Bangladesh Defense
Saif
Senior Member
- Messages
- 17,442
- Likes
- 8,381
- Nation
- Residence
- Axis Group
How far is the interim govt able to win confidence?
The government must become more sincere about reforms and justice, and that must be visible to the public. Reforms should not be limited to rhetoric.
en.prothomalo.com
How far is the interim govt able to win confidence?
Kallol Mustafa
Updated: 26 May 2025, 15: 52
A wave of concern swept over the political arena recently when speculations spread that the chief advisor may resign out of anger and frustration.
According to a Prothom Alo report in this connection, a meeting of the advisory council held on 22 May discussed the matters of demonstrations blocking Dhaka city's roads every day, the political parties failing to reach a consensus on reforms and other issues, various quarters not cooperating with the government, and so on. At one point of the discussions the chief advisor raised the issue of not being able to work. He said, nothing tangible has been done about reforms and so what was the point of his staying on.
The chief advisor eventually didn't resign, but the issue remains hanging in the air. It has been over nine months, but no progress has been made regarding reforms. Four months have passed since the first six reforms commissions submitted their reports, but implementation has not begun. The political parties have differing stances on the question of certain fundamental reforms. But the responsibility of bringing out a consensus of the issue of reforms lies with the interim government.
If the political parties do not cooperate in this regard, the government should clarify the matter and try to mobilise public opinion on important reforms. But does the government have any initiative to take these reforms to the general public and explain their pros and cons? If not, then how will pressure be created on the unwilling political parties regarding fundamental reforms?
Questions are also being raised about whether the interim government is an NCP government or one that represents people of all views and affiliations. The neutrality of the two student advisors in the government has come under scrutiny.
Apart from the disunity among political parties on the issue of reforms, another major problem is that the actions of the government and its supporters give no indication of reforms. The bureaucracy, police, and judiciary are all functioning as before. Mass lawsuits are still being filed against people. Mass arrests have not stopped. The judiciary is not functioning independently.
Meanwhile, there has been no significant improvement in law and order. Highway robberies happen regularly. Mobs are attacking individuals and institutions. Extortion has not stopped. Along with the non-cooperation of various parties, there is also failure on the part of the government.
Take street protests, for example. It is natural for people from different classes and professions to have demands. If the government paid proper attention to these demands in a timely manner and tried to resolve them through dialogue, then these groups would not have had to take to the streets, or lay siege to Shahbagh or Jamuna.
But the fact is that until and unless there is a sit-in at Shahbagh or Jamuna, the attention of the government is not caught. Political governments have all sorts of mechanisms to listen to these demands and resolve them. But the interim government, even in nine months, has been unable to come up with any such mechanism and so the street blockades continue unabated. The government, rather, is seen to display a biased attitude in many instances.
When the National Citizens Party attempted to lay siege to Jamuna, the police behaved tolerantly. However, in the case of others, their behaviour has been aggressive. Such bias erodes public trust in the government. Arrests and baton charges are still being carried out as before to suppress labour movements. On one hand, mobs are being mobilised and achieving their demands with minimal effort, while on the other hand, people from various classes and professions are protesting day after day without receiving any attention from the government. Criminals are being released on bail, while innocent individuals, including women and children from the Bawm community, are being denied bail.
There are other problems too. The chief advisor feels that the government does not have full control over the administration, police and the election commission. There are pro-BNP elements everywhere. It is not possible to carry out a fair election under such circumstances. Professor Yunus does not want to take responsibility for such a situation. (Various parties active, advisors silent, Samakal, 24 May 2025)
The question is, who made the appointments to the police and the election commission. Without following any transparent and acceptable process, it as the government itself that made the appointments, transfers and promotions in the secretariat and all government institutions, at the behest of BNP, Jamaat, NCP and the Nagorik Committee. So they cannot shirk the responsibility.
