[🇧🇩] Political Activities of Jamaat-E-Islami

[Saif]

Jamaat for end to ‘monarchy rule’

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami amir Shafiqur Rahman on Friday said that Jamaat wanted to end the ‘monarchy rule’ in the country.

www.newagebd.net

Jamaat for end to ‘monarchy rule’
Our Correspondent . Feni 31 January, 2026, 00:56

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami amir Shafiqur Rahman on Friday said that Jamaat wanted to end the ‘monarchy rule’ in the country.

‘We want to change the tradition that only the sons of the king would be king and rule the country,’ he said while speaking at an election rally on the Feni Government Pilot School premises in Feni.

He said that only becoming sons of ministers would not qualify them to be ministers, but they must have qualities to uphold the posts.

Anybody could hold the posts if they have quality to uphold the posts, Shafiqur said at the election rally.

Jamaat central leader ATM Masum, AB Party chairman Mojbur Rahman Monju and Jatiya Ganatantrik Party spokesman Rashed Prodhan, among others, spoke at the rally.

New Age Noakhali correspondent reported that Jamaat chief Shafiqur Rahman at another rally in Noakhali on Friday said, ‘People of the country have already understood that the spirit of July uprising could be implemented by our party Jamaat.’

‘So they are supporting our party and want to see us in power for implementing the July uprising spirit for the formation of a discrimination-free new Bangladesh after the Jatiya Sangsad elections scheduled for February 12,’ Shafiqur said at the election rally at Maizdi Zila School field on Friday noon.

Shafiqur said, ‘We have got a scope for forming a new Bangladesh after the victory of uprising on August 5, 2024, that came through sacrifices of lives of many youths in the uprising.’

Without mentioning the name of any political party, he said that people were not safe under a political party before the election and they would be more vulnerable if the party won in the elections and came to power.

Chaired by Jamaat’s Noakhali district amir, Yeshak Khandaker, the rally was addressed, among others, by central and local leaders of Jamaat and Jamaat-led electoral alliance.​

 

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What the Jamaat ameer said is not correct

Why, then, are women excluded despite being equally, or in many cases more, competent? The answer lies in hierarchy and social stratification.

en.prothomalo.com

What the Jamaat ameer said is not correct

Hasan Ferdous
Published: 01 Feb 2026, 13: 16

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami’s ameer, Shafiqur Rahman, has said in an interview with Al Jazeera that a woman can never become the head of his party. Why? Because men and women are not equal. Each has distinct roles. Women give birth to children; men cannot. It is the Creator who has laid down this order. Earlier, the party had said it does not support any woman as head of government or head of state.

If one breaks down this argument, the core message that emerges is that women are not equal to men. What men can do, women cannot. Men will be the leaders of the party and the country. Women, on the other hand, are best suited to giving birth to children and raising them. Therefore, keep them confined to the home. That is deemed their most appropriate place.

That Jamaat, along with at least 30 other parties, did not field a single female candidate in any of the 300 seats in the upcoming national election makes clear just how deep this gender divide runs in their eyes.

When such an attitude becomes the basis of state or government policy, what the consequences look like can be seen clearly in today’s Afghanistan. There, citing divine decree, girls have been barred from school after the age of 12. With the exception of one or two very limited areas, participation in the workforce has been prohibited. Women have been barred from moving alone in public. Even speaking loudly has been designated a punishable offence.

In Bangladesh, where for a large part of its history the centres of power have been occupied by two women leaders of two major parties, the claim that a woman cannot be a party chief or head of government is not only laughable but also deeply antiquated. These two women leaders did not merely rule the country with authority; many of their male colleagues would even address them with the honorific “sir” before speaking to them.

At one time, women were not equal to men, and in many respects, they still are not. The reason is that women are not allowed to become equals. Both rule and discipline remain in male hands. The situation changes entirely if women are allowed to step out of the home, or if the path to competing on equal terms with men is made a little more level. It is precisely because they have been given such opportunities that Bangladeshi women are now winning football titles. They are carrying the national flag of Bangladesh to the peaks of the Himalayas. Female police officers from the country have competently carried out peacekeeping duties in war-ravaged countries such as Haiti.

Girls face many obstacles. If they are able to break through and step outside, how well they can perform is wonderfully illustrated by their success in education. In Bangladesh today, more girls than boys are accessing education. As of 2024, while the enrolment rate of boys at the primary level stood at 90 per cent, the rate for girls was 98 per cent.

