[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

[Saif]

Police should act to combat violent crime

Miscreants gunned down a political worker reportedly belonging to the youth wing of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), named Golam Kibria, on Monday (November 17) evening from Pallabi area in the city, unchallenged either by the watching public or any law-enforcer. Evidently, this

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Police should act to combat violent crime

Published :
Nov 23, 2025 00:06
Updated :
Nov 23, 2025 00:06

Miscreants gunned down a political worker reportedly belonging to the youth wing of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), named Golam Kibria, on Monday (November 17) evening from Pallabi area in the city, unchallenged either by the watching public or any law-enforcer. Evidently, this is a tragic commentary on law and order obtaining in the city since long. Sadly though, Kibria has been just another victim in a series of similar killings taking place in the city in broad daylight passively watched by onlookers and, to all appearances, in absence of law enforcers. And in about every case of these killings, the police have been found to act after, not before, the tragedy had taken place. The CCTV footage at the scene of the murder, in most cases, helped the police to identify and track the felons.

But since the next general election is around the corner and turf war among rival groups of different kinds increases during such times, the police are expected to be more proactive than reactive and have the necessary intelligence to prevent such killings before they happen in the first place. So, despite the police's commendable success in tracking and arresting some of the killers, the general public would like to be reassured with the knowledge thar the police force can outsmart the miscreants, not the other way around.

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), in this connection, is learnt to have told the media that in the last 10 months of this year, 198 murders have occurred, which is equivalent to about 20 killings a day. Even for a megacity with such a large population like Dhaka, this is not a small figure when it comes to counting the number of felonies being committed in a day. And there is also no room for complacency either, believing that it is within the tolerable limit s as some in the police would like to think, according to some reports. In this connection, one may take into consideration the country's average of nine homicides a day as recorded last year, according to some reports, taking place across the country including the most violent days of student-led uprising during July and August. And over the last decade, countrywide, this figure ranged between nine and 10 homicides a day, going by those reports. Notably, every homicide is not a murder, since murder involves killing someone with intent. From that point of view, the capital city's daily count of murders is rather on the higher side.

There might be more than one factor at play. Since most of the police stations in the city as elsewhere in the country were not functional as a result of widespread violence involving attacks on thanas in the wake of the July uprising, on many occasions, people went to the police stations to file cases against homicides that took place last year (2024) after things settled down in 2025. That might have led to this apparent rise in the average figure of daily homicides in the current year. But such explaining is not going to dispel fears and anxieties in the public mind about their safety in day-to-day lives. As a consequence, many are not willing to file cases with the police even after being threatened or attacked by criminals. And just watching incidents of gruesome murder happening before them without coming to the aid of the victim (s) is yet another case in point. Some experts on social psychology would like to call it a kind of withdrawal syndrome on the part of victims believing that would guarantee them safety. But the fact remains that it only emboldens criminals to commit violent crimes with impunity. The police must take responsibility and play its role to hold criminals to justice to reassure the common people about their safety.​

 

[Saif]

Bureaucracy interferes in Police Commission draft

After the July mass uprising, there was a strong demand for the formation of an independent police commission to restore discipline within the police force and establish accountability. After the interim government took office, a committee led by the law adviser prepared the draft of the police...

en.prothomalo.com

Bureaucracy interferes in Police Commission draft
Mahmudul Hasan Dhaka

After the July mass uprising, there was a strong demand for the formation of an independent police commission to restore discipline within the police force and establish accountability. After the interim government took office, a committee led by the law adviser prepared the draft of the police commission. However, when that draft was sent from the law ministry to the home ministry, it was significantly altered, with many key recommendations omitted.

Several top-level police sources have said that bureaucrats raised objections to the draft prepared by the committee comprising advisers. Opposition came to several recommendations, including the appointment of the IGP (inspector general of police). Bureaucrats suggested keeping the police under the home ministry as before, effectively rendering the Police Commission powerless. As a result, significant changes were made to the draft originally prepared by the law ministry.

