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Reforms are heard of everywhere, but nothing to be seen
Instead of undertaking necessary reforms, the government is making decisions that show no sign of initiating change. The consequences are seen in economy, politics, society.
en.prothomalo.com
Reforms are heard of everywhere, but nothing to be seen
We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated. The government could have started by scrapping the environmentally destructive projects, but we are witnessing the opposite.
Reforms were our biggest expectation from the post-uprising government. The government and persons associated with the government continually talk about carrying out reforms. But what do we actually see?
Till now they haven't made it clear what exactly are the reforms they want to carry out in the areas of politics and the economy. Many of the reform commission have submitted those reports, but we see no tangible action about even the implementable recommendations in those reports. In fact, we see a continuance of lot of past trends.
Reforms are in the offing, we hear, but the matter remains hazy. The issue of reforms is being discussed, true, but the people have no idea how these reforms are going to be implemented.Which areas should be prioritised for reforms by the government which we got through the mass uprising? Education, healthcare, and employment for unemployed workers along with their safety in the industrial zones. But so far, we have not seen any sign of change in the education and health sectors.
In fact, the allocations for education and health were already inadequate in the last budget, and in the revised budget these been reduced further. There has long been a demand in Bangladesh that the allocation for education should be increased to 6 per cent or 7 per cent of the GDP. But we have consistently seen it remain within the range of 1 to 2 per cent. The current budget shows no change in this regard either.
It wasn't just about increasing the amount of funding. There was also a demand for qualitative improvements. To ensure that education and healthcare fall within the scope of citizens' rights, institutional capacity and other qualitative reforms were essential, but no such initiatives have begun in the past ten months.
We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated
Workers still have to protest to claim their unpaid wages. The government signed an 18-point agreement with workers, but it has not been implemented. The most alarming issue is that, due to the government's announcement of the closure of many factories, nearly a hundred thousand workers have lost their jobs. Those who were employed have lost their employment, and no new job opportunities have been created. Based on this, it can be said that unemployment has increased over the past ten months.
Due to inflation, a new class of poor has emerged. Hundreds of thousands more have fallen below the poverty line.
All this is happening because there is no focus on what the focus of reforms should be. Priority hasn't been given where due. Then there is the matter of institutional capacity. During the last government's rule we saw that all the institutions were run on orders, not by increasing the institutional capacity. In other words, the orders were impose from above and that was how the institutions would run. The inherent dynamism and strength of the institutions were destroyed.
During the time of the now ousted fascist government, this weakness had developed across all institutions - universities, the judiciary, the police, the administration, and both public and private sectors. This was made possible due to a few submissive and spineless groups. There were expectations from this government. There was significant scope for reforms, to enhance the institutional activity of these institutions, to build their capabilities and bring transparency to processes ranging from recruitment to other areas. But even in these aspects, we are seeing no change. What we are seeing instead is people being forcibly appointed or removed.
The judicial system, too, is carrying on as before. The same sorts of cases are being filed. Indiscriminate arrests and remand orders are being made. Some are being given bail, some not. We are also seeing the process of proving war criminals to be innocent. Overall, the problems that existed in the institutional powers, independence and capacity of judicial system, the administration, and in the universities, still persist.
Enhancing the institutional capacity of the energy and power sectors was another major expectation of the people. We have always said that if national capacity in these sectors is strengthened, then subsidies would not be necessary. We will be able to get gas at a much lower cost. We will get renewable energy at a much lower cost. We will get electricity at a much lower cost. And the environment will not be harmed. This transformation is certainly possible if national capacity is developed.
We are witnessing the rise of hate-driven, discriminatory groups, which gives the impression that a new fascist force is gradually gaining strength.
The previous government did not do that. Instead, they made foreign loans, foreign projects, and import dependency the core of their policy. Certain groups were given undue advantages.
We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated. The government could have started by scrapping the environmentally destructive projects, but we are witnessing the opposite.
Rather than building national capacity, the government is moving toward handing over the management of Chattogram Port and the exploration of oil and gas to foreign companies. This means the same trend continues: dependency on imports, foreign investment, foreign companies, and foreign loans.
In the social sphere, too, we are witnessing several problems. For example, persecution of minority communities and ethnic groups has not stopped. This is deeply painful for us. Many members of the Bom ethnic group have been detained. Among them are women and children. None of them are being granted bail. A Bom man suffering from cancer was granted bail only a day before his death. He had become just skin and bone, but he was still denied bail. He received no proper medical treatment in custody, and he died in pain.
At the same time, we still see attempts to silence women who are becoming vocal in society or who were active during mass uprisings. Certain groups continue their efforts, through threats, intimidation, and smear campaigns, to suppress them. We’ve seen such incidents in the case of college teacher Nadira Yasmin in Narsingdi and in various other places.
The government’s indifference to these issues is a matter of serious concern. There ostensibly is a silent endorsement of those groups. Even now, incidents of attacks, vandalism, coercion, and mob violence are taking place in various parts of the country. We are witnessing the rise of hate-driven, discriminatory groups, which gives the impression that a new fascist force is gradually gaining strength.
Instead of undertaking the necessary reforms, the government is making decisions and adopting policies that show no sign of initiating real change. And we are seeing the consequences of this not only in the economy but also in politics and society.
That is why, for those who have dreamed of a Bangladesh free of inequality, it remains absolutely vital to stay alert, vigilant, and active.
