, coercion, and mob violence are taking place in various parts of the country. We are witnessing the rise of hate-driven, discriminatory groups, which gives the impression that a new fascist force is gradually gaining strength.

Instead of undertaking the necessary reforms, the government is making decisions and adopting policies that show no sign of initiating real change. And we are seeing the consequences of this not only in the economy but also in politics and society.

That is why, for those who have dreamed of a Bangladesh free of inequality, it remains absolutely vital to stay alert, vigilant, and active.

* Anu Muhammad is an economist, editor of Sarbajankatha, and member of the Committee for Democratic Rights

** This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​
 

Govt, BNP should also give road maps to justice, reforms
11 June, 2025, 00:00

THE chief adviser to the interim government Muhammad Yunus in an address to the nation on the eve of Eid-ul-Azha has announced that the general elections would be held any day in the first quarter of April 2026, noting that the Election Commission would announce a road map to the elections at an appropriate time. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the major political organisation of the country, had earlier held brief for the elections by this December whilst the government stood its ground for the elections between this December and June 2026. Although the announcement is viewed as an effort to reach a middle ground, the announcement has elicited mixed reactions, some saying that this is logical given the time required for democratic reforms and the trial of individuals associated with the deposed Awami League and some others saying that this is illogical as the announcement has failed to reflect people’s expectations and impractical as Ramadan would span from mid-February to mid-March, not to mention the government’s visible failures to effect any effective reforms so far. There could also be weather challenges and public examinations. But the announcement has created resentment in the BNP camp which has become evident in its reaction to the announcement, noting that the period would be inconvenient for national elections.Bangladeshi cuisine recipes

Behind-the-scenes ministrations have, however, come up and the results are yet to be forthcoming. The chief adviser to the interim government has said that it has assumed the responsibility to run the affairs of the state on three mandates: reforms, justice and elections. But his address has only spoken of elections, which are essential and pressing, somewhat setting aside reforms and justice. Only a road map to the national elections would hardly work for a meaningful transition to a democratic polity unless reforms and justice also have road maps for implementation. Muhammad Yunus, or the interim government for that matter, should also announce effective road maps to justice and accountability for the crimes that the Awami League regime had committed for a decade and a half and to reforms, which would ensure a sustainable transition. The interim government should put to effect all the three mandates that Muhammad Yunus has talked about. On the other side, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which talks about only elections, setting aside the issues of reforms and justice, should also announce meaningful road maps to both justice and accountability of the crimes committed during the July–August 2024 uprising and to democratic reforms of the state which are essential when it comes to a democratic governance.Bangladeshi cuisine recipes

Whilst the interim government should work out road maps to reforms and justice, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party should also make public road maps to reforms and justice for a democratic reconstruction post the August 2024 political changeover.​
 

CA informs King Charles of Bangladesh’s reform initiatives

FE Online Desk
Published :
Jun 12, 2025 20:24
Updated :
Jun 12, 2025 20:24

1749769570115.png


Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Thursday held a private one-to-one meeting with King Charles III where the Bangladesh’s reform agendas were discussed.

“At 11:20 am today, a one-to-one meeting was held between our Chief Adviser and King Charles III, which was a private one,” said Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam a press briefing about the outcome of the meeting.

During the meeting, he said, they discussed the massive transition in Bangladesh according to BSS report.

He said the Bangladesh Chief Adviser informed King Charles of the reform initiatives taken by his government in Bangladesh.

Claiming that the 30-minitue meeting was a cordial one, the press secretary said since King Charles knows Prof Yunus for a long, they discussed many issues.

“In this whole tour, I would say it was the most important event,” he added.

After the one-to-one meeting, Alam said, a gift having photo of the King and the Queen, signed by them, was presented to Prof Yunus, which was a very honour for the Chief Adviser.

King Charles welcomed Chief Adviser Prof Yunus at Buckingham Palace for a private audience.