Speaking about the challenges faced from bureaucratic opposition to the Police Commission Ordinance, law adviser Professor Asif Nazrul said at an event in Dhaka on 11 November that the law was originally supposed to be prepared by the home ministry, but the law ministry took the initiative and drafted it. The law included an important provision that the commission would propose three names for the IGP, from which the government would appoint one as inspector general of police. When the draft was sent to the inter-ministerial committee, the bureaucracy strongly opposed the law.

Lately, the draft Police Commission Ordinance 2025 was presented at a special meeting of the interim government’s advisory council on Saturday. However, the ordinance was not approved. It has been requested that the ordinance be presented in more detail and in a revised form at the next meeting of the advisory council.

Exactly one day before the special meeting of the advisory council, on Friday, the BNP issued a statement demanding that the revised draft of the Police Commission not be passed. In the statement, the party’s secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said that the government’s push to pass these laws (related to the Police Commission and NGOs) before the elections serves some other purpose, which would obstruct the path to democratic transition. He added that it would not be appropriate to hurriedly pass such important laws without the mandate of the people and called on the government to refrain from taking such initiative.

Several sources have said that the draft presented to the advisory council did not recommend giving the Police Commission the authority over appointments, transfers, and promotions. In other words, these powers would remain with the home ministry as before.

Even the proposal by the committee led by the law adviser to grant the commission the power to form a three-member panel for the transparent appointment of the IGP was omitted. Furthermore, although the advisory committee had called for the formation of a “constitutional, independent, and impartial Police Commission,” this was also absent from the draft.

The advisory committee had proposed forming a nine-member Police Commission, but the revised draft calls for a seven-member commission. However, in both drafts, the selection committee responsible for choosing the commission members will be chaired by the home minister. This has raised questions about how impartially the selection committee will be able to operate.

Uncertainty over Police Commission

Several top-level police officials told Prothom Alo that even after the advisory committee’s recommendations, the entire process has been deliberately delayed. The ministry does not want to lose control over the police under any circumstances. For this reason, they have omitted key recommendations to create a ‘toothless’ Police Commission—meaning the commission will exist in name, but will have no effective role.

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam told Prothom Alo over the phone on Friday that what is happening with the Police Commission is very disappointing. A committee comprising advisers drafted the Police Commission, which was then sent to the home ministry. Yet, despite this, the work of forming the commission was not progressing and remained stalled.

The IGP said that the exact same situation occurred in 2007. Even then, when an initiative was taken to form the Police Commission, it got stuck in the ministry for 15 years. This time, there was a major opportunity to bring transparency to the police, but the formation of the Police Commission has once again fallen into uncertainty. He added that if the commission is formed without granting any real powers, it will never be able to make the police free from political influence.

In the advisory committee’s first draft, most aspects of the Police Commission’s work were directive- or recommendation-based. In some cases, the commission’s role would be to formulate policies—for example, even if it did not have the authority over appointments, promotions, or postings, it would issue directives or make recommendations for implementing related policies. However, the draft did not specify any binding obligation to implement these recommendations. In the latest draft, even this provision has been removed.

In the draft sent from the law ministry to the home ministry, it was proposed that the IGP be included as a member of the Superior Selection Board (SSB) for police promotions, and the additional inspector general of police (administration) be included in the Divisional Promotion Committee (DPC). The draft also proposed that the relevant authorities receive directives or recommendations regarding promotions.

In the advisory committee’s draft, the Police Commission was not proposed as the authority managing the force. Only the power to recommend the appointment of the IGP was included. According to the draft, the commission would form a panel of three additional IGPs and recommend one of them to the government for appointment, based on integrity, merit, competence, seniority, and satisfactory service. The commission would recommend the appointment of the IGP for a minimum term of two years and a maximum of three years.

However, several top-level police sources said that these proposals from the advisory committee were omitted in the draft presented to the advisory council. Two former police officers at the deputy inspector general (DIG) level told Prothom Alo that some members of the police follow illegal orders from the government and the ruling political party regarding appointments, promotions, and postings. They said that forming a commission without addressing these issues would not produce positive results.

