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DMP sub-inspectors urged to uphold professionalism, transparency

Published :
Jul 29, 2025 22:25
Updated :
Jul 29, 2025 22:25

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Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner Sheikh Mohammad Sajjat Ali on Tuesday called on Sub-Inspectors (SIs) and probationary Sub-Inspectors (PSIs) to carry out their duties with professionalism and transparency.

He made the call while addressing a special briefing session held at the Bangladesh Police Auditorium in Rajarbagh in the city on Tuesday, UNB reports.

Briefing the SIs and PSIs, the Commissioner termed them as the backbone of the police force saying that their (SIs and PSIs) role is crucial in maintaining direct communication with the public and delivering services effectively.

Emphasizing the importance of investigations, he said, “Investigation is a complex yet essential task. It must be conducted in a fair and proper manner. The quality of investigations must improve to increase the conviction rate in courts.”

Speaking at the event, Additional Commissioner (Administration) of the DMP Faruq Ahmed said, “Your recruitment process was conducted with transparency. You must ensure the same level of integrity and transparency in discharging your responsibilities.”

He added, “Live within your means and serve with professionalism.”

Out of 2,344 SIs currently serving in DMP, 450 took part in the first phase of the briefing. The DMP Commissioner is scheduled to brief all SIs and PSIs in phases.​
 

Police still involved in immoral activities
Tanzil Rahaman 09 August, 2025, 23:37

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A section of police personnel is still involved in various immoral activities, including extortion, bribery, intimidation and framing innocent people in false cases, even after one year of the July uprising that ousted the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime on August 5, 2024.

Many police personnel are now facing punitive actions like suspension and withdrawal from their posted positions for their alleged involvement in the misdeeds.

A good number of police personnel are now accused of enforced disappearance, extrajudicial killings and financial corruption, they allegedly committed during the 16 years of Sheikh Hasina regime and opening fire indiscriminately on the protesters during the mass uprising.

On July 15, the home ministry suspended former Dhaka Metropolitan Police’s Ramna Division assistant commissioner Md Sazzadur Rahman, now attached with the DMP headquarters, for taking Tk 27 lakh from a money embezzlement case accused, Md Alimuzzman Saikat.

The former assistant commissioner took the money by searching Alimuzzaman’s house at the Bhawa area in Narail on February 2 without any approval from his higher authorities, said a gazette notification issued by the Public Security Division.

The gazette notification also said that the police official did not disclose the incident of detaining and releasing Alimuzzman.

It also said that Sazzadur, while facing interrogation, acknowledged that he had secretly detained and released Alimuzzaman and taken Tk 22 lakh from the accused.

The division, in another gazette notification on July 25, suspended a superintendent of police, Mohammad Shibli Kaiser, as he had allegedly demanded money in extortion from a woman named Lipi Khan Bharsha while he had been serving as Rangpur Metropolitan Police’s deputy commissioner.

On March 13, when Lipi’s manager Md Palash came to Rangpur Kotowali police station to file an extortion case that mentioned Shibli’s name as an accused, Shibli came to know the news and arrived at the police station and tortured Palash, the gazette notification said.

Terming these a longstanding problem in the force, inspector general of police Baharul Alam told New Age on August 3 that the situation would not change overnight.

‘But, I can say that police officers’ involvement in crimes and taking money from people has now reduced compared to that in the past,’ the IGP added.

The additional inspector general of police for crime and operations, Khondoker Rafiqul Islam, however, told New Age on August 2 that only a few, out of over 2,00,000, police personnel were involved in these immoral activities.

‘We, the high officials at the Police Headquarters, took action against them. We are maintaining our zero tolerance policy in this regard,’ he added.

Former IGP Nurul Huda said that the situation would not change overnight as many people joined the police force by paying bribes in a bid to earn money in an illicit way.

Supreme Court lawyer Sara Hossain, also an honorary executive director of the Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust, said that the authorities concerned should make the police crimes public and take prompt actions after investigation.

‘General people should have a place to file complaint against police officials without any fear,’ she added.

On May 4, the Dhaka Metropolitan Police suspended Kalabagan police officer-in-charge Moktaruzzaman and two other sub-inspectors over allegations of unprofessional conduct.