In addition to their regular diplomatic and political Audiences, the Monarch also meets individuals who have made extraordinary achievements in their fields, particularly if they are taking up a Royal appointment or receiving a prize which is given in their name.

By meeting people privately, or ‘granting an Audience’, The King acknowledges the importance of certain individuals and their work, and creates an opportunity to learn more about them and to give them a memorable Royal experience.

An ‘Audience’ is simply a one-to-one meeting with The King.​
 

Risk-based reforms could cut food import delays by 80pc: Study
Blanket inspections at ports inflate costs, delay clearances

Doulot Akter Mala
Published :
Jun 15, 2025 00:12
Updated :
Jun 15, 2025 00:12

1749942993546.png


The average clearance time for food and agricultural imports in Bangladesh could be slashed by up to 80 per cent through targeted risk-management reforms, a new study has found.

It said that quick release of such products would not only reduce port congestion but also ease prices for consumers in the domestic market.

Currently, agro-based containers are subject to 100 per cent customs inspection as per the Import Policy Order, regardless of the type, nature, or risk profile of the products.

The study, titled "Quantifying the Benefits of Risk-Based Clearance for Imported Food and Agriculture Products in Bangladesh", was conducted under the USDA-funded Bangladesh Trade Facilitation (BTF) project and released recently.

Risk-based approaches can help reduce market prices of several food items, including milk powder, apples, and oranges.

Bangladesh has witnessed a sharp hike in food import expenditure, which surged from US$4.7 billion in 2014 to $11.85 billion in 2022.

During this period, the number of bills of entry (B/E) processed by customs more than tripled.

Despite this growth, the country continues to rely on a rigid clearance system that mandates 100 per cent inspection and testing of all food consignments, irrespective of their risk level.

"This blanket approach, applied without consideration of factors such as importer credibility, country of origin, or product type, has led to significant delays in the clearance process," the study report says.

Analysing seven food products, the study highlighted three critical areas for reform: policy and regulatory change, process improvements, and capacity building and awareness.

The products covered in the study include milk powder, fortified soybean oil, ketchup, chilled and frozen fish, apples, oranges, and animal feed ingredients.

"Overall, the average release time increased in 2024 to 7.1 days, up from 6.54 days in 2023. Notably, fortified soybean oil experienced a significant rise in clearance time, by nearly three days, suggesting the need for better handling and inspection processes," it said.

The report recommends amending the Import Policy Order and other relevant acts and rules to incorporate risk-based clearance procedures in line with international best practices.

Michael J. Parr, Chief of Party of the USDA-funded BTF Project, said the study aims to support evidence-based reforms that improve efficiency, transparency, and predictability in food and agricultural imports.

Currently, he noted, Bangladesh heavily relies on blanket inspection and testing of all consignments regardless of risk.

"Our goal is to provide empirical data showing how risk-based clearance, an internationally recognised best practice, can help Bangladesh optimise resources, reduce delays, and better target high-risk shipments," Parr said.

"The findings clearly show that structured risk management can cut clearance times by up to 80 per cent and significantly lower retail prices for consumers," he added.

He hopes the findings will guide government agencies in updating procedures to adopt risk-based clearance methods, align with global standards, and meet obligations under the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement.

Mohammad Borhan E-Sultan, President of the Bangladesh Foodstuff Importers & Suppliers Association (BAFISA), said obtaining clearance from BSTI and other agencies can take up to a month after import, often costing importers more than Tk 1.0 million per container in port demurrage and shipping charges. "Usually, consumers have to shoulder the additional costs due to the escalation of import expenditures," he added.

He also pointed out that clearance-issuing agencies remain closed two days a week, while ports operate 24/7, making fast responses impossible after shipments arrive.

Nipun Chakma, Deputy Commissioner of Customs and Technical Advisor (Risk Management) at the USDA-BTF Project, said applying risk management methods across all relevant cross-border agencies would expedite agricultural goods clearance without compromising national health and security priorities.