Change in ranks

In the draft of the proposed Police Commission prepared by the committee comprising advisers, it was proposed to form a self-governing, nine-member Police Commission led by a retired judge of the Appellate Division. At least one of the members would be a woman. The term for commission members would be five years.

The draft stated that a former IGP would serve as the member-secretary of the commission. It also recommended including one representative each from the parliament and the opposition as temporary members.

The committee’s proposal further suggested appointing five additional members. These would include: a retired officer of secretary rank, a retired government officer of grade-1 in the national pay scale, and a retired officer of additional IGP rank (grade-1). Another member would be either a retired judicial officer of grade-1 or a renowned lawyer registered in the country with at least 20 years of legal experience.

Additionally, a prominent human rights activist with at least 20 years of experience working in nationally or internationally registered human rights organisations would be included as a member of the commission.

However, the home ministry has proposed forming a seven-member commission. The draft omits a retired government officer of grade-1 in the national pay scale and a retired officer of additional IGP rank (grade-1) from the advisory committee’s proposal. The ministry has, however, stipulated that at least two women must be included in the commission.

The advisory committee had proposed that the commission’s chairperson be a judge of the Supreme Court’s Appellate Division, and the members be of equivalent rank to High Court Division judges. This provision was omitted in the draft presented to the advisory council. Instead, it states that the government will determine the ranks of the commission’s chairperson and members.

A commission for the show

M Akbar Ali, president of the Retired Police Officers’ Welfare Association, told Prothom Alo that the police had sought a working environment free from political and bureaucratic influence. Everyone wanted reforms that would allow the police to stand as an institution. However, it appears that these efforts are being obstructed by the interests of various parties.

The former police officer said that the committee formed with advisers had proposed a Police Commission, but it was not comprehensive. Some provisions, including the appointment of the IGP, were in that draft, but the ministry has removed even these. As a result, forming this Police Commission will make little difference; it will be a nominal, showpiece commission. The huge opportunity for police reform that had arisen will be wasted.​

 

[Saif]

https://thefinancialexpress.com.bd/editorial/missed-opportunity-for-police-reform

Missed opportunity for police reform

Published :
Dec 06, 2025 22:18
Updated :
Dec 06, 2025 22:18

The recently approved Police Commission Ordinance stands as a missed opportunity to reform a critically important institution, with its final version betraying a deliberate unwillingness to loosen the government's control over law enforcement. By stripping away provisions that would have allowed the commission to recommend recruitment, promotion and posting of police officers including the inspector general, the ordinance ensures that the home ministry's traditional grip remains intact and the new body emerges toothless. The quiet omission of the word independent from the title, which officials confirmed to have been present in earlier drafts, sends an even clearer message. Decisions of this sort weaken the commission at the very moment of its birth. Clearly, a commission deprived of enforcement power is restricted from the outset and risks becoming yet another advisory platform incapable of directing meaningful change.

In a context where the police force has historically been perceived as an instrument of authority rather than service and where excessive and brutal force used during last year's mass uprising ignited widespread public anger, this decision is particularly disheartening. For decades, the force had already drifted away from its role as a public guardian and instead operated as a tool of political repression. During the July-August uprising in particular, the use of disproportionate force resulted in countless deaths and triggered a profound crisis of trust. Even police personnel lost their lives, which shows all too clearly that unchecked politicisation harms members of the force as much as citizens. Responding to the public's post-uprising demand that the police serve the people rather than political masters and never again be unleashed on the very population they are meant to protect, the interim government moved to introduce the ordinance and establish the commission. It was widely hoped this body would be capable of reshaping leadership culture, insulating operational command from external influence and preventing a repetition of the failures witnessed during the recent upheaval.

