[🇧🇩] National Security of Bangladesh

[Saif]

Modernising Bangladesh’s defence is a strategic necessity

A robust defence framework enables a state to protect its interests.

www.thedailystar.net

Modernising Bangladesh’s defence is a strategic necessity
19 August 2025, 09:15 AM

Mamun Abdullahi , Tamim Muntasir , and Afsana Rahman

Photo: COLLECTED

Earlier in July, the crash of a Bangladesh Air Force FT-7 BGI training jet into Uttara's Milestone School, which claimed 36 lives and injured over 170, highlighted concerns over the continued use of outdated jets. The FT-7 BGI, a Chinese-made "multi-role" fighter acquired in 2013, is an upgraded version of the Chengdu J-7, produced between 1965 and 2013. The ill-fated jet was among a fleet of approximately 40 such aircraft in Bangladesh's inventory, all sourced from China. Despite its age and limitations, Bangladesh continues to use these jets due to their low cost and training reliability. Experts have long recommended shifting to safer, modern aircraft, but political and financial considerations have kept the ageing F-7 fleet in operation, raising questions about risks for both pilots and civilians.

In an era of rapid technological change, shifting power dynamics, and unconventional security threats (non-military issues disrupting peace), defence has become critical for states seeking sovereignty and stability. A robust defence framework enables a state to protect its interests, support foreign policy, and provide a secure environment for economic growth. Given Bangladesh's location at the crossroads of the Indo-Pacific, the country is vulnerable to being drawn into major power rivalries as competition intensifies in the region.

In this regard, the Dacca Institute of Research and Analytics (DAIRA) published a policy brief, titled "Bangladesh Defence Strategy: Capability Gaps and Future Directions," which examines challenges in Bangladesh's defence planning and outlines pathways for a resilient, forward-looking security architecture. As regional dynamics shift rapidly, addressing capability gaps is essential for safeguarding sovereignty and advancing national interests.

Bangladesh, however, lacks a formal national security strategy. No official document sets out its vision, objectives, or priorities. The concept of "national security" remains poorly defined and largely absent from public discourse, often treated as taboo. As a result, challenges have been managed in a reactive rather than strategic way.

According to Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory, four variables determine the assessment of external threats: aggregate power, offensive capabilities, offensive intentions, and geographical proximity. Applying this framework, Bangladesh's neighbourhood presents significant challenges. Both of its primary neighbours possess substantial offensive capabilities and have at times demonstrated hostile intentions. Proximity intensifies the security dilemma.

The interim government faces mounting security challenges amid shifting geopolitics. The Myanmar border has become a war zone, with Arakan Army attacks prompting new Rohingya influxes. Relations with India have been strained since August 5 last year. One Bangladeshi mission in Agartala even came under attack. Internally, the rise of the Kuki-Chin National Front poses a threat to stability. Conflicts in the Middle East risk disrupting labour exports and remittances. Situated near nuclear-armed China, India, and Pakistan, Bangladesh also faces risks from regional nuclear tensions. These threats underscore the urgent need to strengthen the armed forces for both external defence and internal security.

The recent Iran-Israel confrontation has triggered a global rethinking of national security doctrines. India's response following the Pahalgam incident exemplifies how regional crises can escalate rapidly, catching adversaries unprepared and setting new thresholds for conflict. A future conflict of similar or greater scale could disrupt the regional security architecture, directly impacting Bangladesh. Asymmetric warfare, drone strikes, cyber offensives, and grey-zone conflicts are forcing states to reassess their defence readiness.

For Bangladesh, this comes amid internal political transition after the 2024 July-August mass uprising. While economic development has traditionally dominated the agenda, emerging realities now demand greater strategic focus. With over a million Rohingya refugees and instability spilling over from Myanmar, Bangladesh can no longer afford to sideline hard security.

Under Forces Goal 2030, the Bangladesh Army has acquired modern Russian BTR-80 and Turkish Otokar Cobra APCs, along with Chinese MBT-2000 and VT-5 tanks, and advanced artillery. Yet significant gaps remain: limited armoured fleets lack advanced networking, older APCs reduce survivability, and artillery and cyber capabilities are underdeveloped. Modern warfare demands advanced air power, yet the Bangladesh Air Force remains constrained by outdated MiG-29B and F-7 interceptors, with limited radar range, payload, and endurance, and no in-flight refuelling capacity. The non-homogeneous fleet complicates maintenance. Similarly, the navy lacks vertical launch systems (VLS) necessary for high-intensity operations, relying on costly foreign procurement while facing Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) restrictions on missiles exceeding 300 kilometres. India's MTCR-enabled advancements further widen strategic gaps in maritime capability.

