[🇧🇩] Independence Day of Bangladesh

[Saif]

We had lost the taste of true freedom: Mirza Abbas

BNP Standing Committee Member Mirza Abbas today said that even after 54 years of independence, the nation had lost the essence of true freedom but regained it after August 5

www.thedailystar.net

We had lost the taste of true freedom: Mirza Abbas

BNP Standing Committee Member Mirza Abbas today said that even after 54 years of independence, the nation had lost the essence of true freedom but regained it after August 5.

He made these remarks on the morning of Independence Day after paying tribute to the martyrs at the National Memorial.

"First of all, I remember the proclaimer of independence, martyr President Ziaur Rahman, then fought from within the country and liberated it. Even after 54 years of independence, we lost the taste of true freedom in the middle. We got it again after the 5th," he said.

He honoured the martyrs of 1971 who sacrificed their lives for freedom and expressed condolences to their surviving family members. On behalf of BNP leaders Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman, he extended greetings to the nation.

Reflecting on recent events, Mirza Abbas said, "We have just got a new taste of democracy by driving away a new form of oppression through the student movement in July and August."

He criticised those referring to the events of 2024 as the "second independence," asserting that such terminology diminishes the significance of the 1971 Liberation War. "Those who say this want to shorten today's Independence Day; they had no role in the independence of 1971. Therefore, they want to diminish this day," he added.

"I want prayers for national leader Khaleda Zia and will seek prayers from Allah so that we can maintain this independence, so that our next generation can uphold this independence," he said.

Addressing political dynamics, Mirza Abbas stated that while different parties have their ideological stances, this does not equate to disunity.

He emphasised that if a time comes when greater national unity is required to protect independence and sovereignty, the people of Bangladesh will unite. "Now, we may be talking differently for party ideological interests, but when the need arises, the people of Bangladesh will be united," he said.

Regarding the assurance from the chief advisor about elections in December, he expressed trust in that commitment. "Every political party in Bangladesh is an opponent. I do not want to believe that elections will not be held," he concluded.​

 

[Saif]

Let 1971 continue to guide our path as a nation

Misguided efforts to compare the 1971 war and the 2024 uprising should stop

www.thedailystar.net

Let 1971 continue to guide our path as a nation
Misguided efforts to compare the 1971 war and the 2024 uprising should stop

VISUAL: STAR

Today marks the 54th anniversary of our nation's independence. Every year, we commemorate this day with solemn reflection and deep gratitude for the enormous sacrifices made by our valiant freedom fighters along with countless ordinary people. This year holds special significance, however, coming as it does in the wake of another historic moment: the overthrow of an autocratic regime through a student-led mass uprising. These occasions—over half a century apart—demonstrate the continuation of people's unwavering resolve against oppression and injustice.

While this is reassuring, in recent months, we have seen some misguided efforts to compare these two events as if they were equal in nature or importance. Even amendments proposed by the Constitution Reform Commission appeared to equate the two, which is quite unfortunate. There is no denying the importance of the 2024 uprising, but it cannot be compared to our independence struggle as doing so risks reducing its unparalleled significance to just another political struggle. The fact is, the Liberation War is much more than that. It is the singular most defining moment of our existence, a fully fledged war fought against an external oppressor—Pakistan—after decades of economic, political and cultural subjugation. The sacrifices made during those nine months, culminating in the birth of Bangladesh on December 16, 1971, reshaped the destiny of an entire people.

In recent months, we have seen some misguided efforts to compare these two events as if they were equal in nature or importance. Even amendments proposed by the Constitution Reform Commission appeared to equate the two, which is quite unfortunate. There is no denying the importance of the 2024 uprising, but it cannot be compared to our independence struggle as doing so risks reducing its unparalleled significance to just another political struggle.

On the other hand, the 2024 uprising was a movement to reclaim our political space and fundamental rights—but not a war of liberation. While we take immense pride in people's resistance against Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian rule, we must not blur the lines here and allow historical distortions to serve political narratives. Equally importantly, the constitution must not be changed in ways that permit such distortions. The Liberation War remains unique and sacred—it should never be trivialised or repurposed to suit contemporary interests.