Before the report of the electoral reform commission was even released, the election commission was formed by the current interim government. At the time, many, including the electoral reform commission itself, had said that the reform recommendations should come first, and only then should the election commission be formed in accordance with those recommendations. But instead, the government went ahead and formed the election commission following the old model, including individuals recommended by the BNP and Jamaat.
Immediately after the formation of the interim government, there were widespread transfers and promotions in various positions of the administration. Several organisations had influence behind these decisions. Did the government say at that time that it would not make appointments or transfers in the administration or police based on the preferences of different parties? You can’t plant a tree following the suggestions of the BNP, Jamaat, and NCP, and then expect to reap fruit of your own choosing. The fruit will grow according to the way the tree was planted. Therefore, whatever the administration, judiciary, or election commission does now, the responsibility will ultimately fall on the interim government.
Questions are also being raised about whether the interim government is an NCP government or one that represents people of all views and affiliations. The neutrality of the two student advisors in the government has come under scrutiny. BNP has demanded their resignation. In response, NCP has accused the government of favouring BNP and has called for the resignation of three other advisors.
Meanwhile, it appears that the far-right groups consider the interim government to be their own. Perhaps it’s not surprising that they think that way. Ever since the government came to power, they have been vandalising shrines, harassing women in public spaces, shutting down fairs, festivals, music and theater events, attacking libraries, and carrying out violence and oppression against various minority and marginalised communities. But the government has taken no strong action to stop these acts. It’s as if there’s a free-for-all going on.
It is against this backdrop that BNP and several other political parties are putting pressure on the government regarding the election. Many of them believe that this government represents a specific group. There is a perception that the government shows partiality towards NCP. When it comes to reforms, there is a disconnect between the words and actions of the government and its ally, NCP. The excessive enthusiasm of some government figures over corridors and ports has also raised suspicions.
To overcome the current situation, the government must become more sincere about reforms and justice, and that sincerity must be visible to the public. Reforms should not be limited to rhetoric. This must be reflected in the government’s actions. A election date should be announced, and attention must be focused on reforms. The interim government must become, through its actions, not a government for any particular party or group, but a government for all democratic-minded people of the country.
* Kallol Mustafa is a writer on power, energy, environment and development economics.
Kallol Mustafa
Updated: 26 May 2025, 15: 52
A wave of concern swept over the political arena recently when speculations spread that the chief advisor may resign out of anger and frustration.
According to a Prothom Alo report in this connection, a meeting of the advisory council held on 22 May discussed the matters of demonstrations blocking Dhaka city's roads every day, the political parties failing to reach a consensus on reforms and other issues, various quarters not cooperating with the government, and so on. At one point of the discussions the chief advisor raised the issue of not being able to work. He said, nothing tangible has been done about reforms and so what was the point of his staying on.
The chief advisor eventually didn't resign, but the issue remains hanging in the air. It has been over nine months, but no progress has been made regarding reforms. Four months have passed since the first six reforms commissions submitted their reports, but implementation has not begun. The political parties have differing stances on the question of certain fundamental reforms. But the responsibility of bringing out a consensus of the issue of reforms lies with the interim government.
If the political parties do not cooperate in this regard, the government should clarify the matter and try to mobilise public opinion on important reforms. But does the government have any initiative to take these reforms to the general public and explain their pros and cons? If not, then how will pressure be created on the unwilling political parties regarding fundamental reforms?
Questions are also being raised about whether the interim government is an NCP government or one that represents people of all views and affiliations. The neutrality of the two student advisors in the government has come under scrutiny.
Apart from the disunity among political parties on the issue of reforms, another major problem is that the actions of the government and its supporters give no indication of reforms. The bureaucracy, police, and judiciary are all functioning as before. Mass lawsuits are still being filed against people. Mass arrests have not stopped. The judiciary is not functioning independently.
Meanwhile, there has been no significant improvement in law and order. Highway robberies happen regularly. Mobs are attacking individuals and institutions. Extortion has not stopped. Along with the non-cooperation of various parties, there is also failure on the part of the government.