Yet the omissions in the ordinance seem designed to preserve the very mechanisms that enabled those failures in the first place. The implications of these omissions are far-reaching because they touch the core tension surrounding policing in Bangladesh. Recruitment and posting decisions have long served as levers through which successive governments have shaped the chain of command and ensured loyalty. Removing the commission's power to influence these processes all but guarantees that political considerations will continue to dominate police management. The explicit acknowledgment that the commission's recommendations will not be legally binding reduces its role to that of an advisory think tank whose findings can be quietly set aside. A commission that cannot recommend names for the top post, cannot comment on internal promotions and cannot advise on measures to prevent external influence is effectively consigned to irrelevance. In such circumstances, the stated goals of transparency and accountability become aspirational slogans rather than operational standards.

The government acknowledges the intense public and professional demand for an independent, professional police service but refuses to enact the legislative framework required to make it possible. If the commission was made stronger, it could create a clear break from the past and serve as a buffer between political authority and operational command. Instead the choice to centralise power within the home ministry suggests a preference for continuity over reform. What has emerged is a commission in name only, a symbolic gesture unlikely to restore public trust or prevent the police from being deployed as an instrument of the state. The public's demand was for substance, not symbolism, and on that count, this ordinance falls tragically short.​

 

[Saif]

The police commission ordinance is an eyewash at best

The longstanding public demand and decades of relentless advocacy by stakeholders, particularly articulated as a key aspiration of the July movement, for an independent police commission, have been ruthlessly and shamelessly shattered by the Police Commission Ordinance 2025, gazetted on December...

www.thedailystar.net

The police commission ordinance is an eyewash at best

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

The longstanding public demand and decades of relentless advocacy by stakeholders, particularly articulated as a key aspiration of the July movement, for an independent police commission, have been ruthlessly and shamelessly shattered by the Police Commission Ordinance 2025, gazetted on December 09, 2025. The ordinance is conceptually and strategically flawed. It sabotages the whole purpose of an independent police commission.

An outfit created based on this ordinance will not only fail to fit the purpose but also further entrench the government's control, especially the home ministry, through the vested forces of administrative and police bureaucracy, over any possibility of police professionalism and accountability. It will at best become a post-retirement resort for deputed and in-service bureaucrats who will deliver the job of protection, promotion and impunity of police wrongdoings that police of Bangladesh are known for. It will serve no public interest while public money will be unnecessarily wasted under the façade of a police commission.

The framers of this ordinance have failed to realise that the indispensable precondition of a police commission, people expect, is that it must first and foremost be independent and free from any influence of the government and police itself to ensure police accountability, transparency, and professionalism by investigating abuse of power, including all forms of disproportionate use of force and corruption without fear or favour. What we have under the ordinance is an opening to legitimise just the opposite. An outfit created through this ordinance cannot operate independently from political, governmental and police influence—especially that of the home ministry, the clutches of civil and uniformed bureaucratic power. It will not be public interest-oriented where the rule of law prevails; police and citizens' grievances and complaints are effectively addressed; police governance meets the standards of transparency and accountability; and public trust in the police is regained.

Independence of the proposed police commission is crucial, not only because our police force has become infamous for being involved unaccountably in all forms and categories of abuses of power, brutality, and crime, but also due to the deep politicisation of the police. Over the years, it has transformed into a weapon for the "winner-takes-all" game, becoming a pillar of authoritarianism for 15 years, enabled by both the home ministry and the police rank and file, who were both victims and beneficiaries. This business model of police force's professional bankruptcy cannot be dismantled overnight, though an unprecedented opportunity for comprehensive police reforms was created at high cost in the wake of the July uprising, at the core of which lies the aspiration for an independent police commission.

The Police Commission Ordinance, 2025, issued by the interim government, is regrettably an outrageous affront to this aspiration. It ridiculed the basic requirement of giving the proposed entity—the police commission—the status of independence. The ordinance described the commission as a so-called statutory body, while there is no mention of the term or concept of independence, nor any provision for it to function outside the control of the law ministry and selected police officials and bureaucrats. It will be formed under the full authority of the government and operated as such, which doesn't make any sense for a commission worth its name.