He noted that faster, more predictable, and transparent procedures would improve the overall trade environment.

"This enhanced trade environment is likely to attract both local and foreign investors, especially as lengthy and unpredictable clearance processes have long been a concern for international businesses operating in Bangladesh," he added.

Under current Import Policy Order obligations, every food and agro-based container must be certified by the Bangladesh Standards and Testing Institution (BSTI) and undergo plant quarantine procedures, even if sourced from compliant exporters.

Customs officials and importers argue that requiring time-consuming test reports for food products from reputed companies with no history of substandard shipments is unjustified.

Earlier, New Zealand raised concerns over the prolonged testing of imported powdered milk in Bangladesh, despite the country's strict radiation safety compliance.

Bangladesh imports food and agro-based items from long-standing partner countries, but every container still undergoes testing, causing delays and adding costs that trickle down to consumers.

The study recommended establishing institutional coordination mechanisms for risk management between regulatory bodies, particularly between customs and other government agencies (OGAs).

Currently, there is no structured risk management approach applied by any agency other than customs during the clearance process.​
 

Public universities' potential reforms

Muhammad Zamir
Published :
Jun 29, 2025 21:36
Updated :
Jun 29, 2025 21:36

1751240536473.png

A view of Dhaka University Photo : Collected Photo

For the past few months the media have been replete with reports of mis-governance in public universities. They have focused on protests against abuse of authority, financial indiscipline, partisanship, politicisation and absence of a truly academic atmosphere. These revelations have been shocking and prompted many within the civil society to stress the need for relevant authorities to carry out in-depth surveys about administrative discipline in different public universities.

In our societal structure, teachers, be it at the primary, secondary, college or university level, have a special place. They are admired and held with respect. As in other countries this profession is described as noble and one that is supposed to inspire trust and create confidence in the hearts and minds of both the students and their guardians.

I still remember my Metaphysics classes in Dhaka University with the late Professor G C Dev 58 years ago. I recall how he helped to instil in the minds of his students the need to be humane in their treatment of others and how to give importance to views that differed from one's own. I similarly remember with gratitude, the kindness and firmness with which important areas of our lives were addressed, and our queries answered in the tutorial classes supervised by late Professor Dr J Guhathakurta and late Professor K S Morshed. These teachers and many other educationists helped to open windows of our imagination and taught us to appreciate values. They were the standard bearers who outlined moral thresholds.

One needs to turn now to the painful situation that exists in most of our public universities today. In this context we have watched what has been happening in the Rajshahi University, Chittagong University, Khulna University and Jagannath University. The revelations of the difficulties faced in these educational institutions in different dimensions come to the surface because the media always follow the state of affairs in public universities with great interest. Consequently, it has been disturbing to read about what has been happening currently in some of these public institutions.

Charges are being alleged against several senior university faculty members and vice-chancellors of some institutions. These include a broad range of supposed irregularities -- questionable appointment of teachers and staff, drawing huge amounts against mobile phone bills, misuse of authority and unacceptable expenditure with regard to furniture and furnishings. The persons concerned have supposedly been aided and abetted by a small number of university officials.

Reports have emerged that some of these universities have been turned into personal fiefdoms, where rules of audit and accountability have been banished. The University Grants Commission (UGC) is apparently studying the problem carefully but is facing problems in finding educationists willing to take over as vice-chancellors, pro-vice-chancellors and treasurers in certain public universities.

Apparently, the cloud hanging over some of the public academic institutions and the controversies generated there have persuaded educationists from Dhaka University, the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUEST) and the Chittagong University of Engineering and Technology to turn down offers of appointment. This is indeed very serious, given the fact that we have nearly 30 public universities in Bangladesh and that many of them need the stern hands of reform.

However, teachers-cum-administrators not up to expectations are not the only problem in public universities. There are also other factors that are affecting the level of education, opportunities for education and the quality of education imparted in these institutions.