Take street protests, for example. It is natural for people from different classes and professions to have demands. If the government paid proper attention to these demands in a timely manner and tried to resolve them through dialogue, then these groups would not have had to take to the streets, or lay siege to Shahbagh or Jamuna.
But the fact is that until and unless there is a sit-in at Shahbagh or Jamuna, the attention of the government is not caught. Political governments have all sorts of mechanisms to listen to these demands and resolve them. But the interim government, even in nine months, has been unable to come up with any such mechanism and so the street blockades continue unabated. The government, rather, is seen to display a biased attitude in many instances.
When the National Citizens Party attempted to lay siege to Jamuna, the police behaved tolerantly. However, in the case of others, their behaviour has been aggressive. Such bias erodes public trust in the government. Arrests and baton charges are still being carried out as before to suppress labour movements. On one hand, mobs are being mobilised and achieving their demands with minimal effort, while on the other hand, people from various classes and professions are protesting day after day without receiving any attention from the government. Criminals are being released on bail, while innocent individuals, including women and children from the Bawm community, are being denied bail.
There are other problems too. The chief advisor feels that the government does not have full control over the administration, police and the election commission. There are pro-BNP elements everywhere. It is not possible to carry out a fair election under such circumstances. Professor Yunus does not want to take responsibility for such a situation. (Various parties active, advisors silent, Samakal, 24 May 2025)
The question is, who made the appointments to the police and the election commission. Without following any transparent and acceptable process, it as the government itself that made the appointments, transfers and promotions in the secretariat and all government institutions, at the behest of BNP, Jamaat, NCP and the Nagorik Committee. So they cannot shirk the responsibility.
Before the report of the electoral reform commission was even released, the election commission was formed by the current interim government. At the time, many, including the electoral reform commission itself, had said that the reform recommendations should come first, and only then should the election commission be formed in accordance with those recommendations. But instead, the government went ahead and formed the election commission following the old model, including individuals recommended by the BNP and Jamaat.
Immediately after the formation of the interim government, there were widespread transfers and promotions in various positions of the administration. Several organisations had influence behind these decisions. Did the government say at that time that it would not make appointments or transfers in the administration or police based on the preferences of different parties? You can’t plant a tree following the suggestions of the BNP, Jamaat, and NCP, and then expect to reap fruit of your own choosing. The fruit will grow according to the way the tree was planted. Therefore, whatever the administration, judiciary, or election commission does now, the responsibility will ultimately fall on the interim government.
Questions are also being raised about whether the interim government is an NCP government or one that represents people of all views and affiliations. The neutrality of the two student advisors in the government has come under scrutiny. BNP has demanded their resignation. In response, NCP has accused the government of favouring BNP and has called for the resignation of three other advisors.
Meanwhile, it appears that the far-right groups consider the interim government to be their own. Perhaps it’s not surprising that they think that way. Ever since the government came to power, they have been vandalising shrines, harassing women in public spaces, shutting down fairs, festivals, music and theater events, attacking libraries, and carrying out violence and oppression against various minority and marginalised communities. But the government has taken no strong action to stop these acts. It’s as if there’s a free-for-all going on.
It is against this backdrop that BNP and several other political parties are putting pressure on the government regarding the election. Many of them believe that this government represents a specific group. There is a perception that the government shows partiality towards NCP. When it comes to reforms, there is a disconnect between the words and actions of the government and its ally, NCP. The excessive enthusiasm of some government figures over corridors and ports has also raised suspicions.
To overcome the current situation, the government must become more sincere about reforms and justice, and that sincerity must be visible to the public. Reforms should not be limited to rhetoric. This must be reflected in the government’s actions. A election date should be announced, and attention must be focused on reforms. The interim government must become, through its actions, not a government for any particular party or group, but a government for all democratic-minded people of the country.
* Kallol Mustafa is a writer on power, energy, environment and development economics.