Their suspension came hours after a formal complaint was lodged with the DMP commissioner by Abdul Wadud, who owns a mini zoo Phycamolli Centre, in the capital.

According to the complaint, the three police officers on April 29 demanded Tk 1 crore during an overnight raid on Wadud’s home that also houses the zoo in the Hatirpool area.

On January 3, two police constables, namely Md Suman Miah and Shahriar Hossain, were withdrawn from the Companiganj police station and attached to the district police lines in Sylhet on a charge of extortion from drivers of stone-laden trucks at Companiganj upazila in the district.

On February 11, a total of 13 police personnel, including two sub-inspectors and two assistant sub-inspectors, were suspended from the Companiganj Police Station in Sylhet for their alleged involvement in extortion.

Following the July 16 Gopalganj violence centering the National Citizen Party rally that killed five people and injured over 50, the police were accused of taking money from innocent people, threatening them with arrests in violence cases, several human rights groups and local people alleged.

They alleged that the police also arrested minors and innocent people in the cases.

Towards the end of the mass uprising, 450 out of 664 police stations were attacked, vandalised and set on fire across the country, while at least 45 police personnel were killed and about 1,000 vehicles were damaged and destroyed.

Many police officials are now facing charges of murder over killing protesters during the uprising, and many of them are also facing charges of crimes against humanity committed during the mass uprising.​
 

Interim government retires nine former chiefs of Dhaka police stations

bdnews24.com
Published :
Aug 10, 2025 21:42
Updated :
Aug 10, 2025 21:42

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The government has sent nine Dhaka Metropolitan Police inspectors, all former chiefs of various police stations during the Awami League’s rule and each with 25 years of service, into compulsory retirement.

The home ministry issued nine separate notifications on Aug 7 ordering their retirement. However, these notifications were published on the ministry’s website on Sunday.

The officers-in-charge (OCs) are Sikder Md Shamim Hossain, Abdul Latif, SM Kamruzzaman, Abdul Quddus Fakir, Mamun Or Rashid, Nurul Islam, Kamal Hossain, Md Selimuzzaman and Abu Bakar Siddique.

Following the change in power, these officers were transferred to different, less important units within the DMP.

The notification mentions that they have been sent to retirement in “public interest” under Section 45 of the Government Service Act, which says, the government can send any government employee who has served for 25 years into retirement without assigning any reason. There is no right of appeal for anyone who loses their job.

This section also says the government can retire an officer with a pension at any time after they have completed 25 years of service.

During this period, the officer will continue to receive all facilities, benefits, and pension.​
 

Bangladesh strips Harun, Biplob, Nurul, 37 others of BPM, PPM honours

Published :
Aug 10, 2025 20:54
Updated :
Aug 10, 2025 20:54

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The interim government has revoked 78 Bangladesh Police Medals and President Police Medals awarded to 40 officers, including high-profile figures Harunor Rashid, Biplob Kumar Sarkar and Syed Nurul Islam.

A home ministry notification, dated Aug 7 and made public on Sunday, said the officers were “absconding”.

Many have already been suspended from duty, while others were reassigned but failed to report to their new posts, according to bdnews24.com.

Among those affected, former Dhaka Range deputy inspector general Nurul lost three additional medals in the latest order, on top of one revoked in 2018.

Harunor, the former chief of Dhaka Metropolitan Police’s Detective Branch, was stripped of four medals this time, having already lost his 2018 award earlier.

Ex-DIG of Chattogram Range Nure Alam Mina saw two more medals withdrawn, and former joint commissioner Biplob lost three. Another former joint commissioner, Proloy Kumar Joarder, lost three as well.

The BPM and PPM are conferred annually for bravery or distinguished service, usually awarded by the head of government during Police Week. Recipients can use the titles after their names and receive a monthly financial incentive.

Critics have long alleged that the same cluster of officers repeatedly received these honours over the past 15 years, with mass awards after the contested 2018 general election. That year, 349 officers were decorated.