To address the gaps, Bangladesh needs technology transfer and joint development for domestic missile production, reducing costs and building an advanced industrial ecosystem. Bangladesh and Türkiye are advancing joint-venture initiatives to establish Dhaka as a regional hub for defence manufacturing and export. However, Bangladesh should also explore partnerships beyond Turkey to broaden capacity.

A constitutionally mandated national security council and unified security strategy are vital. Current fragmented planning limits civilian input. A trusted civil-military partnership is essential to build a coherent, future-ready defence system. Bangladesh should institutionalise Strategic Defence Reviews every five years to align modernisation with evolving threats. Shifting to multi-domain, technology-driven warfare and gradually increasing defence spending within a phased plan are essential. Emphasising technology transfer and local production will reduce dependency, while diversifying suppliers beyond China will enhance quality and access. Expanding local production of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), armoured vehicles, and artillery can position Bangladesh as a regional defence hub. The Air Force needs 12 to 15 modern squadrons, and the Navy requires vertical launching system (VLS) platforms and improved maritime awareness. Cyber, electronic warfare, and CBRN readiness must also be strengthened, alongside improved civil-military coordination to align defence with economic and strategic goals.

Bangladesh's emerging security challenges require a comprehensive defence strategy to modernise outdated platforms and fragmented planning. To achieve this, Bangladesh must prioritise forming a national security council for long-term planning, mitigate defence gaps, foster local weapons manufacturing, and institutionalise civilian-military collaboration. These steps are essential for building a self-reliant, modern defence system capable of responding to current threats and adapting to future ones while aligning with broader economic and geopolitical goals.

Mamun Abdullahi is foreign and security analyst at Dacca Institute of Research and Analytics (DAIRA).

Tamim Muntasir is a researcher of Foreign Affairs and Security at Dacca Institute of Research and Analytics (DAIRA).

Afsana Rahman is research assistant of Foreign Affairs and Security at Dacca Institute of Research and Analytics (DAIRA).​

 

[Saif]

What the next government must get right on national security

As Bangladesh enters a new political phase ahead of the February parliamentary election, its domestic security outlook is increasingly shaped by divisive historical baggage, competing narratives, and fragmented identity.

www.thedailystar.net

What the next government must get right on national security

 

[Saif]

Attempts made in past to weaken army: PM

Prime minister Tarique Rahman on Sunday said that in the past there were attempts to weaken the Bangladesh Army and make it controversial through various incidents and activities.

www.newagebd.net

Attempts made in past to weaken army: PM
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 13 April, 2026, 00:56

Chief of army staff General Waker-Uz-Zaman along with chief of naval staff Admiral M Nazmul Hassan and chief of air staff Air Chief Marshal Hasan Mahmood Khan receives prime minister Tarique Rahman on his arrival at the Dhaka Cantonment on Sunday. | Star Mail photo

Prime minister Tarique Rahman on Sunday said that in the past there were attempts to weaken the Bangladesh Army and make it controversial through various incidents and activities.

In the past, there had been attempts to weaken the army and make it controversial through various incidents and activities, he said while addressing a ‘durbar’ for the military officials at the Dhaka Cantonment auditorium.

Praising the armed forces for their contributions to safeguarding national security, Tarique directed them to protect sovereignty of the country and uphold dignity of the constitution, rising above party-affiliation and opinions, said prime minister’s additional press secretary Atikur Rahman Ruman.

Tarique Rahman, also ruling BNP chairman, also called upon the members of the armed forces to maintain public trust, and stay committed to serving the nation with integrity, dedication, and sacrifice.Geographic Reference

Earlier, on his arrival at the venue, Tarique was received by his defence adviser retired Brigadier General AKM Shamsul Islam, chief of army staff General Waker-Uz-Zaman, chief of naval staff Admiral M Nazmul Hassan, chief of air staff Air Chief Marshal Hasan Mahmood Khan and the principal staff officer of the armed forces division.

‘The armed forces are not the property of any particular individual, family or party. The armed forces are a symbol of the strength and dignity of an independent state,’ the PM said, adding, commitment to the constitution and the unwavering trust of the people must be the core base of the armed forces to walk the path.

‘Protecting the independence and sovereignty of the country is the sole and sacred responsibility of each of our members,’ he added.

Referring to the Pilkhana massacre, Tarique said the army was damaged through that incident and in subsequent times, there were attempts to make the force controversial for various activities.

Highlighting the contribution of former president Ziaur Rahman to modernising the army, he said that it is important to nurture the patriotism and strong spirit that had developed in the army since that time.

‘If there are united armed forces, no one can defeat Bangladesh,’ he added.

Terming the Bangladesh Army’s participation in the UN peacekeeping mission as a major achievement, Tarique said this achievement reached a higher level internationally during the BNP government.