Instead, what we should focus on is building the nation anew, in line with citizens' aspirations for a society free of discrimination and inequality, just as we sought to do after 1971. While efforts are currently underway to initiate reforms through the collaboration of political parties and the interim government, citizens too must engage in the collective effort of nation-building with a commitment to justice and equality. Just as the sacrifices of 1971 laid the foundation of an independent country, the recent uprising has created an opportunity to turn it into a just and equitable one. Let us not squander this opportunity.​

 

[Saif]

The road to liberation: March 1971 and the years that led to it

The 1971 Liberation War was the culmination of a long struggle for a democratic, secular, and egalitarian society.

www.thedailystar.net

54 Years of Bangladesh's Independence

The road to liberation: March 1971 and the years that led to it

A child carries the flag of the newly born Bangladesh as he moves with his family during the Liberation War in 1971. PHOTO: COLLECTED FROM ARCHIVE

The Liberation War of Bangladesh, which officially began in March 1971, had its roots in events that unfolded many years earlier. The people of what is now Bangladesh played a key role in the establishment of Pakistan, primarily through their votes. They joined the Pakistan movement with the hope that the new state, founded on religious lines, would rise above communal conflicts and emerge as a true democracy.

However, the reality after Pakistan's formation gradually disillusioned the people in the erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). It became increasingly clear that the state structure was deeply flawed, especially for Pakistan's eastern wing. A powerful alliance took control at the centre, consisting of big business groups, the military and civil bureaucracy ("overdeveloped" as Pakistani social scientist Hamza Alavi termed it), and racially biased politicians. This triad consolidated power and blocked any meaningful democratic progress. When the military regime took over in 1958, it became the primary tool for these ruling forces to maintain control. Authoritarian rule was their chosen path.

In the 1954 provincial elections, the Muslim League suffered a decisive defeat. The United Front, led by three secular leaders—AK Fazlul Huq, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy—emerged victorious. Their 21-point programme called for greater provincial autonomy, land reform, public education rights, democratic rights, autonomy to universities, nationalisation of jute business, and scrapping of repressive laws. These demands laid the groundwork for future movements in the 1960s.

Even before martial law, and especially under it, regional and ethnic discrimination against East Pakistan worsened. Class inequality also deepened. In response, the people of East Pakistan resisted oppression, military dictatorship, and systemic injustice. Despite severe repression, the democratic movement in East Pakistan gained momentum, and secular political aspirations took shape. The struggle against Pakistan's authoritarian rule strengthened both democratic and secular ideals among the people. One key example was the evolution of the Muslim League into the Awami Muslim League, and eventually the Awami League, under the leadership of Maulana Bhashani. Later, Bhashani established another all-Pakistan party, National Awami Party (NAP), to advance the anti-imperialist struggle. Through this transformation, people's aspirations for democracy and secularism found expression. This resistance was not confined to East Pakistan alone. Democratic forces in West Pakistan also joined hands with those in the east. In the 1960s, workers and peasants' organisations flourished, especially under left leadership.

Two political figures played pivotal roles during this time: Maulana Bhashani and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Although Bhashani was a religious leader by title, he never engaged in communal politics. Instead, he always stood for workers' and peasants' rights, opposed imperialism, and supported socialist ideals. He was a key figure in the 1969 Mass Uprising and played a crucial role in securing Sheikh Mujib's release from prison.

Meanwhile, Sheikh Mujib's Six-Point Movement demanded autonomy and stood against ethnic discrimination. The 11-point movement by the student alliance, in addition, raised issues against imperialism and class exploitation. The Pakistani establishment—dominated by powerful business families (including the Adamjees and Bawanys), the military-civil bureaucracy, and authoritarian, racially biased politicians—was determined to retain control at all costs.

This ruling alliance consistently undermined democratic processes. However, the 1969 Mass Uprising challenged and ultimately broke their grip on power, leading to the fall of Gen Ayub Khan. The 1970 general election became Pakistan's final opportunity to remain united under a democratic framework. The Awami League's landslide victory opened the door for a new democratic leadership for all of Pakistan.

But the ruling triad refused to accept the election results. Their rejection effectively sealed Pakistan's fate. From March 1, 1971, instead of respecting the democratic mandate, the regime secretly prepared for military action under the guise of negotiations, culminating in the horrific events of March 25.

Until that night, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League's elected representatives continued negotiations with President Yahya Khan. However, threats from Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, fears among military generals of losing power, and anxieties of the big business families pushed the regime towards a catastrophic decision.

On the night of March 25, the Pakistani military launched a brutal crackdown in Dhaka. Their primary targets included police and East Pakistan Rifles (EPR) headquarters, student dormitories at Dhaka University, slum areas, teachers, intellectuals, and journalists. Estimates suggest that over 25,000 people were killed in a single night.

The Pakistan Army believed this operation would crush all resistance within days. They arrested Sheikh Mujib and imposed a curfew on March 26. By March 27, large numbers of people had begun fleeing Dhaka. But the events of March 25 made one thing clear: Bangladesh could no longer remain a part of Pakistan. What began on March 25 quickly escalated into a full-scale national armed struggle for liberation.