In recent years, at the secondary-school level, girls have outperformed boys in the results of every major public examination. In the 2025 HSC examinations, the pass rate for girls was 8 percentage points higher than that for boys, 62 per cent compared with 54 per cent. At the next stage, university, girls are unable to progress at the same pace because of familial and social barriers.

But in countries where such barriers are comparatively weaker, girls are performing far better than boys at the top tiers of higher education. For example, in the United Kingdom, according to the latest statistics, while the pass rate for men at the graduate level in the universities there is 81 per cent, the rate for women is 86 per cent. Among 19-year-olds, 56 per cent of girls enter college, compared with only 40 per cent of boys of the same age.

Boys’ lagging behind girls has become so alarming that the UK’s Higher Education and Policy Institute has proposed not only developing new strategies to help boys catch up, but also appointing a junior minister for the purpose. Right-wing politician Nigel Farage has even proposed creating a post called “Minister for Boys.”

In fact, modern science has shown that girls are in no way inferior to men in any field, if anything, the opposite. While intelligence quotient (IQ) scores are equal for men and women, girls are better able to multitask. Similarly, girls have greater memory retention capacity, because communication between the left and right hemispheres of the female brain is comparatively more effective.

Put simply, girls have no inherent shortcomings, physically or intellectually. The reason they do not get to lead parties like Jamaat is not gender or sex; it is because they are not given the opportunity. The Jamaat ameer has cited women’s capacity for childbearing as his argument. That capacity is a biological process; it has no connection to leadership. Leadership requires strategic intelligence, managerial skill, and the ability to guide a party or a country with a cool head in times of crisis. In none of these areas are women any less capable than men.

Think of India’s prime minister Indira Gandhi in 1971. Economist Amartya Sen offers another example. In his data-driven research on the 1974 famine in Bangladesh, he showed that during that severe disaster many families survived primarily because women were in charge of running households. Through advance planning in the use of scarce food, preservation, proper distribution, and devising ways to endure for long periods, they protected their children, husbands, and relatives. Think of present-day Gaza or war-ravaged Sudan. In these regions, many may be swept away or die slowly, but those who survive often do so because of the capable leadership of the women in their families.

The Jamaat ameer, like many others, invokes religion as the justification for keeping women out of leadership. Yet from the time of the Prophet of Islam (peace be upon him), we see women in decision-making roles. We see them as commanders on the battlefield. The Jamaat ameer ought to know this better than we do.

Jamaat now speaks of women’s equal rights and makes various promises. It even claims that, to make childrearing easier, it will introduce a five-hour workday for female employees instead of eight. The problem is that it is not only women who raise children; in many cases, men must do so as well.

Why, then, are women excluded despite being equally, or in many cases more, competent? The answer lies in hierarchy and social stratification. Nearly a thousand years ago, the renowned Islamic scholar Abu Rushd made this clear. In the introduction to the Arabic translation of Plato’s Republic, he wrote that there is no difference between men and women in terms of knowledge, virtue, or fitness for leadership. The exclusion of women from leadership, he argued, stems from social conventions, not from any natural or divinely ordained rule.

A thousand years later, a Bengali woman echoed the same truth. Her name was Begum Rokeya. In Sultana’s Dream, she illustrated through allegory that women are excluded from leadership not because of religious injunctions or women’s biological nature, but simply because of rules made by men for their own convenience.

Jamaat now speaks of women’s equal rights and makes various promises. It even claims that, to make childrearing easier, it will introduce a five-hour workday for female employees instead of eight. The problem is that it is not only women who raise children; in many cases, men must do so as well. The issue is not employment, it is childcare. Recognising this basic reality, New York’s new mayor, Zohran Mamdani, has launched an initiative to provide publicly funded childcare for every family.

Jamaat in Bangladesh could adopt this wisdom if it wanted to, but will it?

* Hasan Ferdous is writer and columnist.​

 

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DB detains suspect over hacking of Jamaat ameer’s X account

Detainee worked as a programmer in ICT section of Bangabhaban, police say

www.thedailystar.net

DB detains suspect over hacking of Jamaat ameer’s X account
Detainee worked as a programmer in ICT section of Bangabhaban, police say

The Detective Branch (DB) of Dhaka Metropolitan Police has detained a person in connection with the alleged hacking of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman’s verified X (formerly Twitter) account.

The detainee has been identified as Sarwar Alam, assistant programmer of the ICT section of Banghababan, DMP Additional Commissioner and DB chief Shafiqul Islam told The Daily Star.

A DB team carried out a drive in the Motijheel area and detained the individual, he confirmed.

He said further details were not immediately available as the team was still operating in Motijheel.