He said that the armed forces are not only an indispensable force in times of war, but also play a role as vigilant guards to protect the country’s independence and sovereignty and an important role in dealing with any natural disaster.

The role of Bangladesh Armed Forces is globally recognised in establishing peace in war-torn countries by being members of UN peacekeeping missions outside the country’s borders, the prime minister said.

‘We want an armed force that will be respected by external powers and trusted by the country’s people,’ he said, adding, the armed forces must always maintain a high ideological position without compromising professionalism.

Addressing the ‘durbar’, Tarique highly praised the professionalism, discipline, and contributions of the armed forces in safeguarding national security and enhancing Bangladesh’s image in the international arena.

He particularly commended their role in maintaining the overall law and order in the country since August 2024 and in ensuring the smooth and successful completion of the 13th national parliamentary election.

Tarique assured full government support to enhance the future capabilities, modernisation and effective participation of the armed forces in national development.

Senior military and civil officials stationed in Dhaka, along with members of different ranks, attended the ‘durbar’. Members stationed in other parts of the country joined the event through video teleconference.​

 

[Saif]

How big tech is rewriting modern warfare and what it means for Bangladesh

For decades, the arsenal of democracy was built in sprawling factories by giants like Lockheed Martin and Boeing. Tanks, jets, and aircraft carriers were the currency of military might. That era is ending. In the current conflict in the Middle East, the Pentagon is now analyzing real-time intellig

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

THE SILICON SHIELD AND THE DIGITAL FAULT LINE

How big tech is rewriting modern warfare and what it means for Bangladesh

TECH EXPRESS DESK

Published :
Apr 06, 2026 10:14
Updated :
Apr 06, 2026 10:14

For decades, the arsenal of democracy was built in sprawling factories by giants like Lockheed Martin and Boeing. Tanks, jets, and aircraft carriers were the currency of military might. That era is ending.

In the current conflict in the Middle East, the Pentagon is now analyzing real-time intelligence through systems built by 'Anthropic', running on data platforms by 'Palantir', while intercepting enemy drones with technology designed by a former Google CEO. Silicon Valley bet big on war, and the dividends are coming in fast.

"People are pointing to this moment as a proof point," said Garrett Smith, a former lieutenant colonel and defense tech CEO, referring to the rapid integration of AI and commercial tech into lethal military operations .

This shift-where code is as critical as caliber-is reshaping global power dynamics. For the United States and its allies, it offers a decisive edge. But for nations like Bangladesh, a country racing to digitize its economy while navigating a volatile neighborhood, the new role of tech giants represents a profound vulnerability.

To understand the risk, one must first understand the scale of the transformation. The traditional relationship between tech workers and the Pentagon was icy. Employee revolts at Google a decade ago forced the company to back away from military AI projects like Project Maven.

That wall has crumbled. In 2025 alone, private equity poured a record '$49 billion' into defense technology startups, nearly double the previous year. The current war has effectively sanitized the industry; building weapons is no longer a moral quandary in Silicon Valley but a patriotic-and lucrative-mission.

"America is the center of the A.I. revolution," declared Alex Karp, CEO of Palantir, as his company's stock surged amid the conflict.

Today, an AI system known as 'Maven' sifts through satellite imagery and drone feeds to generate target lists. In the first four days of the recent Middle East escalation, airstrikes hit more than 2,000 targets-many selected by an algorithm . Meanwhile, Anduril, a startup founded by a 20-something inventor, just landed a $20 billion contract to run AI-backed software on military systems.

War has become a data science. And the data scientists work for shareholders.
Bangladesh: The Double-Edged Sword of Digital Dependency

For Bangladesh, the "Digital Bangladesh" vision has been a point of national pride. The country has built a thriving freelance economy, pushed for semiconductor roadmaps, and connected millions to the internet . However, this rapid digitization has created a dependency on the very infrastructure and software controlled by these Western tech giants.

The vulnerability is twofold: 'Operational Dependency' and 'Cyber Sovereignty'.

The role of tech giants in modern warfare is no longer supportive; it is central. For countries like Bangladesh, the path forward is a tightrope walk.

They cannot afford to reject Silicon Valley-the economic benefits are too immense. But they can no longer afford blind trust. The nation must accelerate the development of local data centers, enforce the "Digital Security Act" with actual technical rigor rather than political censorship, and demand transparency from the cloud providers hosting its government secrets.