The massacre turned the people's long-standing desire for independence into an unstoppable determination for freedom. There is some debate regarding the formal declaration of independence. Maj Ziaur Rahman, on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, made a radio proclamation referring to Mujib as the president. Similar declarations were also made by other Awami League leaders.

Actually, people did not wait for a formal announcement. Resistance erupted spontaneously across the country. The Pakistani military's assumptions were shattered as people from all walks of life—students, workers, peasants, and the general public—rose in what became a people's war. Except for a few war criminals, the whole population of the country participated in this war. Countless lives were lost, rape and the abuse of women reached horrific levels. Few events in world history compare to the scale of the genocide committed in such a short time and also the intensity of the resistance.

The 1971 Liberation War was the culmination of a long struggle for a democratic, secular, and egalitarian society—free from discrimination based on religion, caste or ethnicity. It marked a crucial phase in that journey, though not its conclusion.

However, in the years following the victory, people's expectations were steadily betrayed. Over the past 54 years, there have been severe deviations from the spirit of the Liberation War. Successive governments have failed to realise the dreams that fuelled the war. The Awami League, throughout its unelected ruling period (2014-2024), harmed the ideals of Liberation War more than any previous record.

Nevertheless, this war remains the most glorious chapter in Bangladesh's history. The people did not submit; against one of the world's most brutal and well-trained military forces, they showed extraordinary courage, dignity, and determination. As we stand at a new phase of political awakening, sparked by recent mass uprisings, we must remember that the Liberation War of 1971 laid the strongest foundation for a democratic, inclusive, secular, and just Bangladesh. Progress cannot be achieved by ignoring or diminishing the legacy of 1971.

The Liberation War must always remain our guiding light, our enduring source of strength as we move forward.

Anu Muhammad is former professor of economics from Jahangirnagar University.​

 

[Saif]

Henry Kissinger’s role in 1971

Lauded by some as a master of diplomacy and realpolitik, he remains, in the eyes of others, a war criminal who should have been held accountable for his actions.

www.thedailystar.net

Henry Kissinger’s role in 1971

Visual: Aliza Rahman

Henry Kissinger, one of the most influential yet controversial political figures of the 20th century, passed away in 2023, leaving behind a legacy that continues to spark heated debates. Lauded by some as a master of diplomacy and realpolitik, he remains, in the eyes of others, a war criminal who should have been held accountable for his actions. In The Trial of Henry Kissinger, Christopher Hitchens meticulously builds a case against Kissinger, arguing that his policies and decisions—from his role in extending the Vietnam War to his backing of right-wing coups, complicity in genocide, and orchestration of covert operations—led to mass suffering across the globe. The Bangladesh chapter of the book is particularly damning, exposing the cold indifference and realpolitik calculations that led to one of the most horrifying atrocities of the 20th century.

In December 1970, the people of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) overwhelmingly voted for self-rule under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League. However, instead of honouring the democratic mandate, the Pakistani military, led by General Yahya Khan, launched Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971. What followed was an unrelenting campaign of mass killings, systematic sexual violence, and forced displacement. Conservative estimates place the death toll at 300,000, though many argue the real number was closer to three million.

As reports of massacres spread, one of the earliest and most powerful condemnations came from Archer Kent Blood, the US Consul General in Dhaka. Blood and his team sent a series of telegrams to Washington detailing the atrocities being committed by the Pakistani military. In the telegrams, they pleaded the US to take a stand against the Pakistani government. The message read:

"Our government has failed to denounce the suppression of democracy. Our government has failed to denounce atrocities…Our government has evidenced what many will consider moral bankruptcy..."

This was signed by dozens of diplomats, making it the strongest internal protest ever recorded within the US State Department. Yet, Nixon and Kissinger dismissed it outright. Kissinger, obsessed with using Pakistan as a backchannel to China, saw Yahya Khan as an indispensable ally. Instead of acting against genocide, Kissinger chose silence and complicity. In fact, the US government, under Kissinger's guidance, actively supported the Pakistani military by supplying them with weapons.

Kissinger also made a callous remark in a private conversation, referring to Bangladesh as a "basket case," illustrating his dismissive attitude toward the country's plight and people. Between March and December 1971, the Pakistani military conducted some of the most gruesome acts of ethnic and political cleansing of the 20th century. Bangalee intellectuals were specifically targeted and executed, Hindu minorities were slaughtered, and millions of women were subjected to rape as a weapon of war. While the world condemned the atrocities, Nixon and Kissinger continued to stand by Pakistan.