In para 6, the ordinance dictates that it will be headed by five individuals, of whom one must be a retired bureaucrat and another a retired police officer, who will also be the commission's member-secretary, an unusual provision for any such commission. While both national and international good practices do provide the prerequisites, such as expertise, experience and professional composition of individuals to be represented, there is no example of a priori determination of the specific categories and numbers of individuals to be appointed, and that too with clear conflict of interest. Not only that, while most such commissions typically have a secretary to the commission who works under its supervision, reporting to it and attending meetings ex-officio, non-voting at best, subject to procedures determined by the commission, nowhere is there a provision for a member-secretary. And that too a representative of the police, who, in all likelihood, will be hand-picked by the government—it will be the determining factor making the commission compliant to government dictates.

Furthermore, the ordinance also renders the selection committee a mere rubber-stamp. Para 9 of the ordinance proposed that the selection committee be composed of six members, including the cabinet secretary and home secretary, who will, quite understandably, play the determining role in the proceedings and selection. Additionally, the main opposition party in the parliament does not get to nominate its representative for the selection committee. The ordinance authorises the parliamentary committee on home to carry out that task. Anyone aware of the track record of parliamentary committees would not doubt that this choice would at best be controversial, if not imposed by the ruling party.

Besides, it is not clear why the home ministry has to provide secretarial support to the selection committee and not a separate office so that the scope of conflict of interest can be minimised. Moreover, why should the selection committee recommend two names for appointment against each commission position, instead of one, as in the case of the new National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) Ordinance? The latter provision limits presidential discretion, usually blessed by the ruling party. Also, why should it not be mandatory to disclose the shortlisted names for public information?

The range of items listed under para 13 is also conceptually flawed, lacking a proper understanding of human rights and the role of police. It provides for striking a balance between "public security and human rights," thus failing to ensure precedence of human rights, which by itself is an essential prerequisite of public security. Nevertheless, the term, public security, remains undefined in the ordinance, leaving scope for arbitrary interpretation and abuse. The para also provides the proposed commission with the authority to only recommend measures, with practically no provision for enforcement.

Para 13 also mentions two separate committees—Citizen Complaint Management Committee and Police Grievance Redress Committee—both to be composed of the three commission members. Clearly, their work will be hindered by conflicts of interest due to the influence of bureaucratic and police dominance within the commission, as mentioned earlier. Para 19 (2) authorises the commission to "settle through coordination" any complaint that could be in the jurisdiction of the NHRC, which is another example of a conceptual flaw, because in such instances, NHRC's authority should have precedence.

Finally, the proposed commission under this ordinance will be practically governed, managed and operated by deputed officials from the bureaucracy and police at practically all levels with no financial independence as provided under para 23, 24, and 25.

The key message of the Police Commission Ordinance, 2025, is: forget about police reform in Bangladesh, treat it as an eyewash at best.

Dr Iftekharuzzaman is executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB).​

 

[Saif]

Commission for disbanding RAB

The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances on Monday said that it had recommended disbanding the Rapid Action Battalion and reforming the intelligence agencies in its final report.

www.newagebd.net

Commission for disbanding RAB
Reforms in DGFI, NSI suggested

Staff Correspondent 06 January, 2026, 00:23

The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances holds a press conference at the commission’s office at Gulshan in Dhaka on Monday. | Star Mail photo

The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances on Monday said that it had recommended disbanding the Rapid Action Battalion and reforming the intelligence agencies in its final report.

The commission chairperson, Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury, made the remarks at a press conference held at the commission’s office in the capital’s Gulshan area.


He said that intelligence agencies, including the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence and the National Security Intelligence, required massive reforms.

‘We suggested reforms in the DGFI and the NSI so that they are not engaged in tasks such as bank and media house grabbing or interference in politics. This requires strong political will. We have submitted our recommendations to the interim government, which is non-political,’ Justice Moyeenul said while responding to a question about disbanding the DGFI like the RAB.

The country needs DGFI, but they need reforms, he said.

He said that the DGFI was involved in the Islami Bank grabbing for S Alam group during the Sheikh Hasina regime, which the commission did not want to occur again.

He said that the forces destroyed evidence and the commission asked the authorities not to destroy any evidence further.

‘Destruction of evidence is also a criminal offense,’ he said.

He said that they also recommended reconstituting the National Human Rights Commission.

‘If any human rights violation occurs, there will be no agency except the courts. The courts have 45,00,000 pending cases with only 2,000 judicial officers or judges,’ he said.

He said that Hummam Quader Chowdhury, son of executed Bangladesh Nationalist Party leader Salauddin Quader Chowdhury, was picked up by the Detective Branch of the police and was handed over to the DGFI. Political party merchandise


‘We have visited 40 detention centres, including 22 or 23 run by the RAB. These centres have a lot of cells,’ said a commission member, Sazzad Hossain.

He said that they had also found such centres in DGFI, NSI, Dhaka Metropolitan Police’s Detective Branch, and the Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime unit.

He also said that the RAB destroyed most of the evidence.

Addressing the press conference, the commission chair Justice Moyeenul said that the Bangladesh Army was not involved in enforced disappearances as a force, but many officers on deputation in intelligence agencies like DGFI and NSI from the army, the Bangladesh Navy and the Bangladesh Air Force were involved in such acts.

‘Army high-ups knew about the matter, but they had nothing to do as DGFI was under the defense ministry, overseen by the prime minister, and NSI under the prime minister’s office,’ he said.

Referring to two interim reports, the commission chair said that they had recommended legal action against responsible persons and organisations.

He said that they also recommended organisational reforms and to enact the Enforced Disappearance Prevention and Redress Ordinance, 2025, and the National Human Rights Commission Ordinance 2025 for stopping the recurrence of enforced disappearances.

He said that they also recommended disbanding the RAB, removing the armed forces from maintaining internal law and order, scrapping or fundamentally amending the Anti-Terrorism Act, scrapping clause 13 of the Armed Police Battalion Ordinance 2003, adopting a victim-centric justice system, and ensuring compensation and rehabilitation for victims.

He said that they also suggested transforming the detention centres, commonly known as ‘Aynaghar’, into museums.

Commission member Nur Khan Liton said that political parties should come forward to stand against enforced disappearance and extrajudicial crimes.

The commission in its final report submitted to chief adviser Muhammad Yunus on Sunday, revealed that it had found evidence that the ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, her military adviser Tarique Ahmed Siddique, and former home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal were directly involved in high-profile enforced disappearances.

The commission was formed by the interim government on August 27, 2024, to enquire into cases of enforced disappearances that occurred during the tenure of the Sheikh Hasina-led authoritarian Awami League regime that was ousted from power on August 5, 2024 amid a mass uprising.


‘A total of 1,913 complaints were filed with the commission. After intensive scrutiny, 231 were found to be duplicates. In many instances, the same case had been sent through multiple channels, for example, by email, courier, and in-person submission, or both an organisation and the affected individual had submitted separate complaints about the same incident, and left 1,682 unique complaints,’ the final report said.

After removing 231 duplicate files and 113 files of non-qualifying cases, the report said that they were left with 1,569 complaints involving potential enforced disappearance, which was about 82 per cent of all complaints.

‘Within these cases, 251 victims never returned and are presumed dead, while a further 36 bodies were recovered after periods of enforced disappearance, often following so-called ‘crossfire’ incidents or discovered in rivers with gunshot wounds,’ the report said.

It said that 287 deaths were plausibly associated with enforced disappearance.

Of the 1,569 potential enforced disappearance complaints, a total of 1,282 people reappeared after varying periods in illegal custody, the report said.

According to the report, the commission found political identity of 946 reappeared victims, including 476 of Jamaat, 236 of Islami Chhatra Shibir, 142 of the BNP, 46 of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, and 17 of Jatiyatabadi Juba Dal.