The latest roll of stripped honours also includes: additional DIGs Shymal Mukherjee (1), Farid Uddin (2), and Ayesha Siddika (2). Former joint commissioners SM Mehedi Hasan (4), Sanjit Kumar Roy (1), Zayedul Alam (2), Rifat Rahman Shamim (1), and Sudip Kumar Chakraborty (2) were also affected.

Several superintendents lost medals, including Kazi Ashraful Azim (1), Asaduzzaman (3), Md. Shahjahan (1), Sanowar Hossain (4), Manas Kumar Poddar (2), Golam Mostafa Russell (3), Arifur Rahman Mondal (4), and Iqbal Hossain (1).

Further withdrawals hit additional SPs, assistant SPs, and nine police inspectors, including Mezbha Uddin Ahmed (3) and Moshiur Rahman (2). Some officers had already had their 2018 medals rescinded in earlier actions.

The order marks one of the largest mass revocations of police honours in the country’s history.​
 

Police reform, accountability still deplorably elusive
11 August, 2025, 00:00

THIS is concerning and a disservice to the spirit of the July uprising that a section of police personnel is still involved in criminal and corrupt activities. The involvement of police personnel in crimes such as extortion, bribery, intimidation and framing innocent people in false cases has continued to make the headlines every other day. The agency is also reported to have taken token measures, suspension and transfer, once the incidents make the headlines. The authorities on July 25 suspended a superintendent of police for his alleged involvement in extortion. Earlier, when the representative of a victim went to file a case that named the police officer as accused, the officer tortured the man who sought to file the case. The authorities on July 15 suspended a former Ramna division assistant commissioner of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police for taking Tk 27 lakh from an accused in an embezzlement case. The Dhaka Metropolitan Police on May 4 suspended the Kalabagan police officer-in-charge and two sub-inspectors over allegations of unprofessional conduct. Allegations also have it that the police took money from innocent people, threatening them with arrest in violence-related cases after the July 16 Gopalganj violence.

All such incidents suggest that the law enforcement agency, which largely lost its credibility for furthering partisan causes of the authoritarian Awami League regime in 2009–2024 and lost public trust, has utterly failed to discipline itself and restore its credibility. It was expected that the July uprising — when the police shot students and civilians indiscriminately, killing hundreds and injuring thousands and when they also faced the people’s wrath — would be a wake-up call for the police and other law enforcement agencies, prompting a course correction. The interim government, which prioritised reforms in various sectors, formed a police administrative reforms commission that submitted a report to the chief adviser on January 15, outlining 15 major recommendations to promote transparency, accountability, rights and citizen-focused policing. The commission has proposed the formation of an independent body to oversee the operation of the force and ensure that its activities are transparent and accountable. What is disappointing, however, is that the government has made no progress in implementing the much-needed recommendations of the reforms commission.

While the government should immediately begin implementing the reforms commission recommendations, the law enforcement agency should also realise that it needs to make a course correction to restore its image and earn public trust. The agency should not allow a section of errant personnel to tarnish its image.​
 

Police should act to combat violent crime

Published :
Nov 23, 2025 00:06
Updated :
Nov 23, 2025 00:06

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Miscreants gunned down a political worker reportedly belonging to the youth wing of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), named Golam Kibria, on Monday (November 17) evening from Pallabi area in the city, unchallenged either by the watching public or any law-enforcer. Evidently, this is a tragic commentary on law and order obtaining in the city since long. Sadly though, Kibria has been just another victim in a series of similar killings taking place in the city in broad daylight passively watched by onlookers and, to all appearances, in absence of law enforcers. And in about every case of these killings, the police have been found to act after, not before, the tragedy had taken place. The CCTV footage at the scene of the murder, in most cases, helped the police to identify and track the felons.

But since the next general election is around the corner and turf war among rival groups of different kinds increases during such times, the police are expected to be more proactive than reactive and have the necessary intelligence to prevent such killings before they happen in the first place. So, despite the police's commendable success in tracking and arresting some of the killers, the general public would like to be reassured with the knowledge thar the police force can outsmart the miscreants, not the other way around.