His secret conversations with Nixon reveal racist and derogatory remarks about Bangalees and Indians, showing his complete disregard for human lives. Even when the then US Ambassador Kenneth Keating urged the administration to publicly condemn Pakistan's brutality, Nixon said to Kissinger that Keating had been "taken over by the Indians." Kissinger, for his part, at the height of the genocide in late April sent Yahya a message praising him for "delicacy and tact."

As the crisis deepened, India, overwhelmed by millions of Bangalee refugees, prepared to intervene militarily. On December 3, 1971, India officially entered the war to assist the Mukti Bahini. In response, Kissinger orchestrated a dangerous and reckless move. He deployed the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise into the Bay of Bengal. This was meant to intimidate India and deter its intervention, but it failed.

Mukti Bahini with help from India swiftly defeated Pakistan, leading to the creation of an independent Bangladesh on December 16, 1971. But Kissinger's hostility toward Bangladesh did not end there.

When Mujib sought international recognition and aid for the war-ravaged country, the US remained distant. Kissinger saw Mujib's government as an embarrassment, resenting the exposure of US complicity in genocide. In November 1974, Kissinger made a brief eight-hour visit to Dhaka, where he refused to acknowledge the role of the US in Pakistan's actions.

Hitchens' book meticulously builds a case against Kissinger, arguing that his actions in Bangladesh, Chile, Vietnam, and East Timor amount to war crimes. Kissinger's secret involvement in overthrowing democratically elected leaders, his orchestration of military coups, and his support for genocidal regimes paint the picture of a man who viewed human lives as collateral damage in his grand strategy. As Bangladesh continues to push for global recognition of the 1971 genocide, the question remains: will history hold Kissinger accountable, or will his crimes fade into the shadows of realpolitik?

Kollol Kibria is an advocate, human rights activist, and political analyst.​

 

[Saif]

Operation searchlight: The massacre at Ctg cantonment

On March 24, 1971, the day before the Pakistani army unleashed the infamous “Operation Searchlight,” its top brass flew to Chattogram Cantonment from Dhaka.

www.thedailystar.net

Operation searchlight: The massacre at Ctg cantonment
Pakistan army killed hundreds of soldiers, cadets on Mar 25 night

Tomb of the soldiers martyred in the East Bengal Regimental Center massacre at Chattogram cantonment. Photo: Collected

On March 24, 1971, the day before the Pakistani army unleashed the infamous "Operation Searchlight," its top brass flew to Chattogram Cantonment from Dhaka.

By then, a quiet but growing spirit of rebellion was taking shape among the Bangalee soldiers stationed at the East Bengal Regimental Centre (EBRC), an infantry training facility in the port city.

The delegation included high-ranking figures such as Chief of Army Staff Gen Hamid Khan, Maj Gen Khadim Hussain Raja, Maj Gen Mitha Khan, and Brig Ansari. These officials convened secret meetings, deliberately excluding EBRC Commandant Brig Mahmudur Rahman Majumdar, the senior-most Bangalee officer there at the time, according to Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho: Dolil Potro (Volume 9).

Earlier, Brig Majumdar had defied direct orders to unload weapons shipped from West Pakistan to Chattogram Port in late February, signalling his resistance.

The tension escalated further when the West Pakistan military leaders took Brig Majumdar back to Dhaka, pretending they needed to discuss some urgent matters with him there.

The very next night, the unthinkable tragedy unfolded.

The Pakistan army had picked the EBRC as one of the primary targets for its brutal massacre codenamed "Operation Searchlight".

On the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistani military killed more than 1,000 Bangalee officers, soldiers, and cadets at the EBRC, writes Maj (retd) Rafiq-ul Islam, Bir Uttam, in his book "Lokkho Praner Binimoye".

In the official EBRC records, 550-600 Bangalee officers, soldiers, and cadets are listed as martyrs of that massacre.

Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho: Dolil Potro (Volume 9), Ameen Ahmed Chowdhury's "1971 Ebong Amar Samorik Jibon", Subid Ali Bhuiyan's "Muktijuddhe Noy Mash" are some of the books that documented this carnage.

According to these books, the EBRC had over 1,500 Bangalee soldiers under training in March 1971.

Besides, the 20th Baloch Regiment, which had arrived from West Pakistan in early January 1971, was stationed there.

Lt Col Mujibur Rahman Chowdhury was the chief instructor at the EBRC.

Soon after the sunset on March 25, Pakistan forces began disarming the Bangalee soldiers.

"At 7:00pm, all of our soldiers' rifles were taken away and stored in the armoury," Subid Ali Bhuiyan, writes in his book.