* Anu Muhammad is an economist, editor of Sarbajankatha, and member of the Committee for Democratic Rights
** This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir
We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated. The government could have started by scrapping the environmentally destructive projects, but we are witnessing the opposite.
Reforms were our biggest expectation from the post-uprising government. The government and persons associated with the government continually talk about carrying out reforms. But what do we actually see?
Till now they haven't made it clear what exactly are the reforms they want to carry out in the areas of politics and the economy. Many of the reform commission have submitted those reports, but we see no tangible action about even the implementable recommendations in those reports. In fact, we see a continuance of lot of past trends.
Reforms are in the offing, we hear, but the matter remains hazy. The issue of reforms is being discussed, true, but the people have no idea how these reforms are going to be implemented.Which areas should be prioritised for reforms by the government which we got through the mass uprising? Education, healthcare, and employment for unemployed workers along with their safety in the industrial zones. But so far, we have not seen any sign of change in the education and health sectors.
In fact, the allocations for education and health were already inadequate in the last budget, and in the revised budget these been reduced further. There has long been a demand in Bangladesh that the allocation for education should be increased to 6 per cent or 7 per cent of the GDP. But we have consistently seen it remain within the range of 1 to 2 per cent. The current budget shows no change in this regard either.
It wasn't just about increasing the amount of funding. There was also a demand for qualitative improvements. To ensure that education and healthcare fall within the scope of citizens' rights, institutional capacity and other qualitative reforms were essential, but no such initiatives have begun in the past ten months.
We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated
Workers still have to protest to claim their unpaid wages. The government signed an 18-point agreement with workers, but it has not been implemented. The most alarming issue is that, due to the government's announcement of the closure of many factories, nearly a hundred thousand workers have lost their jobs. Those who were employed have lost their employment, and no new job opportunities have been created. Based on this, it can be said that unemployment has increased over the past ten months.
Due to inflation, a new class of poor has emerged. Hundreds of thousands more have fallen below the poverty line.
All this is happening because there is no focus on what the focus of reforms should be. Priority hasn't been given where due. Then there is the matter of institutional capacity. During the last government's rule we saw that all the institutions were run on orders, not by increasing the institutional capacity. In other words, the orders were impose from above and that was how the institutions would run. The inherent dynamism and strength of the institutions were destroyed.
During the time of the now ousted fascist government, this weakness had developed across all institutions - universities, the judiciary, the police, the administration, and both public and private sectors. This was made possible due to a few submissive and spineless groups. There were expectations from this government. There was significant scope for reforms, to enhance the institutional activity of these institutions, to build their capabilities and bring transparency to processes ranging from recruitment to other areas. But even in these aspects, we are seeing no change. What we are seeing instead is people being forcibly appointed or removed.
The judicial system, too, is carrying on as before. The same sorts of cases are being filed. Indiscriminate arrests and remand orders are being made. Some are being given bail, some not. We are also seeing the process of proving war criminals to be innocent. Overall, the problems that existed in the institutional powers, independence and capacity of judicial system, the administration, and in the universities, still persist.
Enhancing the institutional capacity of the energy and power sectors was another major expectation of the people. We have always said that if national capacity in these sectors is strengthened, then subsidies would not be necessary. We will be able to get gas at a much lower cost. We will get renewable energy at a much lower cost. We will get electricity at a much lower cost. And the environment will not be harmed. This transformation is certainly possible if national capacity is developed.
We are witnessing the rise of hate-driven, discriminatory groups, which gives the impression that a new fascist force is gradually gaining strength.
The previous government did not do that. Instead, they made foreign loans, foreign projects, and import dependency the core of their policy. Certain groups were given undue advantages.
We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated. The government could have started by scrapping the environmentally destructive projects, but we are witnessing the opposite.
Rather than building national capacity, the government is moving toward handing over the management of Chattogram Port and the exploration of oil and gas to foreign companies. This means the same trend continues: dependency on imports, foreign investment, foreign companies, and foreign loans.
In the social sphere, too, we are witnessing several problems. For example, persecution of minority communities and ethnic groups has not stopped. This is deeply painful for us. Many members of the Bom ethnic group have been detained. Among them are women and children. None of them are being granted bail. A Bom man suffering from cancer was granted bail only a day before his death. He had become just skin and bone, but he was still denied bail. He received no proper medical treatment in custody, and he died in pain.
At the same time, we still see attempts to silence women who are becoming vocal in society or who were active during mass uprisings. Certain groups continue their efforts, through threats, intimidation, and smear campaigns, to suppress them. We’ve seen such incidents in the case of college teacher Nadira Yasmin in Narsingdi and in various other places.
The government’s indifference to these issues is a matter of serious concern. There ostensibly is a silent endorsement of those groups. Even now, incidents of attacks, vandalism, coercion, and mob violence are taking place in various parts of the country. We are witnessing the rise of hate-driven, discriminatory groups, which gives the impression that a new fascist force is gradually gaining strength.
Instead of undertaking the necessary reforms, the government is making decisions and adopting policies that show no sign of initiating real change. And we are seeing the consequences of this not only in the economy but also in politics and society.
That is why, for those who have dreamed of a Bangladesh free of inequality, it remains absolutely vital to stay alert, vigilant, and active.
* Anu Muhammad is an economist, editor of Sarbajankatha, and member of the Committee for Democratic Rights
** This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir
