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[🇧🇩] The fate of big guns/beneficiaries of Awami League after the student revolution

[🇧🇩] The fate of big guns/beneficiaries of Awami League after the student revolution
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G Bangladesh Defense

Court issues travel ban on Lotus Kamal and family
UNB
Published :
Feb 18, 2025 23:44
Updated :
Feb 18, 2025 23:44

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A Dhaka court on Tuesday imposed a travel ban on former finance minister AHM Mustafa Kamal, aka Lotus Kamal, his wife Kashmiri Kamal and daughters Kashfi Kamal and Nafisa Kamal in a graft case.

Dhaka Metropolitan Senior Special Judge Md Jakir Hossain Galib passed the order after hearing a petition filed by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) seeking the travel ban.

The investigating officer of the case Md Nurul Huda, also an ACC official, submitted the appeal.

According to the petition, an investigation is underway in a case against the former minister Kamal, his wife and daughters regarding acquisition of wealth beyond known sources of income. It goes on to state the petitioners' concern that in light of the investigation, Kamal and his family may attempt to flee abroad - thus necessitating the travel ban.

The petitioners are right to be concerned, but they are many months too late. Not only has there been no sighting of the family in Bangladesh since August 5, shortly after the fall of the Awami League government, a video surfaced on social media of Kamal and daughter Nafisa.

It was clearly shot at an airport and showed the two of them scrambling to get hold of a number of bags and suitcases. Reportedly they left the country way before the movement even picked up, on July 15. So either way, this travel ban looks set to be as ineffective as the ones issued earlier against ex IGP Benzir Ahmed, or ex-secretary Matiur Rahman (who has since surrendered), and numerous others.

Earlier on February 13, the ACC filed a case against the former finance minister, his wife and two daughters on charges of amassing illegal wealth totalling Tk 1.67 billion.

In the case, the allegations of amassing Tk 275.2 million against Lotus Kamal himself, Tk 461.1 million against wife Kashmiri, Tk 315.8 million against Kashfi and Tk 620 million by daughter Nafisa were brought.​
 
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ACC sues Atiur, Barkat, Benazir, 24 others
s 20 February, 2025, 17:35

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From left, Atiur Rahman, Abul Barkat and Benazir Ahmed | UNB Photo

The Anti-Corruption Commission on Thursday filed a case against 23 people, including former Bangladesh Bank governor Atiur Rahman, former Janata Bank chairman Abul Barkat and AnonTex Group chairman Md Yunus Badal, on charges of embezzling Tk 297 crore.

The anti-graft agency also filed a case against former inspector general of police Benazir Ahmed and his family members on charges of money laundering amounting to Tk 11.34 crore, while it also filed a case against former member of parliament Gulam Faruk Khandaker over illegal wealth.

The graft cases were filed with the ACC’s integrated district office in Dhaka-1, said ACC director general Md Aktar Hossain.

ACC deputy director Md Nazmul Hossain filed the case against 23 people, including Atiur, on charges of embezzling Tk 297 crore.

The other accused are former Bangladesh Bank deputy governor Abu Hena Mohammad Razi Hasan and its former assistant director Ismat Ara Begum, former Janata Bank managing director Abdus Salam Azad, former directors Jamal Uddin Ahmed, Md Imdadul Haque, Nagibul Islam Dipu, RM Debnath, Md Abu Naser and Sangeeta Ahmed, director Nitai Chandra Nath, former deputy general manager Azmul Haque, former AGM Ajay Kumar Ghosh, former manager (industrial loan-1) of Janata Bhaban corporate branch Md Golam Azam, executive engineer (SME department) Md Shahjahan, SEO Md Emdadul Haque, former DGM Md Abdul Jabbar, former DMD Md Golam Faruk, and former deputy managing director Omar Faruk, M/S Suprabh Spinning Limited managing director Md Anwar Hossain, and director Md Abu Talha.

According to the case statement, Suprabh Spinning Ltd, Mohammad Anwar Hossain and Mohammad Abu Talha took Tk 297.38 crore in loan from Janata Bank through fraud and forgery, laundering the funds in collusion with the other 21 accused.

Despite no actual factory or structure existing on the mortgaged land, the duo overvalued the land and property at Tk 6,098.97 million, and with the assistance of other accused, obtained a loan amount of Tk 297.38 crore, which was subsequently embezzled.

Abdul Salam Azad, Azmul Hossain, Ajoy Kumar Ghosh, Gulam Azam, Shahjahan and Emdadul Haque in collusion with each other helped the accused Anwar Hossain and Abu Talha to forge records, bypass regulations and help facilitate the illegal loan approval process, said the case statement.

Accused Abdul Jabbar, Golam Faruk, and Omar Faruk, although stating that the proposed loan approval would violate BRPD Circular No 05/2005 and the MOU guidelines, presented a memorandum to the board for approval of the loan with the intention of obtaining Bangladesh Bank’s clearance, thereby helping Anwar and Talha to secure the loan, it said.

Yunus Badal has been charged with embezzling Tk 50.5 crore out of a sanctioned loan of Tk 180 crore in favour of Suprabh Spinning Ltd by receiving the money in the accounts under his Anontex Group.

Despite knowing about violation of rulers, the accused Abul Barkat, Jamal Uddin Ahmed, Emdadul Haque, Nagibul Islam, RM Debonath, Abu Naser, Sangita Ahmed and Nitai Chandra Nath aided and abetted in approving and distributing the loan.

Atiur Rahman, Ismat Ara Begum and Abu Hena Mohammad Raji Hassan assisted the loan applicant by abusing power and violating banking rules, despite the loan application being for a new and relatively unknown businessman.

The ACC on Thursday filed a case against former IGP Benazir Ahmed, his wife Jissan Mirza, his eldest daughter Farheen Rishta Binte Benazir and his second daughter Tahseen Raisa Binte Benazir on charges of laundering of Tk 11.34 crore.

According to the case statement, the accused withdrew Tk 11.35 crore in cash from banks through collusion and illicit means, but no evidence of any investment of these funds was found.

It is also alleged that after withdrawing the money, they left the country.

Benazir was the IGP from April 15, 2020, to September 30, 2022. Earlier, he had served as the Dhaka Metropolitan Police commissioner and the Rapid Action Battalion director general.

The ACC earlier filed several cases against Benazir and his family members on charges of amassing illegal wealth. Benazir left the country with his family on May 4, 2024.

The ACC also filed a case against former lawmaker from Pabna-5 constituency Golam Faruk Khandaker Prince on charges of amassing illegal wealth worth Tk 9.91 crore.

The case statement also said that Gulam Faruk was also accused of suspicious transactions of Tk 425 crore in his 39 bank accounts.​
 
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Dealing with remnants of fascist regime
by Md Farid Alam 23 February, 2025, 00:00

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The people of Bangladesh have long held a vision of a developed, prosperous nation where peace reigns, discrimination is non-existent, and every citizen has access to justice, rule of law, economic opportunity, and social and health well-being. For years, this dream of a fair and just society seemed elusive, particularly when faced with deep-rooted political instability, corruption, and oppressive regimes. The revolution of July 2024, however, has reignited hope in the hearts of many Bangladeshis. It opened the door to a brighter future, one where the seemingly insurmountable task of removing a fascist regime — responsible for destroying the nation’s institutions and economy — was finally achieved. But while this event marked a victory for the people, it also uncovered the deep psychological scars inflicted upon the nation. These scars have the potential to undermine the very prosperity the people seek to build.

The revolution succeeded in ousting a fascist regime that had torn apart the country’s economy and the institutions meant to protect its people. These institutions, which should have been pillars of governance and stability, were left shattered. However, the damage inflicted by the regime did not stop at physical destruction. The most insidious and long-lasting damage was to the morality of the people. The regime manipulated public opinion, brainwashed the masses, and distorted the minds of a significant portion of the population. The followers of the regime, in particular, were subjected to a psychological campaign that stripped them of their rational thinking, turning them into individuals who could no longer differentiate between right and wrong. This has resulted in what we can now call ‘psychopathic hypocrites’ — individuals who, despite their society’s progress, continue to harbour destructive tendencies.

These individuals, living well within the general population and while many may appear to be ordinary citizens, harbour a dangerous potential to sabotage any effort toward progress. Their minds, moulded by years of dictatorship and propaganda, remain susceptible to reverting to their former behaviours. Given the opportunity, they are likely to act against the pursuit of prosperity, even at the cost of the nation’s well-being. Their actions, driven by a distorted sense of loyalty to the past regime and its values, threaten to hinder the nation’s journey toward a more equitable and prosperous future.

The rhetoric of the past regime’s leader, Hasina, who advocated for harsh measures against those opposing her regime, is still fresh in the memory of many. Hasina’s words were aimed at inciting fear and violence against dissenters. In contrast, the chief adviser of the interim government, a man of more temperate rhetoric, has expressed a more inclusive philosophy for the nation’s future. He has stated his commitment to integrating all citizens into the nation’s forward march, excluding only those who have committed criminal offences. Even those who have committed crimes may find a place in the new Bangladesh, but only after undergoing due trial and receiving appropriate punishment.

While the chief adviser’s approach of national integration is noble, it is not without its challenges. One of the most significant hurdles will come from the very individuals who were products of the fascist regime — those psychopathic hypocrites who, if left unchecked, could obstruct the nation’s progress. The task of integrating these individuals into mainstream society without allowing them to disrupt the country’s efforts toward prosperity is a delicate and complex one.

As the chief adviser pointed out, ‘We cannot throw them out of the country, nor can we cast them aside. They are our children; they are our people.’ This statement reflects a deep truth. Regardless of their past affiliations, these individuals are a part of Bangladesh’s social fabric. A nation cannot simply abandon its citizens because they have made mistakes in the past, no matter how grave those mistakes may have been. It is crucial to remember that a family may have a sick child or an individual with mental challenges, and society must take responsibility for providing care. Similarly, Bangladesh must take responsibility for rehabilitating its psychopathic hypocrites, helping them regain their moral compass and reintegrating them as productive, positive members of society.

However, this rehabilitation process must be well thought out and methodically planned. There is no simple solution, and the government must put in place a structured framework to guide these individuals back to a place where they can positively contribute to the nation’s growth. The first step in this process is to identify those who need help. The government must compile a comprehensive list of individuals who are likely to fall into the category of psychopathic hypocrites. This list should primarily include individuals who were ardent activists of the previous regime, but it may also encompass others who, though not directly involved in criminal activities, still harbour negative influences that could pose a threat to the country’s future progress.

Once identified, these individuals must go through a rehabilitation process that includes counselling, education, and motivation. This process would aim to normalise their mental and emotional states, preparing them to re-enter society as positive forces for change. The goal is not to punish or ostracise them but to guide them back to a place where they can make meaningful contributions to society’s well-being.

Although Bangladesh’s situation is unique, it is not unprecedented. Many other countries that have experienced similar political turmoil and oppression have dealt with the aftermath through truth and reconciliation commissions. These commissions provided a platform for nations to confront the atrocities of their past, offer amnesty to those who confessed to their crimes, and initiate processes of national healing and reconciliation.

For example, South Africa (1996–2002) established the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to expose the brutalities of apartheid. The commission not only offered amnesty to perpetrators who fully disclosed their involvement in abuses but also recommended reparations for victims and institutional reforms to prevent such atrocities in the future. Similarly, Argentina (1983–1984) established the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons to document forced disappearances during the military dictatorship and hold the perpetrators accountable. Chile (1991–1996) created the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation to acknowledge human rights abuses, recommend reparations, and foster national reconciliation.

Other countries like Canada (2008–2015), Peru (2001–2003), Sierra Leone (2002–2004), Rwanda (1999–2003), East Timor (2002–2005), Guatemala (1997–1999), Liberia (2006–2009), and Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000–2004) also established similar commissions to address their respective historical injustices.

Bangladesh can take inspiration from these experiences. However, it must also tailor its approach to its unique context, taking into account the cultural, political, and technological landscape of the nation. Technological advancements, in particular, can help streamline the process of gathering information and facilitating the integration of individuals into society. A modern, tech-enabled system can ensure that this process is both efficient and accessible to all, regardless of their socio-economic background.

One approach that could be adopted is the creation of a simple, web-based registration form accessible via mobile phones. This form would allow individuals to register their details and provide answers to a series of questions that will help gauge their mental and emotional state. For example, questions might ask whether they were supporters of the former regime, whether they felt remorse for their past actions, or whether they believe the actions of the regime were harmful to the nation. Basic information, such as name, address, and other necessary details, could be collected directly from their national identification documents. Once submitted, each individual would receive an automated ID number that could be used for future reference.

This information could then be used to design customised rehabilitation programs for each individual, ensuring that the process is tailored to their unique psychological needs. A dedicated committee or commission could be formed to oversee the implementation of this plan, ensuring that it is carried out effectively and that individuals who register are not harassed or persecuted unless they have committed a criminal offence.

The path to a prosperous Bangladesh is undoubtedly a challenging one, and the psychological remnants of a fascist regime represent a significant hurdle. Yet, with thoughtful planning and the integration of modern technology, Bangladesh can overcome these challenges. By implementing a well-designed rehabilitation and integration program, similar to those seen in other nations, Bangladesh can transform its past wounds into a source of strength. The people of Bangladesh deserve a future where they can live in peace, free from the shackles of the past, and contribute to the nation’s prosperity. It is time to heal the wounds of the past and create a society where every citizen — regardless of their history — has the opportunity to contribute to the nation’s future.

Md Farid Alam is a retired lieutenant colonel.​
 
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I’ve quit politics and Awami League, Kamal Majumder tells court
Asaduzzaman
Dhaka
Published: 03 Mar 2025, 23: 00

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Former lawmaker Kamal Ahmed Majumder was produced before the Dhaka CMM Court Monday Dipu Malakar

Former industries minister of the ousted Awami League government Kamal Ahmed Majumder has told the court that he will not be doing politics anymore.

He also has resigned from the party, he said.

The AL leader and a former state minister said this after being produced before the Dhaka Chief Metropolitan Magistrate (CMM) Court Monday morning.

Kamal Ahmed Majumder and five others were produced before the court in a case filed over the killing of Atiqul Islam.

The other five persons are former prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s adviser Salman F Rahman, former food minister Quamrul Islam, former inspectors general of police Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun and AKM Shahidul Haque.

The court granted the police appeal to show them arrested in this new case.

‘Won’t be doing politics any more’

The judge was yet to come when Kamal Ahmed Majumder was seen talking to his lawyer angrily at 10:02 am. He was seen scolding his lawyer for not appealing to the High Court for his bail.

Although the lawyer was trying to respond, Kamal Ahmed kept on talking to him without giving him any chance. The judge reached the court in between. Following that, Kamal Ahmed Majumder moved to the other side of the court. He kept staring at the judge.

Meanwhile, a police official called the names of Anisul Huq and Salman F Rahman. They both were were looking at the judge. At this point, Kamal Majumder raised his hands to say something. Right at that moment, a police official called the names of Kamal Majumder, Quamrul Islam, Chowdhury Abdullah Al Mamun and AKM Shahidul Haque. Kamal Majumder and others were looking at the judge at the time. However, the judge kept reading the case documents.

After a while the judge told Anisul Huq, Salman F Rahman, Kamal Majumder and others, “You have been shown arrested in a murder case. Your names were among the accused in the case statement.”

As soon as the judge finished, Kamal Majumder started to talk, addressing the judge. He said, “I am 76. I have diabetes. Still the jail authorities are not allowing me to carry my glucometre.”

Kamal started sobbing at this point. He regained composure and went on to say, “We cannot talk to our lawyers here either. We are not being allowed to speak to our lawyers.”

He started sobbing again and said, “My lord, I won’t be doing politics anymore. I also resigned from the Awami League. I am being made accused in cases one after another. I am being shown arrested in cases one after another. I am subjected to torture. I was supposed to be playing with my grandchildren at my age.”

Addressing the court, the former state minister further said, “Let me carry my glucometre. Let me have at least a digital version of holy Quran.”

‘We want the youth to take the lead’

Later the court asked him to appeal to the regular court in this regard. Following the hearing, Kamal Majumder and others were taken to the court premises from the court room.

Although Salman F Rahman and others remained silent, Kamal Majumder started talking as soon as he saw the newspersons. He told the newspersons, “I have resigned from the Awami League. I don’t hold any posts. I also have quitted politics.”

In response to the question as to when he took the decision, the former lawmaker said, “You can say I quitted politics today. I won’t be doing politics anymore.”

Explaining his decision to quit politics Kamal Majumder said, “The environment of the country is not suitable for doing politics. It’s not possible to be active politically at the age of 76. We want the youth to take the leadership.”

He was taken to the court lock up afterwards.

Kamal Ahmed Majumder served as a lawmaker from Dhaka-15 constituency for 15 consecutive years. He introduced a special judicial system going beyond the laws of the country.

He established a so-called Samajik Bichar Committee (social judicial committee) which was active from 2009 to 2014.

Salman handcuffed from behind

Anisul Huq, Salman F Rahman and Kamal Majumder were taken out of the court lock up at around 9:55 am today. All of them had a handcuff on one hand, except Salman F Rahman whose both hands were cuffed from behind. But they all kept their both hands behind. Two policemen helped Salman F Rahman move to the court room.

After the hearing the adviser of the former prime minister was taken back to custody in a similar way. He was looking downwards at the time.

However, none of Salman F Rahman or Anisul Huq refrained from saying anything. However, former IGP AKM Shahidul Huq spoke to his lawyer.

Speaking to Prothom Alo regarding handcuffing the accused from behind, Dhaka Metropolitan Sessions Judge Court additional public prosecutor (PP) Azizul Haque Didar said he had no information whether Salman F Rahman and others were handcuffed or not at the time of being produced before the court.

Earlier on Wednesday, Salman F Rahman, Anisul Huq and former social welfare minister Nuruzzman Ahmed were handcuffed from behind while being taken to the court. They had both their arms handcuffed that day.

* This report appeared on the online version of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten in English by Ashish Basu​
 
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ACC prosecutes ex-minister Dastagir, wife
Staff Correspondent 05 March, 2025, 23:30

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The Anti-Corruption Commission on Wednesday filed two separate cases against former textile and jute minister Golam Dastagir Gazi, and his wife, Hasina Gazi, on charges of amassing wealth beyond known sources of income and engaging in suspicious financial transactions.

The Dhaka metropolitan senior special judge court on the day ordered the freezing of 39 bank accounts with Tk 5.26 crore of former land minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury over graft allegations.

The ACC filed the two cases against Dastagir and Hasina Gazi with its integrated district office in Dhaka-1, said ACC director general Md Aktar Hossain at a press briefing.

According to the case statement, Dastagir, also a former Awami League lawmaker from the Narayanganj-1 constituency, allegedly amassed illegal assets worth Tk 23.51 crore and conducted suspicious transactions involving Tk 257.75 crore in his six bank accounts.

An inquiry revealed that Gazi’s total assets amounted to Tk 448.42 crore, whereas his legitimate income sources could only account for Tk 424.90 crore, said the case statement.

Another case was filed against Hasina Gazi on charges of amassing illegal assets worth Tk 9.69 crore and engaging in suspicious transactions of Tk 31.69 crore in her five bank accounts.

After the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government on August 5, 2024, amid a student-led mass uprising, the ACC launched an inquiry against Dastagir.

Dastagir was arrested on August 25, 2024 from a relative’s house in the Shantinagar area of the capital Dhaka. He was later shown as arrested in a case filed over the murder of school student Roman Mia at Rupganj.

Dhaka Metropolitan Senior Special Judge Md Zakir Hossain Galib ordered the freezing of 39 bank accounts with Tk 5.26 crore of Saifuzzaman.

The court issued the order following a petition submitted by ACC deputy director Md Mahfuz Iqbal seeking the order.

The ACC in its plea stated that the commission had already formed a team to probe money laundering allegations against Saifuzzaman.

On October 7, 2024, a court imposed a travel ban on Saifuzzaman and his wife, Rukmila Zaman.​
 
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