One has to touch on some of them. The current sorry state of affairs has emerged because of many reasons. It has infected even institutions like the Dhaka University -- the oldest among the public universities in Bangladesh. The Rajshahi University and the Chittagong University are also no exceptions. Meritocracy has been sacrificed in many cases to promote expediency. Administrative irregularities take place sometimes on non-academic considerations. Rules are followed more by neglect than by observance.

Partisanship in the selection of teachers, allotment of residential accommodation, approval of educational opportunities to continue further studies abroad, the process of granting leave (either to teach in private universities on higher pay or in the carrying out of consultancies) and failure to take the designated number of classes per week have all contributed to the weakening of the educational infrastructure. This has also affected accountability.

In addition, there is also the question of the continuous upgrading and being up to date among the teaching community. Unfortunately, incremental improvement appears to have receded to the background - particularly in dimensions related to digital education.

Professionalism requires that teachers carry out original research and publish their findings in well-known and recognised journals. This trend appears to have declined.

One way to enhance the importance of original research might be to link publications (subject to scrutiny by the Academic Council) with promotion for teachers. It would also be pertinent to note here about the extremely poor quality of the libraries of these institutions. Books and manuscripts are poorly maintained and rarely updated. Important professional journals published by different foreign institutions, which used to be available forty years ago, are not there anymore. The use of computers pertaining to digital availability is also not up to the mark in most public universities. This pertains most unfortunately with regard to obtaining details on certain Conventions pertaining to international law. There was a vacant stare in the eyes of those charged with the responsibility of maintaining records in the Dhaka University Library. Someone tried to salvage the situation by remarking that hard copies of legal magazines were no longer maintained because they were expensive and that I should try to download them from different web pages.

Though there was some merit in this argument, I asked if there were adequate computers with necessary connections for this purpose in the library for the use of students. I was informed that this was unfortunately not always available due to resource constraint. This is sad. It also underlined the need for capacity building (more computers and online facilities in each department of the University) and greater resource generation.

It is pertinent to remember that the Dhaka University Order, 1973 was originally framed consistent with the principles of Fabian socialism and based on a set of values that today is probably misused rather than observed in the spirit meant to be.

Some student politicians are taking their area of influence one step further with the connivance of some of those associated with the university administration. I am referring here to reports of influencing admission, allotment of seats in residential halls and participation of tenders for procurement of necessary supplies for the University. It is now commonly alleged that the required transparency is mostly absent in decision-making and corruption has replaced accountability.

One can only hope that there will be greater transparency in this process. This approach will then ensure accountability.

Time has come to undertake a positive and constructive engagement within the ambit of public universities. Those responsible within the matrix of the public universities need to set up, with the assistance of the University Grants Commission and the Ministry of Education, a Commission in each Public University to determine the existing flaws and deficiencies including housing and then chart out measures on how to remove them.

The Commission could be autonomous and constituted of educationists (including retired professors) respected for their commitment, wisdom and neutrality. The Commission could be given the mandate to complete their investigations within 90 days. This could include hearings, held in public, to ensure transparency. They could also initiate web portals where analysts might be able to express their opinions. Both students and guardians, in addition to teachers, could participate in this identification process.

This process, hopefully, will also come up with suitable recommendations with regard to the syllabus, teacher's training, criteria for promotion of teachers and a better uniform grading system.

What we require is the right will and better coordination between the Academic Council, the Senate and the Syndicate. It also needs making Vice-Chancellors of both public and private universities more responsible and accountable for their actions and decisions to the University Grants Commission and Accreditation Council in a meaningful manner. In this context it might be also a good idea to bring forth an interactive engagement between public and private universities so that least common denominators can be identified for moving forward.

Muhammad Zamir, a former Ambassador is an analyst specialised in foreign affairs, right to information and good governance.​
 

Latest Posts

Latest Posts

Back
PKDefense - Recommended Toggle