[🇧🇩] National Security of Bangladesh

[Saif]

National Security Policy of Bangladesh

dailynewnation.com

dailynewnation.com

National Security Policy of Bangladesh

August 15, 2025
Dr. M A Rashid :

The National Security Policy of Bangladesh (NSP) is a state-level strategic document that sets directions to safeguard the country’s sovereignty, internal stability, economic development, and to address international security challenges.

Following the July 2024 Revolution, the Bangladesh government for the first time moved towards approving a formal National Security Strategy (NSS), marking a significant milestone in the nation’s history.

Core Objectives of the National Security Policy

1. Protecting Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity:

Sovereignty

Ensuring Bangladesh’s independent and autonomous decision-making power on all national and international matters:

Preventing foreign interference

Preserving independence of the judiciary, law, and administration

Maintaining full control over internal affairs

Territorial Integrity

Preserving the country’s map and borders; ensuring security of land, maritime boundaries, and airspace:

Preventing border disputes

Stopping smuggling and infiltration

Securing maritime boundaries and sea lanes

2. Key factors to achieve these objectives:

Strong armed forces and border security forces (BGB, Coast Guard)

Active diplomacy and international support

Intelligence surveillance and technology use

Border development, infrastructure expansion, and enhanced citizen engagement

Maintaining internal stability

3. Combating Terrorism in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT):

The Chittagong Hill Tracts (Khagrachhari, Rangamati, Bandarban) are sensitive and strategically significant areas of Bangladesh where ethnic conflicts, armed group violence, and separatist activities have long persisted. Countering terrorism in this region remains a high priority for national security.

Major Challenges

1. Separatist Armed Groups:

Some tribal armed groups, allegedly supported by India, are still engaged in armed activities and extortion, demanding autonomous areas or special rights.

2. Arms and Ammunition Smuggling:

Weapons and narcotics allegedly flow into the region through India and Myanmar, funding terrorism. The hilly terrain makes surveillance difficult.

3. Extortion and Terror Financing:

Terrorist groups fund themselves by extorting local businesses, development projects, and ordinary citizens.

4. Demographic Inequality and Trust Deficit:

Longstanding mistrust, insecurity, and historical grievances persist between Bengali and indigenous communities.

5. Key Counter-Terrorism Measures

Operation Uttoron:

Joint military and administrative counter-terrorism and peace enforcement operations.

Dismantling terrorist hideouts, recovering weapons, curbing extortion

Increasing community participation in peacebuilding; involving local leadership.

Ensuring inclusion of both indigenous and Bengali populations in development projects.

Keeping youth away from extremist influence

Cross-Border Security Cooperation:

Diplomatic engagement with India’s Tripura and Mizoram states and Myanmar to curb arms smuggling

Enhanced presence of BGB and the army along borders

3. Ensuring Cybersecurity

In today’s digital era, cyberspace has become a critical yet vulnerable domain for national security. The National Security Policy identifies cybersecurity as one of its central objectives.

Major Threats

Hacking of government websites and databases

Cyberattacks on banks and financial institutions

Spreading fake information and rumors to create political instability

Cyberattacks targeting national infrastructure (power grid, telecom)

Risks of military and diplomatic information leaks

Cybersecurity Objectives

1. Critical Infrastructure Protection

Strengthening cyber defense in electricity, water, telecommunications, banking, and transportation sectors

2. Protection of Government and Military Information

Safeguarding data confidentiality and integrity

Using encryption and network security for sensitive communications

3. Preventing Cybercrime and Cyberterrorism

Cyber intelligence and monitoring against hackers, phishing, digital extortion, and disinformation

Enhancing the effectiveness of cybercrime tribunals and law enforcement

4. Cyber Policy and Legislation

o Implementing ICT Act, Digital Security Act, and National Cybersecurity Strategy

o Adopting Data Protection Act to ensure personal data security

5. Building Cyber Defense Forces and Capabilities

o Establishing and training cyber units under the military, intelligence agencies, and digital security bodies

o Strengthening the CERT (Computer Emergency Response Team)

6. Public Awareness and Education

o Raising citizen awareness about digital risks

o Launching cybersecurity training and career development programs

Ensuring cybersecurity is no longer a purely technological issue—it is now an inseparable part of state security.

Economic Security and Infrastructure Protection

Economic security and infrastructure protection are central goals of Bangladesh’s National Security Policy because sustainable security depends not only on military strength but also on economic stability, production capacity, and the security of key infrastructure.

Economic Security Means:

Stability of economic institutions and sectors

Safeguarding foreign investment, export-trade, and reserves

Ensuring energy and food security

Reducing unemployment, poverty, and inequality to maintain social stability
Infrastructure Protection Means:

Ensuring the security of airports, seaports, railways, power plants, dams, and bridges
Protecting energy, water supply, ICT, and telecommunications infrastructure
Building resilience against natural disasters, terrorism, cyberattacks, and industrial accidents

Strengthening Capacity for Climate Change and Disaster Management

Bangladesh is a climate-vulnerable and disaster-prone country. Frequent cyclones, floods, river erosion, droughts, and rising sea levels pose not only humanitarian crises but also major threats to national security. Thus, one of the key objectives of the National Security Policy is to enhance state capacity to address climate change and natural disasters.

Key Strategies:

1. Building climate-resilient infrastructure

2. Enhancing prevention and preparedness capacity

3. Implementing climate change adaptation and mitigation strategies

4. Developing policies for climate-induced displacement

5. Strengthening international cooperation and diplomacy

Balancing Foreign Policy and Regional Relations

Given Bangladesh’s strategic position at the heart of South Asia, balancing the influence, competition, and cooperation of regional and global powers is a key security concern. Therefore, a core objective of the National Security Policy is to safeguard state interests and sovereignty by maintaining strategic balance in foreign policy.

Potential Threats

Regional rivalries (India-China, U.S.-China) ? Pressure to maintain diplomatic balance
Border tensions or security issues ? Could undermine internal stability
Dependence on foreign investments and trade routes ? Strategic vulnerability
Risk of exclusion from regional alliances or cooperation mechanisms

Key Strategies

Pursuing a balanced foreign policy with India, China, the United States, Europe, and Russia
Active participation in bilateral and multilateral forums

Strengthening participation in SAARC, BIMSTEC, IORA, D-8, BBIN, BIM, etc.

Promoting regional cohesion and mutual security

Negotiating with neighbors on water, border, and security issues

Peacefully resolving transboundary river and border disputes

Controlling foreign influence in seaports, power plants, and telecom infrastructure
Implementing strategic screening of foreign investments

Ensuring security of foreign trade and shipping routes through international cooperation

Prioritizing national interests in foreign loans and agreements

Building security relationships with China, Russia, Pakistan, and Turkey to counter potential threats from India

Ensuring relations with friendly state China never deteriorate

Preventing any country, including India, from interfering in Bangladesh’s internal affairs

Using the UN Security Council to facilitate Rohingya repatriation

Maritime Security and Protection of the Blue Economy

Bangladesh’s maritime territory (approximately 118,813 sq. km Exclusive Economic Zone, as awarded by the International Court) is a major potential resource base known as the Blue Economy. Securing this domain is a critical objective of the National Security Policy.

Key Measures:

1. Protecting maritime sovereignty

2. Ensuring security and management of the Blue Economy

3. Combating smuggling and piracy at sea

4. Enhancing regional and international maritime security cooperation

Key Features of the National Security Policy

Integrated Approach

This means using all resources, institutions, and strategies across the state to ensure security—not just the military or police. In this approach, military strength is important, but so are diplomacy, economic stability, social cohesion, and technological capability.

Comprehensive Security

This philosophy goes beyond safeguarding the state and borders; it focuses on people’s lives, livelihoods, and dignity. It is a modern concept promoted by the UN and is now central to Bangladesh’s National Security Policy.

Civil-Military Coordination

National security requires close and effective coordination between the military (army, navy, air force) and civilian administration (ministries, police, RAB, health, disaster management, intelligence agencies, diplomacy).

National Security Council (NSC)

The National Security Council (NSC) is the key coordinating and policy-making body for implementing and managing Bangladesh’s National Security Policy. It must be fully institutionalized and made effective immediately.

Core Functions

1. Rapid review of national security situations and threat assessment

2. Developing and approving contingency plans

3. Authorizing joint military and civilian operations

4. Sharing and analyzing intelligence information

5. Making decisions to expand diplomatic and international security cooperation

6. Ensuring security of critical infrastructure and cyberspace

7. Bringing politicians and media talk-show participants under the scope of the policy
Special Measures

NSC Secretariat: Permanent and emergency coordination cell under the Prime Minister’s Office

Weekly or Emergency Meetings: If needed, via video conferencing

Task Forces: Subcommittees for specific threats such as cyber, terrorism, climate, etc.
Final Considerations

Bangladesh is a densely populated, climate-sensitive country facing multiple threats, including natural disasters, the Rohingya crisis, water shortages, and economic inequality. Therefore, the security framework must integrate not only the military but also administration, health, agriculture, environment, and social development. A People’s Army under the supervision of the armed forces is essential. Mandatory military training for all citizens must be implemented.

(The author is a Professor, Senior Fellow, SIPG, North South University.​

 

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‘Reform of DGFI essential’

The Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) has been “misused” in the past and requires reform, security analyst Lieutenant General (retd) Aminul Karim said on Sunday. He stated that the DGFI should not have a political function. There has to be reforms here. Speaking on the role of...

en.prothomalo.com

‘Reform of DGFI essential’

Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 05 Jan 2026, 21: 18

Speakers at a seminar on national security at Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on 4 January 2026 Prothom Alo

The Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) has been “misused” in the past and requires reform, security analyst Lieutenant General (retd) Aminul Karim said on Sunday.

He stated that the DGFI should not have a political function. There has to be reforms here.

Speaking on the role of the DGFI at a seminar titled “National Security Risks in the Context of New Regional Alignments”, the former army officer further said that there are other agencies, such as the National Security Intelligence (NSI) and the Special Branch (SB) of the police, to deal with domestic political affairs, parliamentary matters and issues related to the judiciary.

The DGFI, he stressed, must be removed from political activities.


The seminar was jointly organised by the civic platform Voice for Reform and the research organisation Brain at the BDBL Building in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on Sunday.

Security analysts, university teachers and representatives of civil society took part.

Addressing national security issues, Lt. Gen. (retd) Aminul Karim said that the ad hoc approach of the current transitional government towards the security agencies is causing harm to the country.

Emphasising that security is not synonymous only with the armed forces, he said the military comes into play when other initiatives fail. However, he noted that the armed forces currently face many problems, including extensive politicisation.

Stressing the need for change in political culture, Aminul Karim said that unless politics is put right, the armed forces, intelligence agencies and law and order situation will not improve either.

If parliament can be strengthened through free, neutral and competitive elections, many security challenges can be addressed, he argued.

He further said that since independence, almost every government has kept the Ministry of Defence under the prime minister. Calling this “entirely wrong”, he urged future governments to appoint a separate minister for defence.

Attitudes of former Indian military officers

Speaking at the seminar, Lt. Gen. (retd) Md Mahfuzur Rahman, chairman of the Osmani Centre for Peace and Security Studies, delivered a PowerPoint presentation.

He highlighted a recent discussion by several former Indian military officers who currently run various think tanks. In that discussion, it was suggested that Bangladesh could be destabilised through the spread of disinformation, economic pressure, cyberattacks and the use of proxy groups, non-military or semi-military tactics.

Mahfuzur Rahman pointed out that India has established three cantonments in Chopra, Dhubri and Kishanganj over the past 18 months, and that another cantonment may be set up in Tripura.

He added that these former Indian military officers have identified parts of Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts and Rangpur as “chicken necks”. They have reportedly recommended a policy whereby India could intervene in Bangladesh if any activity in those areas is deemed detrimental to Indian interests.

Lt. Gen. (retd) Md Mahfuzur Rahman emphasised that national security cannot be confined solely to politicians or the military. It is of such importance, he said, that the combined participation of the state, society and citizens is essential.

Proper assessment of security risks essential

Joining the seminar virtually, former US diplomat Jon Danilowicz said that in the current changing international context, rather than spending vast sums on expensive warships, it is crucial to properly assess what kinds of security risks are emerging within the country.

Building capacity to address those risks should be given priority, he stressed.

‘Public good’

Speaking at the seminar, professor Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir of the Department of Development Studies at the University of Dhaka described national defence as a public good.

He said that since independence, defence spending has been treated differently by comparing it with other sectors, whereas ensuring national security is a fundamental responsibility of the state.

Professor Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir noted that in the new global environment, foreign adversaries can create internal security risks through disinformation.

He also said that despite many temptations, the country’s armed forces have not intervened in politics over the past one and a half years, which he described as a major achievement for the state and society.

This would be the strongest foundation of security in the future, he added.

‘Managed’ election

Political scientist Professor Dilara Chowdhury also spoke at the seminar.

She said that a “political community” has not developed in the country, as there is no consensus on major issues. This, she argued, is why security risks have emerged.

She expressed the view that a “managed” election is likely to take place next February, and warned that if this happens, Bangladesh will not be able to emerge from its current crisis.

Other speakers at the seminar included international relations expert Mubashar Hasan, while photographer Shahidul Alam joined virtually.

The seminar was moderated by Fahim Mashroor, joint convener of Voice for Reform, and Shafiqul Rahman, executive director of Bangladesh Research Analysis & Information Network (BRAIN).​

 

[Saif]

Intelligence agencies' reform is a national priority

They need protection from misuse and a clearly codified mandate

www.thedailystar.net

Intelligence agencies' reform is a national priority
They need protection from misuse and a clearly codified mandate

Given our past experiences, intelligence agencies, including the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and the National Security Intelligence (NSI), need urgent reform as recommended by the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances, which demands the immediate attention of both the interim government and political actors vying for power in the forthcoming election. The assessment by the commission's chief, Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury, requires urgent consideration.


For decades, successive governments—both elected and military-backed—have misused intelligence agencies to meddle in politics, directly and indirectly. This abuse reached unprecedented levels during the previous Sheikh Hasina regime. Intelligence agencies were allegedly tasked with fragmenting opposition parties, bribing compromised politicians to form splinter groups, controlling the media, and intimidating or eliminating prominent dissenting voices. Such practices have hollowed out democratic institutions and eroded public trust in the state.


It is therefore imperative that the mandates of these agencies be clearly codified to prevent their involvement in political affairs on behalf of any ruling party. This must include explicit prohibitions against political use of intelligence agencies. Equally important is providing legal protection for intelligence bodies and officials who refuse to carry out unlawful orders, shielding them from retaliation or punitive measures for upholding the law.


The commission's recommendation against the routine engagement of armed forces in policing duties must also be heeded. The armed forces should be deployed only under extraordinary circumstances, such as when national security is genuinely at risk. The practice of seconding military personnel to civilian law enforcement bodies—most notably the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab)—has proven deeply problematic. The commission's finding that Rab accounts for 25 percent of enforced disappearances lends strong support to longstanding demands from both national and international human rights advocates for the force to be disbanded.


The commission has also rightly highlighted the widespread misuse of the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2009, recommending its fundamental overhaul or outright abolition. We commend its progressive approach to counterterrorism, including proposals for community-based preventive strategies, mandatory human rights training for law enforcement agencies, and the establishment of a victim-centred justice framework.

We share the commission chief's view that the country requires an intelligence apparatus, but one that operates within a robust legal and ethical framework. Comprehensive organisational reforms, coupled with strong legislative safeguards, are essential to ensure accountability and to provide legal cover for officials who resist unlawful political directives. We also fully endorse the commission's call for enacting the Enforced Disappearance Prevention and Redress Ordinance, 2025, and for amending the National Human Rights Commission Ordinance, 2025, to prevent the recurrence of such grave abuses.


The interim government must seriously consider these recommendations in full and initiate the reform process without delay by introducing the necessary ordinances. At the same time, all political parties must unequivocally commit themselves to implementing these reforms. Without such collective resolve, the cycle of abuse will persist, undermining democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental human rights. We want highly efficient intelligence agencies guided and protected by law, and not one that can be politically misused by the ruling party of the day.​

 

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অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের প্রতিরক্ষা চুক্তি ‘ধারাবাহিক কাজের অংশ’: জাতীয় নিরাপত্তা উপদেষ্টা

জাতীয় নিরাপত্তা উপদেষ্টা খলিলুর রহমান বলেছেন, অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের মেয়াদের শেষ দিকে বিভিন্ন দেশের সঙ্গে প্রতিরক্ষা খাতে আলোচনা ও চুক্তি করা একটি ‘ধারাবাহিক কাজের অংশ’। তিনি জানান, এসব প্রক্রিয়া ইতিমধ্যেই চলমান এবং নিয়মিতভাবে এগোচ্ছে। আজ সোমবার (২ ফেব্রুয়ারি) বিকেলে পররাষ্ট্র মন্ত্র

bangla.thefinancialexpress.com.bd

অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের প্রতিরক্ষা চুক্তি ‘ধারাবাহিক কাজের অংশ’: জাতীয় নিরাপত্তা উপদেষ্টা

বিডিনিউজ টোয়েন্টিফোর ডটকম
প্রকাশ :
২ ফেব্রুয়ারী, ২০২৬ ২২:০৭
সংশোধিত :
২ ফেব্রুয়ারী, ২০২৬ ২৩:৫৩

জাতীয় নিরাপত্তা উপদেষ্টা খলিলুর রহমান বলেছেন, অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের মেয়াদের শেষ দিকে বিভিন্ন দেশের সঙ্গে প্রতিরক্ষা খাতে আলোচনা ও চুক্তি করা একটি ‘ধারাবাহিক কাজের অংশ’। তিনি জানান, এসব প্রক্রিয়া ইতিমধ্যেই চলমান এবং নিয়মিতভাবে এগোচ্ছে।

আজ সোমবার (২ ফেব্রুয়ারি) বিকেলে পররাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয়ে পররাষ্ট্র উপদেষ্টা তৌহিদ হোসেনের সঙ্গে বৈঠকের পর সাংবাদিকদের প্রশ্নের জবাবে তিনি বলেন, “এটা চলমান প্রক্রিয়া।”

অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকার, যার নেতৃত্বে ছিলেন মুহাম্মদ ইউনূস, সামরিক খাতে উল্লেখযোগ্য অগ্রগতি করেছে। এর মধ্যে ‘ইউরোফাইটার টাইফুন’ যুদ্ধবিমান কেনার প্রক্রিয়া অনেকদূর এগিয়ে গেছে। গত ৯ ডিসেম্বর বাংলাদেশ বিমানবাহিনী ইতালির লিওনার্দো এসপিএ কোম্পানির সঙ্গে আগ্রহপত্রে স্বাক্ষর করেছে। ইউরোফাইটারটি লিওনার্দো এসপিএ, বিএই সিস্টেমস এবং এয়ারবাস ডিফেন্স অ্যান্ড স্পেসের কনসোর্টিয়ামের অধীনে তৈরি ও বাজারজাত হয়।

ড্রোন উৎপাদনের জন্য সম্প্রতি চীনের সঙ্গে সরকারি পর্যায়ে চুক্তি হয়েছে, যেখানে মিরসরাই অর্থনৈতিক জোনে কারখানা স্থাপনের জন্য জমি বরাদ্দের কথাও বলা হয়েছে।

এছাড়া পাকিস্তান থেকে জেএফ-১৭ থান্ডার যুদ্ধবিমান, চীন থেকে জে-১০ সি, দক্ষিণ কোরিয়া থেকে সাবমেরিন, তুরস্ক থেকে টি-১২৯ অ্যাটাক হেলিকপ্টার, যুক্তরাষ্ট্র থেকে ব্ল্যাক হক মাল্টিরোল হেলিকপ্টার এবং ৬৫০ কোটি টাকায় যুদ্ধজাহাজ বানৌজা খালিদ বিন ওয়ালিদের সক্ষমতা বৃদ্ধির মতো প্রকল্পের খবর গণমাধ্যমে প্রকাশ হয়েছে।

সাংবাদিকরা প্রশ্ন করেন, অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের এসব উদ্যোগ যদি পরবর্তী সরকার এগিয়ে না নেয়, তাহলে কী হবে? খলিলুর রহমান উত্তর দেন, “এটা অনুমাননির্ভর প্রশ্ন।”

সম্প্রতি তিনি যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের নির্মাতা বোয়িং থেকে উড়োজাহাজ কেনার আলোচনায় বিমান বাংলাদেশ এয়ারলাইন্সের পরিচালনা পর্ষদের সদস্য হিসেবে নিযুক্ত হয়েছেন। সাংবাদিকরা প্রশ্ন করেন, কোনো দেশের রাষ্ট্রীয় বিমান সংস্থার পরিচালনা পর্ষদে জাতীয় নিরাপত্তা উপদেষ্টার সদস্য হওয়ার নজির নেই। এ বিষয়ে জাতীয় নিরাপত্তা উপদেষ্টা সংক্ষেপে বলেন, “দুনিয়ার সব দেশে বিমান নাই।”​

 

[Saif]

Why sign deals at the end of govt’s term? security adviser says it’s ‘part of an ongoing process’

As its tenure draws to a close, the interim government has been holding discussions, and in some cases concluding agreements, with various countries on the procurement of defence equipment. National security adviser Khalilur Rahman has described this as part of an ongoing process. He made the...

en.prothomalo.com

Why sign deals at the end of govt’s term? security adviser says it’s ‘part of an ongoing process’
Diplomatic Correspondent Dhaka
Updated: 02 Feb 2026, 20: 45

National security adviser Khalilur Rahman answers to questions of journalists while leaving the foreign ministry after a meeting with foreign affairs adviser Md Touhid Hossain on 2 February 2026 Screengrab of a video

As its tenure draws to a close, the interim government has been holding discussions, and in some cases concluding agreements, with various countries on the procurement of defence equipment.

National security adviser Khalilur Rahman has described this as part of an ongoing process.

He made the remarks in response to questions from journalists at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Monday afternoon.


National security adviser Khalilur Rahman went to the foreign ministry in the afternoon to meet foreign affairs adviser Md Touhid Hossain.

As he was leaving the ministry after the meeting, journalists sought his comments on the defence agreements being pursued with different countries at the very end of the interim government’s term.

Asked specifically about agreements with the United States, China and Japan, Khalilur Rahman said, “This is an ongoing process.”

When asked what would happen to the interim government’s commitments if the next government chose not to move these forward, Khalilur Rahman said the question was speculative.

Recently, the national security adviser has also been appointed to the board of directors of Biman Bangladesh Airlines.

Responding to criticism that a national security adviser does not normally sit on the board of an airline, Khalilur Rahman said, “Not every country in the world has Biman.”

Following the July mass uprising, the interim government led by professor Muhammad Yunus assumed office in Bangladesh on 8 August 2024. The government’s key priorities were state reform, the trial of the July killings, and holding a national election.

However, since taking office, the interim government has undertaken a range of initiatives, including government-level agreements with China to establish a drone factory; the purchase of JF-17 Thunder fighter jets from Pakistan; procurement of J-10C fighter jets from China; the planned purchase of Eurofighter Typhoon aircraft from a European consortium; submarines from South Korea; T-129 attack helicopters from Turkey; Black Hawk multi-role helicopters from the United States; and work to enhance the capabilities of the warship BNS Khalid Bin Walid at a cost of Tk 6.5 billion (650 crores).​

 

[Saif]

PM’s Defense Adviser visits the Ministry of Defense

Defense Adviser to Prime Minister Tarique Rahman Brigadier General (retd) Dr AKM Shamsul Islam on Monday visited the Ministry of Defense at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar. On his arrival, Defense Secretary Md Ashraf Uddin and senior officials of the ministry welcomed him, said a release of the Inter-Services

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

PM’s Defense Adviser visits the Ministry of Defense

BSS
Published :
Feb 23, 2026 17:26
Updated :
Feb 23, 2026 17:26

Defense Adviser to Prime Minister Tarique Rahman Brigadier General (retd) Dr AKM Shamsul Islam on Monday visited the Ministry of Defense at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar.

On his arrival, Defense Secretary Md Ashraf Uddin and senior officials of the ministry welcomed him, said a release of the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) Directorate this afternoon.