Of the 253 missing victims, BNP and its affiliates together constitute roughly 68 per cent and Jamaat and Shibir account for roughly 22 per cent.​

 

[Saif]

RAB official killed in attack during operation in Jungle Salimpur, Chattogram

A Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) official was killed in an attack by miscreants while conducting an arms recovery operation in Jungle Salimpur, Sitakunda, Chattogram. He has been identified as Abdul Motaleb. He served as the deputy assistant director of RAB–7. Several others were injured in the...

en.prothomalo.com

RAB official killed in attack during operation in Jungle Salimpur, Chattogram

Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 19 Jan 2026, 21: 58

This road between the hills leads to the jungles of Salimpur and Alinagar Jewel Shill

A Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) official was killed in an attack by miscreants while conducting an arms recovery operation in Jungle Salimpur, Sitakunda, Chattogram.

He has been identified as Abdul Motaleb. He served as the deputy assistant director of RAB–7. Several others were injured in the incident. This occurred on Monday evening.

When contacted, Ahsan Habib Polash, deputy inspector general (DIG) of Chattogram Range, told Prothom Alo at 8:00 pm that a RAB officer of the DAD rank was killed during the operation in Jungle Salimpur, Sitakunda.

In a statement sent to the media at 8:30 pm, ARM Mozaffar Hossain, assistant director (media) of RAB–7, stated that RAB members were attacked by terrorists while conducting an operation in Jungle Salimpur.

Four were seriously injured in the attack, including one RAB member who later died while undergoing treatment. The remaining three are being treated at Chittagong Medical College Hospital.

Police and RAB sources said that when RAB conducted an arms recovery operation in Jungle Salimpur, miscreants present there launched a sudden attack on them. At one point, several RAB members were taken hostage, and firing was carried out openly.

Jungle Salimpur is located two kilometres west of Bayezid Bostami in Chattogram city, opposite Asian Women University, on the northern side of Link Road, covering an area of 3,100 acres.

Although it is in Sitakunda, it is largely inside the city. To the east lies Hathazari upazila and to the south, Bayezid police station.

Due to its remote hilly terrain, the area has become a safe haven for terrorists. Since 5 August last year, following changes in national politics, the area has witnessed clashes and killings over control. Recently, gunfights erupted between two factions of terrorists over territory, resulting in one death. The next day, two journalists were attacked while preparing a report there.

Over the past four decades, thousands of illegal settlements have been established by cutting hills. Hill cutting and plot trading continue, and to maintain control over this trade, terrorist groups have been formed in the area. The area remains under constant armed guard by these groups.

Residents require ID cards to enter; outsiders cannot enter. Even police and district administration personnel have been attacked multiple times while trying to enter.

Construction of a multi storied building underway on a piece of land which has been prepared by cutting a hill in Askardighir Par area in Chattogram. The hilly land was misclassified as nal (farmland). The photo was taken on 21 April 2025

On 14 September 2023, while returning from clearing illegal settlements in Chhinnamul Boroitola 2, at least 20 officials, including the then Executive Magistrate Md Umar Faruk and Sitakunda police officer-in-charge (OC) Tofail Ahmed, were injured in an attack. Residents of the area also threw crude bombs and bricks at administration officials, and police fired shots to control the situation.

Earlier, on 4 February 2022, gunfire exchanges occurred between RAB and terrorists in Jungle Salimpur. On 2 August 2022, the district administration faced obstruction while returning from an illegal housing demolition operation. On 8 September 2022, terrorists in Alinagar attacked police while administration officials tried to remove illegal settlements there.

It is notable that a report titled “Armed gang control area in Chattogram, attack police, administration on entry” was published in Prothom Alo on 21 October last year.​

 

[Saif]

About 150,000 police receiving election training ahead of national polls: IGP

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam on Tuesday said that around 150,000 police personnel are being provided with election-related training for the first time ahead of the upcoming national parliamentary elections. He said the training programme will be completed within this month. The

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

About 150,000 police receiving election training ahead of national polls: IGP

UNB
Published :
Jan 20, 2026 22:01
Updated :
Jan 20, 2026 22:01

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam on Tuesday said that around 150,000 police personnel are being provided with election-related training for the first time ahead of the upcoming national parliamentary elections.