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), in this connection, is learnt to have told the media that in the last 10 months of this year, 198 murders have occurred, which is equivalent to about 20 killings a day. Even for a megacity with such a large population like Dhaka, this is not a small figure when it comes to counting the number of felonies being committed in a day. And there is also no room for complacency either, believing that it is within the tolerable limit s as some in the police would like to think, according to some reports. In this connection, one may take into consideration the country's average of nine homicides a day as recorded last year, according to some reports, taking place across the country including the most violent days of student-led uprising during July and August. And over the last decade, countrywide, this figure ranged between nine and 10 homicides a day, going by those reports. Notably, every homicide is not a murder, since murder involves killing someone with intent. From that point of view, the capital city's daily count of murders is rather on the higher side.

There might be more than one factor at play. Since most of the police stations in the city as elsewhere in the country were not functional as a result of widespread violence involving attacks on thanas in the wake of the July uprising, on many occasions, people went to the police stations to file cases against homicides that took place last year (2024) after things settled down in 2025. That might have led to this apparent rise in the average figure of daily homicides in the current year. But such explaining is not going to dispel fears and anxieties in the public mind about their safety in day-to-day lives. As a consequence, many are not willing to file cases with the police even after being threatened or attacked by criminals. And just watching incidents of gruesome murder happening before them without coming to the aid of the victim (s) is yet another case in point. Some experts on social psychology would like to call it a kind of withdrawal syndrome on the part of victims believing that would guarantee them safety. But the fact remains that it only emboldens criminals to commit violent crimes with impunity. The police must take responsibility and play its role to hold criminals to justice to reassure the common people about their safety.​
 

Bureaucracy interferes in Police Commission draft
Mahmudul Hasan Dhaka

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After the July mass uprising, there was a strong demand for the formation of an independent police commission to restore discipline within the police force and establish accountability. After the interim government took office, a committee led by the law adviser prepared the draft of the police commission. However, when that draft was sent from the law ministry to the home ministry, it was significantly altered, with many key recommendations omitted.

Several top-level police sources have said that bureaucrats raised objections to the draft prepared by the committee comprising advisers. Opposition came to several recommendations, including the appointment of the IGP (inspector general of police). Bureaucrats suggested keeping the police under the home ministry as before, effectively rendering the Police Commission powerless. As a result, significant changes were made to the draft originally prepared by the law ministry.

Speaking about the challenges faced from bureaucratic opposition to the Police Commission Ordinance, law adviser Professor Asif Nazrul said at an event in Dhaka on 11 November that the law was originally supposed to be prepared by the home ministry, but the law ministry took the initiative and drafted it. The law included an important provision that the commission would propose three names for the IGP, from which the government would appoint one as inspector general of police. When the draft was sent to the inter-ministerial committee, the bureaucracy strongly opposed the law.

Lately, the draft Police Commission Ordinance 2025 was presented at a special meeting of the interim government’s advisory council on Saturday. However, the ordinance was not approved. It has been requested that the ordinance be presented in more detail and in a revised form at the next meeting of the advisory council.

Exactly one day before the special meeting of the advisory council, on Friday, the BNP issued a statement demanding that the revised draft of the Police Commission not be passed. In the statement, the party’s secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said that the government’s push to pass these laws (related to the Police Commission and NGOs) before the elections serves some other purpose, which would obstruct the path to democratic transition. He added that it would not be appropriate to hurriedly pass such important laws without the mandate of the people and called on the government to refrain from taking such initiative.

Several sources have said that the draft presented to the advisory council did not recommend giving the Police Commission the authority over appointments, transfers, and promotions. In other words, these powers would remain with the home ministry as before.

Even the proposal by the committee led by the law adviser to grant the commission the power to form a three-member panel for the transparent appointment of the IGP was omitted. Furthermore, although the advisory committee had called for the formation of a “constitutional, independent, and impartial Police Commission,” this was also absent from the draft.

The advisory committee had proposed forming a nine-member Police Commission, but the revised draft calls for a seven-member commission. However, in both drafts, the selection committee responsible for choosing the commission members will be chaired by the home minister. This has raised questions about how impartially the selection committee will be able to operate.

Uncertainty over Police Commission

Several top-level police officials told Prothom Alo that even after the advisory committee’s recommendations, the entire process has been deliberately delayed. The ministry does not want to lose control over the police under any circumstances. For this reason, they have omitted key recommendations to create a ‘toothless’ Police Commission—meaning the commission will exist in name, but will have no effective role.