The adviser was apprised by the secretary of the overall activities, notable achievements and future plans of the Ministry of Defense.

Subsequently, the adviser delivered a guiding speech to all those present there where he mentioned that the incumbent government is committed to implementing the activities of expansion and modernization of the armed forces.

Noting that the present government will work to strengthen the country’s defense system, the adviser hoped that everyone of the ministry concerned would work sincerely to fulfill the government’s electoral pledges.

The defense adviser also expressed hope that the Ministry of Defense would continue to work tirelessly to enhance the capacity of military and civilian institutions under this ministry and to build an independent, sovereign, modern and developed Bangladesh.

Later the adviser also held a view-exchange–meeting on various official matters with the officials of the ministry, the ISPR added.​

 

[Saif]

Defence policy: Why research and development are essential

"Although our expectation is peace, our policy and objective are to arrange defence by all means according to our resources' capabilities." This historical statement by Thomas Jefferson, one of the founding fathers and the third President of the United States, seems to serve as a guiding...

en.prothomalo.com

National Security Strategy
Defence policy: Why research and development are essential

AKM Shamsul Islam & Monir Haidar
Published: 31 Mar 2026, 08: 43

"Although our expectation is peace, our policy and objective are to arrange defence by all means according to our resources' capabilities." This historical statement by Thomas Jefferson, one of the founding fathers and the third President of the United States, seems to serve as a guiding principle for national defence and security policies of independent, sovereign, and democratic states in the modern world.

The commencement of Bangladesh's military strategy primarily began with our historical role as a nation during the Great Liberation War. Winning that unequal war imposed on us by the unilateral attack of the invading forces was not merely due to the singular role of the Armed Forces. Instead, it was the comprehensive participation of the freedom-loving general population that became the main determinant of victory, transforming the war from a helpless guerrilla resistance into a people's war.

In that war for national liberation, alongside the heroic historical contributions of the rebellious officers and members of the Armed Forces, the spontaneous role of the general populace was particularly significant. And this unforgettable experience effectively provides the foundational direction for our national defence policy and security strategy.

In that uneven war, combat operations were carried out under guerrilla tactics in 11 operational sectors comprising rebellious Bengali members of the military, paramilitary forces, and civilian citizens. Some fought with arms, some contributed by providing information, some with food and shelter, and others by aiding with medical treatment. This public involvement turned the Liberation War into not just a military conflict but a national people's resistance war, known in modern military terminology as ''people-centric warfare.'' In the context of Bangladesh, this concept is not merely theoretical but a historical truth written in the letters of blood.

Another essential foundation of Bangladesh's defence and security philosophy is Bangladeshi nationalism. It instills a deep sense of self-identity and responsibility among the people, which, in turn, encourages every citizen to be resolute. When the people of a nation deeply understand the value of their own history, heritage, culture, and sovereign independence, it fosters a strong commitment to territorial defence and national security within everyone.

In independent Bangladesh, the first initiative to organise and institutionalise this concept was undertaken by the martyred President Ziaur Rahman. He rightly realised that as a nation with a small economy and limited military resources, Bangladesh could not merely rely on conventional military power.

Therefore, he brought forward the idea of a 'Total People's War' as part of defence preparedness, with the core philosophy that the nation's defence is not just the responsibility of the Armed Forces but a collective duty of the entire nation. His philosophy was based on three pillars—1. Public awareness and participation; 2. A professional and skilled Armed Forces; 3. A self-reliant defence industry. As part of this idea, he reorganised the Bangladesh National Cadet Corps on 23 March 1979.

This integration involved consolidating the University Officers Training Corps, Bangladesh Cadet Corps, and Junior Cadet Corps. Simultaneously, programmes were initiated to familiarise the youth with discipline, leadership, patriotism, and basic military training through Ansar-VDP and the Scout movement. Unfortunately, after the martyrdom of this great leader, his visionary defence and national security plans experienced setbacks.

In reality, the relevance of this idea has increased in the current global context. Geopolitical competition, economic sanctions, technological dependency, etc., deeply impact the defence system of any country. The strategic competition of major powers in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific region is intensifying. In such circumstances, military-equipment dependency on other countries for the defence preparation of small or medium-power countries is undoubtedly a risky strategy. There are numerous examples where international and regional equations have rapidly changed during wartime or crises.

Many countries have realised this truth and have accordingly restructured their defence and security strategies. Over the past two decades, Turkey has achieved significant capability in drone technology, missile systems, and armored vehicle production. An impressive 93 per cent of the components for Turkey's much-discussed Bayraktar TB2 drone are produced domestically. South Korea meets approximately 70 per cent of its defence equipment demand through domestic production. Israel, too, has become self-reliant in its own military technology by giving strategic priority to its defence industry. These examples demonstrate that a self-reliant defence industry not only enhances military security but also plays a crucial role in technological advancement, industrialisation, and economic growth.