As Jack Shanahan, a retired Air Force general, noted, the current conflict is likely to be called "America's first AI war" . For the rest of the world, it serves as a warning. In the age of the algorithm, a nation that does not control its code has already surrendered its sovereignty. Bangladesh has drawn up the blueprints for digital safety. The question remains whether it can build the walls before the storm arrives.​

 

[Saif]

The case for a National Security Council that is truly fit for purpose

In its election manifesto, BNP mentioned plans to establish a National Security Council alongside formulating a new national security strategy (page 21, under “Defence System”).

www.thedailystar.net

The case for a National Security Council that is truly fit for purpose

20 April 2026, 13:00 PM

'A reformed structure should include a national security council chaired by the prime minister, supported by a permanent national security council secretariat led by a security adviser.' File photo: STAR

In its election manifesto, BNP mentioned plans to establish a National Security Council alongside formulating a new national security strategy (page 21, under “Defence System”). Tarique Rahman, the party chairperson and now prime minister of Bangladesh, reiterated the plan while addressing retired officers of Bangladesh Armed Forces on February 7, 2026, where he said if BNP assumed office, the government would engage former and serving army officers to set the groundwork for an effective National Security Council. As I was attending the address that day, I thought this emphasis on structural security reform was noteworthy.

Bangladesh’s security environment has gone through some major changes in the last few decades. Cross-border militant networks, cyber threats, digital financial vulnerabilities, maritime competition in the Bay of Bengal, geopolitical rivalry in the region, violent extremism, radicalisation, and transnational crime now intersect in ways that blur the line between internal and external security. Domestic stability may now be influenced by foreign clandestine activities and digital campaigns. Maritime security affects economic resilience, and regional tensions can quickly generate internal consequences. Managing such complexity requires a structured, permanent system that synthesises intelligence, aligns defence policy with national strategy, and anticipates risk before it escalates.

Bangladesh currently relies on several coordination mechanisms. The National Committee for Security Affairs (NCSA)—established in 2019 after the cabinet approved the National Defence Policy 2018—is headed by the prime minister and includes senior ministers, the service chiefs, intelligence heads, and top civil servants. The NCSA is the highest policy-making authority on national security in Bangladesh. Then there is the National Committee for Intelligence Coordination (NCIC), established in 2009, that focuses on intelligence sharing among key security agencies. The National Security Affairs Cell under the Cabinet Division, formed in 2019, provides administrative support, although it does not have the authority or resources to act as a strategic nerve center.

These mechanisms represent steps towards coordination. However, they remain committee-based rather than system-based. The NCSA is large and consultative, but it does not operate through a permanent strategic secretariat with defined analytical divisions. The intelligence coordination structure improves information sharing, but it does not institutionalise unified national assessment or long-term planning. This results in fragmentation. Bangladesh has capable intelligence institutions such as the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), National Security Intelligence (NSI), Special Branch (SB), Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), and the Coast Guard, etc. Yet responsibilities are dispersed, and there is no single professional authority tasked with synthesising assessments from different security agencies into consolidated national advice.

This model can create confusion over who defines national security priorities, who harmonises internal and external intelligence, and who ensures that defence modernisation aligns with broader strategic objectives. Large committees are effective for consultation but are not substitutes for continuous analytical work supported by dedicated professional staff. Hence, the absence of a national security adviser’s (NSA) role can be considered a weakness, as without an NSA-led secretariat, coordination remains dependent on leadership bandwidth rather than institutional design, and security governance becomes reactive rather than anticipatory.

However, reform does not mean diminishing existing agencies. On the contrary, it can strengthen them. For example, the DGFI can continue to provide defence and external intelligence. NSI may remain central to internal security intelligence and counterterrorism. And law enforcement and border agencies may retain operational mandates. An effective national security council secretariat would not replace these institutions. It would integrate their outputs, identify intelligence gaps, harmonise reporting cycles, and ensure that national leadership receives unified assessments rather than fragmented briefings.

India undertook similar structural reforms and institutionalised a secretariat led by the national security adviser beneath the political leadership. The innovation here was not simply the creation of a council but the establishment of a permanent analytical engine with defined verticals for strategic planning, intelligence synthesis, and defence coordination. Bangladesh can adopt a similar strategy with its own constitutional framework. Most importantly, national security must be nonpartisan, as security threats do not distinguish between governments. An effective National Security Council must be institutional, accountable, and continuity-focused.

A reformed structure should include a national security council chaired by the prime minister, supported by a permanent national security council secretariat led by a security adviser. Beneath that office, defined directorates for strategic planning, intelligence coordination, defence affairs, foreign policy integration, cybersecurity, maritime security, and crisis response would provide analytical depth and structured oversight. Staffing should blend experienced civil servants with former military officers, former intelligence professionals, and former foreign service officials.

Bangladesh stands at a point where incremental adjustments are no longer sufficient. Our growing geopolitical and economic profile demands a mature and disciplined security architecture. Establishing a structured, accountable, and non-partisan security council system would not be a political victory for any party. Instead, it would be an institutional investment in the long-term stability and resilience of the state.

Brig General (Retd) Md Manzur Qader is a security and intelligence analyst, and executive director of Rohingya Advocacy Centre.​