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam told Prothom Alo over the phone on Friday that what is happening with the Police Commission is very disappointing. A committee comprising advisers drafted the Police Commission, which was then sent to the home ministry. Yet, despite this, the work of forming the commission was not progressing and remained stalled.

The IGP said that the exact same situation occurred in 2007. Even then, when an initiative was taken to form the Police Commission, it got stuck in the ministry for 15 years. This time, there was a major opportunity to bring transparency to the police, but the formation of the Police Commission has once again fallen into uncertainty. He added that if the commission is formed without granting any real powers, it will never be able to make the police free from political influence.

In the advisory committee’s first draft, most aspects of the Police Commission’s work were directive- or recommendation-based. In some cases, the commission’s role would be to formulate policies—for example, even if it did not have the authority over appointments, promotions, or postings, it would issue directives or make recommendations for implementing related policies. However, the draft did not specify any binding obligation to implement these recommendations. In the latest draft, even this provision has been removed.

In the draft sent from the law ministry to the home ministry, it was proposed that the IGP be included as a member of the Superior Selection Board (SSB) for police promotions, and the additional inspector general of police (administration) be included in the Divisional Promotion Committee (DPC). The draft also proposed that the relevant authorities receive directives or recommendations regarding promotions.

In the advisory committee’s draft, the Police Commission was not proposed as the authority managing the force. Only the power to recommend the appointment of the IGP was included. According to the draft, the commission would form a panel of three additional IGPs and recommend one of them to the government for appointment, based on integrity, merit, competence, seniority, and satisfactory service. The commission would recommend the appointment of the IGP for a minimum term of two years and a maximum of three years.

However, several top-level police sources said that these proposals from the advisory committee were omitted in the draft presented to the advisory council. Two former police officers at the deputy inspector general (DIG) level told Prothom Alo that some members of the police follow illegal orders from the government and the ruling political party regarding appointments, promotions, and postings. They said that forming a commission without addressing these issues would not produce positive results.

Change in ranks

In the draft of the proposed Police Commission prepared by the committee comprising advisers, it was proposed to form a self-governing, nine-member Police Commission led by a retired judge of the Appellate Division. At least one of the members would be a woman. The term for commission members would be five years.

The draft stated that a former IGP would serve as the member-secretary of the commission. It also recommended including one representative each from the parliament and the opposition as temporary members.

The committee’s proposal further suggested appointing five additional members. These would include: a retired officer of secretary rank, a retired government officer of grade-1 in the national pay scale, and a retired officer of additional IGP rank (grade-1). Another member would be either a retired judicial officer of grade-1 or a renowned lawyer registered in the country with at least 20 years of legal experience.

Additionally, a prominent human rights activist with at least 20 years of experience working in nationally or internationally registered human rights organisations would be included as a member of the commission.

However, the home ministry has proposed forming a seven-member commission. The draft omits a retired government officer of grade-1 in the national pay scale and a retired officer of additional IGP rank (grade-1) from the advisory committee’s proposal. The ministry has, however, stipulated that at least two women must be included in the commission.

The advisory committee had proposed that the commission’s chairperson be a judge of the Supreme Court’s Appellate Division, and the members be of equivalent rank to High Court Division judges. This provision was omitted in the draft presented to the advisory council. Instead, it states that the government will determine the ranks of the commission’s chairperson and members.

A commission for the show

M Akbar Ali, president of the Retired Police Officers’ Welfare Association, told Prothom Alo that the police had sought a working environment free from political and bureaucratic influence. Everyone wanted reforms that would allow the police to stand as an institution. However, it appears that these efforts are being obstructed by the interests of various parties.

The former police officer said that the committee formed with advisers had proposed a Police Commission, but it was not comprehensive. Some provisions, including the appointment of the IGP, were in that draft, but the ministry has removed even these. As a result, forming this Police Commission will make little difference; it will be a nominal, showpiece commission. The huge opportunity for police reform that had arisen will be wasted.​
 

Missed opportunity for police reform

Published :
Dec 06, 2025 22:18
Updated :
Dec 06, 2025 22:18

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The recently approved Police Commission Ordinance stands as a missed opportunity to reform a critically important institution, with its final version betraying a deliberate unwillingness to loosen the government's control over law enforcement. By stripping away provisions that would have allowed the commission to recommend recruitment, promotion and posting of police officers including the inspector general, the ordinance ensures that the home ministry's traditional grip remains intact and the new body emerges toothless. The quiet omission of the word independent from the title, which officials confirmed to have been present in earlier drafts, sends an even clearer message. Decisions of this sort weaken the commission at the very moment of its birth. Clearly, a commission deprived of enforcement power is restricted from the outset and risks becoming yet another advisory platform incapable of directing meaningful change.

In a context where the police force has historically been perceived as an instrument of authority rather than service and where excessive and brutal force used during last year's mass uprising ignited widespread public anger, this decision is particularly disheartening. For decades, the force had already drifted away from its role as a public guardian and instead operated as a tool of political repression. During the July-August uprising in particular, the use of disproportionate force resulted in countless deaths and triggered a profound crisis of trust. Even police personnel lost their lives, which shows all too clearly that unchecked politicisation harms members of the force as much as citizens. Responding to the public's post-uprising demand that the police serve the people rather than political masters and never again be unleashed on the very population they are meant to protect, the interim government moved to introduce the ordinance and establish the commission. It was widely hoped this body would be capable of reshaping leadership culture, insulating operational command from external influence and preventing a repetition of the failures witnessed during the recent upheaval.

Yet the omissions in the ordinance seem designed to preserve the very mechanisms that enabled those failures in the first place. The implications of these omissions are far-reaching because they touch the core tension surrounding policing in Bangladesh. Recruitment and posting decisions have long served as levers through which successive governments have shaped the chain of command and ensured loyalty. Removing the commission's power to influence these processes all but guarantees that political considerations will continue to dominate police management. The explicit acknowledgment that the commission's recommendations will not be legally binding reduces its role to that of an advisory think tank whose findings can be quietly set aside. A commission that cannot recommend names for the top post, cannot comment on internal promotions and cannot advise on measures to prevent external influence is effectively consigned to irrelevance. In such circumstances, the stated goals of transparency and accountability become aspirational slogans rather than operational standards.

The government acknowledges the intense public and professional demand for an independent, professional police service but refuses to enact the legislative framework required to make it possible. If the commission was made stronger, it could create a clear break from the past and serve as a buffer between political authority and operational command. Instead the choice to centralise power within the home ministry suggests a preference for continuity over reform. What has emerged is a commission in name only, a symbolic gesture unlikely to restore public trust or prevent the police from being deployed as an instrument of the state. The public's demand was for substance, not symbolism, and on that count, this ordinance falls tragically short.​
 

The police commission ordinance is an eyewash at best

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VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

The longstanding public demand and decades of relentless advocacy by stakeholders, particularly articulated as a key aspiration of the July movement, for an independent police commission, have been ruthlessly and shamelessly shattered by the Police Commission Ordinance 2025, gazetted on December 09, 2025. The ordinance is conceptually and strategically flawed. It sabotages the whole purpose of an independent police commission.

An outfit created based on this ordinance will not only fail to fit the purpose but also further entrench the government's control, especially the home ministry, through the vested forces of administrative and police bureaucracy, over any possibility of police professionalism and accountability. It will at best become a post-retirement resort for deputed and in-service bureaucrats who will deliver the job of protection, promotion and impunity of police wrongdoings that police of Bangladesh are known for. It will serve no public interest while public money will be unnecessarily wasted under the façade of a police commission.

The framers of this ordinance have failed to realise that the indispensable precondition of a police commission, people expect, is that it must first and foremost be independent and free from any influence of the government and police itself to ensure police accountability, transparency, and professionalism by investigating abuse of power, including all forms of disproportionate use of force and corruption without fear or favour. What we have under the ordinance is an opening to legitimise just the opposite. An outfit created through this ordinance cannot operate independently from political, governmental and police influence—especially that of the home ministry, the clutches of civil and uniformed bureaucratic power. It will not be public interest-oriented where the rule of law prevails; police and citizens' grievances and complaints are effectively addressed; police governance meets the standards of transparency and accountability; and public trust in the police is regained.