Maj Mir Shawkat Ali from the 8th East Bengal Regiment was the last person to speak to anyone from the EBRC via telephone around 11:00pm -- it was Chief Instructor Lt Col Mujibur Rahman Chowdhury.

Farewell ceremony of the 4th East Bengal Regiment in Lahore, West Pakistan, June 1970. Lt Col Mujibur Rahman Chowdhury, battalion commanding officer (back right). He was the first martyred Bangalee officer in 1971. Lt Gen Khwaja Wasiuddin, the colonel commandant of the East Bengal Regiment (back middle). courtesy: Col (Retd) Mahmud Ur Rahman Choudhury
Soon after the phone call, Lt Col MR Chowdhury ordered Captain Enamul Haque to break open the armoury and distribute weapons to the Bangalee soldiers. However, before they could do so, the Baloch Regiment soldiers stormed the premises.

Captain Enamul Haque described this moment in his writings on Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho: Dolil Potro (Volume 9).

"Suddenly, the Bangalee guard commander from that particular quarter came running and informed me that the 20th Baloch soldiers were getting off their vehicles, fully armed…Within moments, they launched an attack on the guards, and gunfire erupted from all directions."

"At 11:30pm, six truckloads of Baloch soldiers slaughtered the Bangalee troops at the armoury and surrounded the recruit barracks, where most soldiers were asleep and unarmed, leaving them no chance to resist. The Baloch troops ruthlessly gunned down every soldier in their sight," Maj (retd) Rafiq-ul Islam writes in his book "Lokkho Praner Binimoye".

Captain Enamul was captured and held in a room filled with wounded soldiers.

"I saw Bangalee soldiers in agony, some crying out for water, others writhing in pain. The Pakistani soldiers pressed their boots on the throats of the dying to hasten the process," Enamul describes his experience on Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho: Dolil Potro (Volume 9).

In the early hours of March 26, the Baloch soldiers fired shells from tanks onto the barracks. The wounded soldiers' screams filled the cantonment. Many were executed inside the EBRC school, where Pakistani troops opened fire at point-blank range.

Captain Enamul wrote, "At 7:00am on March 26, I saw a truck being filled with the bodies of those who had been mercilessly killed overnight. More than a hundred bodies were taken away in front of my eyes."

RESISTANCE THAT NEVER CAME

Colonel Oli Ahmed, Bir Bikram, who was the quartermaster of the 8th East Bengal Regiment, later revealed that he had tried to contact Lieutenant Colonel MR Chowdhury throughout the night but failed. The next morning, he learned that MR Chowdhury had been murdered.

Asked why the 8th East Bengal Regiment did not intervene, he said, "We had limited arms and ammunition. Many of our soldiers were on leave because we were supposed to be deployed in Pakistan. The 20th Baloch Regiment was fully armed. If we had intervened, it would have been suicidal. The only chance of survival for EBRC soldiers was to escape into the hills."

The attack began with the killing of EBRC's Chief Instructor Lt Col MR Chowdhury.

His son, Colonel (retd) Mahmud Ur Rahman Chowdhury, told The Daily Star, "When my father was entering EBRC from the officers' mess, a platoon of the Baloch Regiment shot and bayoneted him to death.

"In early January 1971, MR Chowdhury, along with Brig Mahmudur Rahman Majumdar, Maj Ziaur Rahman (later president), Captain Rafiq-ul Islam, and Captain Oli Ahmed, had begun planning an armed rebellion in Chattogram. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was aware of these plans, but since the Awami League was still pursuing a political solution, the uprising never materialised."

"If Bangabandhu supported an armed rebellion from the start, this massacre might not have happened. The war would still have taken place, but we could have avoided such massive loss of life."

IN SEARCH OF WITNESSES

Most of the Bangalee soldiers were martyred in the EBRC, but miraculously, very few survived.

The Daily Star collected names of the gallantry-awarded freedom fighters who were either serving or undergoing training at the EBRC on the night of March 25, 1971. However, none of them are now alive.

Dr Mohammad Kamal Uddin, a resident of Khondakia village (3km away from the cantonment) in Hathazari, said, "On the night of March 25, we woke up to the sound of intense gunfire. At dawn, we saw a few injured and terrified men near the Boro Dighir Paar. Their clothes were torn, and some were bleeding. They told us their weapons had been taken away earlier that evening, and they had barely escaped by crossing the hills."

At Chittagong Medical College, Dr Mainul Ahasan treated many injured soldiers on March 26.

"Most of the wounded brought in on March 26 were Bangalee soldiers from the cantonment. Many died on the way due to excessive bleeding," he told The Daily Star.​