The concept of a domestic defence industry is not just about producing weapons or military equipment; it is about the broader strategic capability. When a country is capable of producing its own weapons, ammunition, communication systems, surveillance technology, and military equipment, its defence system becomes more independent and sustainable. This reduces foreign reliance and also allows for swift decision-making in emergency situations.

Our universities harbour thousands of talented students in science, technology, and engineering. Our information technology sector is rapidly growing. Alongside, there is an energetic vast young population. Advancing defence research and production through appropriate policies and long-term implementation plans could eventually lead to building a strong domestic defence industry, which is not at all impossible.

If accomplished, it would not only enhance our military capabilities but also open new horizons for technological self-sufficiency and industrialisation. However, the ultimate strength of defence lies with the people. No matter how advanced or modern weapons or technology may be, they are operated by humans. Therefore, the most crucial component of a strong defence system is a professional, technologically, and strategically skilled, and morally firm Armed Forces. In modern democratic arrangements, the Armed Forces are not just a military institution but become a symbol of the nation's confidence, trust, and reassurance.

Bangladesh is a country prone to natural disasters. The swift and effective role of the Armed Forces in situations like cyclones, floods, and river erosion has been repeatedly proven. Through these experiences, it's clear that a strong defence force is not only necessary for war but is equally important in addressing various national crises. However, in strengthening our overall defence system, the inadequacy of the budget in the 'Research and Development' sector is a significant limitation. According to the financial accounts for the fiscal year 2025-26, only 2.4 per cent of the total defence sector allocation is earmarked for the ''Research and Development'' sector.

Over 97 per cent of the allocation goes towards salaries and operating expenses. Meanwhile, neighbouring country India spends approximately 22 per cent of its overall defence budget in the 'Research and Development' sector, and Pakistan spends at least 10 per cent. This picture indicates that without emphasising research and development, realising the dream of building a self-reliant defence industry will not be easy. Yet, in the current global reality, establishing one's own defence industry is almost impossible without implementing an effective and modern defence policy and security strategy.

It should be remembered, as the first President of the United States and Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army, George Washington said, "One of the most effective ways to maintain peace is to be prepared for war." Without a specific ''Defence Policy and National Security Strategy,'' it would surely not be difficult to understand that making adequate preparations to face any potential challenge will not be easy.

#AKM Shamsul Islam (Retired Brigadier General), Defence Advisor to the Prime Minister

#Monir Haider, Special Assistant to the Chief Advisor of the Interim Government​

 

[Saif]

Mapping Bangladesh’s defence future

The political transition in Bangladesh has ushered in a new era of hope, presenting a unique opportunity to rethink and reformulate several aspects of statecraft.

www.thedailystar.net

From national security strategy to modernisation

Mapping Bangladesh’s defence future

5 April 2026, 01:57 AM

Ayesha Binte Towhid

The political transition in Bangladesh has ushered in a new era of hope, presenting a unique opportunity to rethink and reformulate several aspects of statecraft. As the defence forces embody the strength of a nation, there is much anticipation regarding the plans for this sector. The political parties have also resonated with this sentiment in their election manifestos, as they laid out their visions for enhancing defence capabilities under the overarching philosophies “Bangladesh Before All” and “An Uncompromising Bangladesh”. As the new political government settles in, it is imperative to look at the key pledges and share some insights regarding the expectations surrounding them.

At the strategic level, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) shared its plan for formulating a National Security Strategy (NSS). Both BNP and the National Citizen Party (NCP) called for establishing a National Security Council (NSC). There have been calls for an NSC and an NSS for several years, and finally they might be in sight. The NSS is a crucial document, as it gives direction regarding the state’s plan to apply all elements of national power to attain its political objectives, both during war and in peacetime. It indicates the state’s approach to ensuring and upholding security, prosperity, and global standing. While it is common for major powers to publish their NSS at regular intervals, there has not been any such publicly available document for Bangladesh. Therefore, there is a great deal of eagerness to see what an NSS might look like for a country such as Bangladesh.

While formulating the NSS, it is very important to look into all elements of power used in contemporary times and assess what we have at our disposal. Self-identification of our current position is essential, as it would provide clarity regarding what combination of power we want to exercise and what kind of influence we want to project. Do we want to see ourselves as a small South Asian state, or do we want to establish ourselves as an emerging middle power with greater stakes and responsibilities? These are some of the key issues that need to be addressed. It is expected that policymakers would take geopolitical realities into consideration and adopt an approach that helps to secure our strategic objectives.

In line with the NSS, political parties have called for formulating a defence policy and defence doctrine. The Defence Policy 2018 was based on the core aspects of the 1974 Defence Policy. Reviewing it is a need of the time. It is expected that the government would include all relevant stakeholders, including think tanks, in the policy formulation process. Consulting diverse views would make the policy more participatory and effective.