He said the training programme will be completed within this month.

The IGP made the remarks during a courtesy call paid by a three-member delegation of UNESCO at the Police Headquarters. The delegation included UNESCO Bangladesh Office Country Director Dr Susan Vize and Team Leader of the Rule of Law and Freedom of Expression Section at UNESCO Headquarters Mehdi Benchelah.

The meeting was held in a cordial and friendly atmosphere, during which issues such as strengthening constructive and professional relations between police and journalists, rule of law, freedom of expression, and UNESCO’s role in preventing misinformation and disinformation were discussed.

The UNESCO delegation reiterated the organisation’s global mandate to promote freedom of expression, safety of journalists and access to information.

They also proposed organising training programmes on fact-checking for journalists and relevant stakeholders to enhance mutual trust and professionalism between police and the media.

Highlighting the importance of fact-checking in preventing misinformation, disinformation and rumours, the UNESCO delegation members said such training would help safeguard public interest and support crisis management.

Welcoming the delegation, the IGP briefed them on the country’s prevailing law and order situation, police preparations for the upcoming national parliamentary elections and other related issues.

He also outlined the overall measures taken to maintain peace and order during the election period.

Additional Inspector General of Police (Special Branch) Md Golam Rasul and other concerned police officials were present at the meeting.​

 

[Saif]

IGP orders police to be patient, neutral during election duties

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam on Saturday directed all police members to perform their duties with utmost vigilance, patience and neutrality during the upcoming 13th National Parliamentary Election. He also instructed police personnel to ensure the use of body-worn cameras while o

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

IGP orders police to be patient, neutral during election duties

UNB
Published :
Jan 24, 2026 21:27
Updated :
Jan 24, 2026 21:27

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam on Saturday directed all police members to perform their duties with utmost vigilance, patience and neutrality during the upcoming 13th National Parliamentary Election.

He also instructed police personnel to ensure the use of body-worn cameras while on duty, saying the measure would help enhance transparency and accountability.

The IGP gave the directives while speaking as the chief guest at an important pre-election meeting with police officers and force members held at the Civic Centre of Chattogram District Police Lines, ahead of the election.

In his address, IG Baharul said Bangladesh Police has been working with dedication and professionalism to maintain overall law and order and to ensure the safety of people’s lives and property.

He called for further strengthening people-friendly policing and directed officers to deliver expected police services to the public in an easy and effective manner at their doorsteps.

Chattogram Superintendent of Police Mohammad Nazir Ahmed Khan, in his welcome speech, extended warm greetings to the chief guest and other dignitaries. He emphasised the importance of police preparedness, professionalism and neutrality to ensure a free, fair and peaceful national election.

During the meeting, police officers and force members from different levels shared their practical field experiences, election-related challenges and various welfare-related demands and proposals. Key issues raised included the supply of speedboats for island police stations, loan facilities for motorcycle purchases, introduction and enhancement of island allowances, and increased government benefits for election-duty personnel.

Additional IGP Hasib Aziz, Commissioner of Chattogram Metropolitan Police, delivered a special speech, stressing the need to strengthen election-time security in the metropolitan area, enhance technology-based policing and improve inter-unit coordination.

The concluding remarks were delivered by Additional IGP Md Ahsan Habib Palash, currently serving as Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Chattogram Range. He urged all units to carry out election duties with discipline, professionalism and responsibility, following the IGP’s guidelines.

Senior officials from Chattogram Range Office, Chattogram Metropolitan Police and 29 units under the Chattogram Division, along with a total of 458 officers and force members of various ranks, attended the meeting.

The meeting was viewed as a significant directive-driven initiative aimed at boosting police morale and ensuring a free, fair, neutral and peaceful national election.​