Independence of the proposed police commission is crucial, not only because our police force has become infamous for being involved unaccountably in all forms and categories of abuses of power, brutality, and crime, but also due to the deep politicisation of the police. Over the years, it has transformed into a weapon for the "winner-takes-all" game, becoming a pillar of authoritarianism for 15 years, enabled by both the home ministry and the police rank and file, who were both victims and beneficiaries. This business model of police force's professional bankruptcy cannot be dismantled overnight, though an unprecedented opportunity for comprehensive police reforms was created at high cost in the wake of the July uprising, at the core of which lies the aspiration for an independent police commission.

The Police Commission Ordinance, 2025, issued by the interim government, is regrettably an outrageous affront to this aspiration. It ridiculed the basic requirement of giving the proposed entity—the police commission—the status of independence. The ordinance described the commission as a so-called statutory body, while there is no mention of the term or concept of independence, nor any provision for it to function outside the control of the law ministry and selected police officials and bureaucrats. It will be formed under the full authority of the government and operated as such, which doesn't make any sense for a commission worth its name.

In para 6, the ordinance dictates that it will be headed by five individuals, of whom one must be a retired bureaucrat and another a retired police officer, who will also be the commission's member-secretary, an unusual provision for any such commission. While both national and international good practices do provide the prerequisites, such as expertise, experience and professional composition of individuals to be represented, there is no example of a priori determination of the specific categories and numbers of individuals to be appointed, and that too with clear conflict of interest. Not only that, while most such commissions typically have a secretary to the commission who works under its supervision, reporting to it and attending meetings ex-officio, non-voting at best, subject to procedures determined by the commission, nowhere is there a provision for a member-secretary. And that too a representative of the police, who, in all likelihood, will be hand-picked by the government—it will be the determining factor making the commission compliant to government dictates.

Furthermore, the ordinance also renders the selection committee a mere rubber-stamp. Para 9 of the ordinance proposed that the selection committee be composed of six members, including the cabinet secretary and home secretary, who will, quite understandably, play the determining role in the proceedings and selection. Additionally, the main opposition party in the parliament does not get to nominate its representative for the selection committee. The ordinance authorises the parliamentary committee on home to carry out that task. Anyone aware of the track record of parliamentary committees would not doubt that this choice would at best be controversial, if not imposed by the ruling party.

Besides, it is not clear why the home ministry has to provide secretarial support to the selection committee and not a separate office so that the scope of conflict of interest can be minimised. Moreover, why should the selection committee recommend two names for appointment against each commission position, instead of one, as in the case of the new National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) Ordinance? The latter provision limits presidential discretion, usually blessed by the ruling party. Also, why should it not be mandatory to disclose the shortlisted names for public information?

The range of items listed under para 13 is also conceptually flawed, lacking a proper understanding of human rights and the role of police. It provides for striking a balance between "public security and human rights," thus failing to ensure precedence of human rights, which by itself is an essential prerequisite of public security. Nevertheless, the term, public security, remains undefined in the ordinance, leaving scope for arbitrary interpretation and abuse. The para also provides the proposed commission with the authority to only recommend measures, with practically no provision for enforcement.

Para 13 also mentions two separate committees—Citizen Complaint Management Committee and Police Grievance Redress Committee—both to be composed of the three commission members. Clearly, their work will be hindered by conflicts of interest due to the influence of bureaucratic and police dominance within the commission, as mentioned earlier. Para 19 (2) authorises the commission to "settle through coordination" any complaint that could be in the jurisdiction of the NHRC, which is another example of a conceptual flaw, because in such instances, NHRC's authority should have precedence.

Finally, the proposed commission under this ordinance will be practically governed, managed and operated by deputed officials from the bureaucracy and police at practically all levels with no financial independence as provided under para 23, 24, and 25.

The key message of the Police Commission Ordinance, 2025, is: forget about police reform in Bangladesh, treat it as an eyewash at best.

Dr Iftekharuzzaman is executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB).​
 

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