As geopolitical competition intensifies and a transactional approach in international relations becomes the new norm, it is wise to prepare for any restrictive measures imposed by major powers. Such preparation includes the diversification of defence articles acquisition and the strengthening of indigenous production capability where possible. In the manifestos, both BNP and Jamaat shared their interest in promoting military research and developing the domestic defence industry. While some aspects of the manifestos are rhetorical, the underlying objective of expanding and strengthening indigenous capabilities is evident. A long-term vision is vital in materialising this pledge. This needs to start by developing subject matter experts to operate at different levels of this industry.

One of the core principles of our defence policy is credible deterrence, and the periodic enhancement of defence capabilities is a fundamental requirement for ensuring it. BNP, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, and NCP have pledged to strengthen defence capability by modernising the Armed Forces. In its election manifesto, BNP expressed its vision for a four-dimensional armed force; Jamaat shared broad views on updating the 2030 modernisation goal into a forward-looking Vision 2040; and NCP shared specific visions for the weapon systems it seeks to acquire. Although there are some differences in approach, the intention to invest in defence capabilities is well reflected in all three manifestos.

However, in this sector, there is an inherent struggle to match aspirations for technologically advanced armaments with economic realities. Here, it is important to note that the maximum portion of the defence budget is required to cover operating costs, and only a very small percentage can be dedicated to new procurements. It is paramount for policymakers to take this into consideration and plan ways to increase allocation for modernisation purposes. At the same time, it is essential to look for cost-effective technologies. Recent inter-state conflicts have demonstrated how low-cost defence technologies can deliver kinetic effects in asymmetric warfare. Operational-level ingenuity has been instrumental in this process. These events have provided critical insights for small military organisations around the world. It is expected that policymakers would take these into consideration in the policy formulation process.

It is also pivotal to consider the geopolitical setting of the policy. The defence policy should be aligned with the evolving strategic landscape of both the immediate and extended region. Bangladesh’s geography has always influenced its strategic thinking. While the priority on land is imminent, the strategic competition centring the Indo-Pacific region has made the operational environment in the maritime vicinity very uncertain, requiring our defence forces to stay prepared for potential contingencies. It is expected that the defence policy would adequately emphasise the requirements for securing national interests in the Bay of Bengal and in the wider Indian Ocean region.

As geopolitical competition intensifies and a transactional approach in international relations becomes the new norm, it is wise to prepare for any restrictive measures imposed by major powers. Such preparation includes the diversification of defence articles acquisition and the strengthening of indigenous production capability where possible. In the manifestos, both BNP and Jamaat shared their interest in promoting military research and developing the domestic defence industry. While some aspects of the manifestos are rhetorical, the underlying objective of expanding and strengthening indigenous capabilities is evident. A long-term vision is vital in materialising this pledge. This needs to start by developing subject matter experts to operate at different levels of this industry. Joint production is a major avenue for developing the indigenous industry. It is expected that the relevant authorities would critically examine possible strategic partnerships and make informed choices. Reviewing the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) policy and making it more user-friendly is crucial in this regard. Moreover, such a large-scale endeavour cannot be sustained by solely catering to domestic needs. It is important to engage in active diplomacy to explore markets and attract potential buyers. The trade policy also needs to be reviewed, as production- and policy-level synergy is integral for this purpose.

At the strategic level, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) shared its plan for formulating a National Security Strategy (NSS). Both BNP and the National Citizen Party (NCP) called for establishing a National Security Council (NSC). There have been calls for an NSC and an NSS for several years, and finally they might be in sight. The NSS is a crucial document, as it gives direction regarding the state’s plan to apply all elements of national power to attain its political objectives, both during war and in peacetime. It indicates the state’s approach to ensuring and upholding security, prosperity, and global standing.

Besides strengthening and expanding the regular forces, it is also essential to plan and prepare for situations that may demand the integration of the general population in national defence. The concept of People’s War has been a key feature of Bangladesh’s strategic culture, as witnessed in the Liberation War. It is also reflected in the existing Defence Policy. The political parties have shared similar ideas in their election manifestos. BNP called for formulating the defence policy in light of Ziaur Rahman’s ‘People’s Warfare Doctrine’. Jamaat proposed a 6–12 month voluntary military training programme for men and women aged 18–22 years. NCP called for building a combat-ready reserve force by training 30 thousand youths in arms and military tactics every year. Although the approaches differ, the underlying objective appears similar. Short-term military training or national service can be instrumental in unconventional warfare. Several countries have either voluntary or mandatory national service requirements. Bangladesh can consider this as well. However, Bangladesh already has a large pool of paramilitary and auxiliary forces. If the government wants to proceed with the idea, there has to be a convincing narrative to justify, promote, and popularise this initiative through a consultative process.

Through the defence policy visions in the election manifestos, one can gain some working knowledge regarding the priorities and preferences of the political parties for strengthening our defence capabilities. Transforming these visions into policy would be a critical step. Election pledges have been made in the past too, but this time the people’s mandate is strong, and so are their expectations from these policies. It is now time for the ruling party to deliver and for the opposition to follow up.

Ayesha Binte Towhid is a Research Fellow at the Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS).​