More information will be shared once the operation concludes, the DB chief added.​

 

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Press owner confesses making voter seals upon orders from Jamaat leader

A printing press owner arrested in connection with the recovery of six illegal voting seals in Lakshmipur has given a confessional statement in court

en.prothomalo.com

Press owner confesses making voter seals upon orders from Jamaat leader
Staff Correspondent Lakshmipur
Updated: 05 Feb 2026, 13: 40

Sohel Rana, the press owner and businessman who confessed in court. Prothom Alo

The owner of a printing press arrested in connection with the recovery of six illegal voting seals in Lakshmipur has given a confessional statement in court. He made the confession under Section 164 of the Code of Criminal Procedure yesterday, Wednesday afternoon. At the time, he disclosed the name of the person who had instructed him to make the voting seals.

The accused who gave the confession is Sohel Rana (40), resident of Tumchar union in Sadar upazila and the proprietor of Mariam Press.

On Tuesday afternoon, police arrested Sohel Rana from Mariam Press on Old Court Road in the town, seizing six illegal voting seals, a computer, and a mobile phone used in the operation.

Officer-in-Charge of Lakshmipur Sadar Model Police Station, Wahed Parvez, confirmed the matter of the confessional statement to Prothom Alo. He said, “Sohel Rana told the court that the seals were made on the instructions of Jamaat-e-Islami leader Saurav Hossain, also known as Sharif. On 30 January, Sharif placed the order to make the seals through WhatsApp. Sohel Rana then made the seals.”

Saurav Hossain, also known as Sharif (34), named in the confession, is the son of Md Shahjahan of Ward No. 4 of the municipality. He is the secretary of Jamaat-e-Islami in that ward. Since the incident came to light, he has been in hiding.

The seals recovered in Lakshmipur Prothom Alo

After the incident became public, Jamaat-e-Islami expelled Saurav Hossain, accusing him of tarnishing the party’s image.

When asked about the matter, district Jamaat ameer SUM Ruhul Amin Bhuiyan said, “We expelled Saurav from the party immediately after the incident. He apparently had the seals made to ‘teach voters how to vote.’ However, this was an irresponsible act. Besides, the person from whose shop the seals were recovered is not a member of our party.”

Earlier, on Tuesday afternoon, police arrested Sohel Rana along with the voting seals. After the incident became public, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) candidate for Lakshmipur-3 constituency, Shahid Uddin Chowdhury Annie, expressed concern and held a press conference later that day. Speaking at the press conference at his main election office, he said, “We have learned that the person arrested with the seals, named Sohel Rana, is a Jamaat worker. He may even hold an official position. Six seals along with a computer have been seized. Whoever made these seals, there must certainly be many cogs behind it. There is an entire plan of election engineering at play.”

After the BNP’s press conference, Jamaat-e-Islami held a press conference at the Lakshmipur Press Club at around 10:00 pm the same night. There, Jamaat-e-Islami’s candidate for the Lakshmipur-3 constituency, Rezaul Karim, said, “BNP is spreading falsehoods by linking Jamaat with the person arrested along with the voting seals.”

A senior police official, speaking to Prothom Alo on condition of anonymity, said the recovered seals are being investigated with due seriousness. The investigation is proceeding along two lines. First, it is being examined whether the seals were made for the purpose of training or rehearsing voters. Second, it is also under investigation whether there was any plan to use them on ballot papers on election day to rig votes or for any dishonest purpose.

Officer-in-Charge of Lakshmipur Sadar Model Police Station, Wahed Parvez, said, “After the confession, we are examining the motive behind the making of the seals and whether anyone else was involved. In the interest of the investigation, the seized evidence is being examined.”​

 

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Jamaat unveils manifesto with 26 priorities

The Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami on Wednesday unveiled its election manifesto with 26 priority areas ahead of the 13th Jatiya Sangsad elections, pledging to establish a just, humane and corruption-free state through democratic governance, economic reform and social welfare...

www.newagebd.net

Jamaat unveils manifesto with 26 priorities
Staff Correspondent 05 February, 2026, 00:08

The Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami on Wednesday unveiled its election manifesto with 26 priority areas ahead of the 13th Jatiya Sangsad elections, pledging to establish a just, humane and corruption-free state through democratic governance, economic reform and social welfare.Bangladesh cultural tours

The manifesto, unveiled at a programme at a Dhaka hotel, is anchored on the principle of ‘Bangladesh’s Interest First’, under which the party vowed to build a sovereign state with zero compromise on independence, sovereignty and national interests.

It places emphasis on sovereignty, democratic reforms, youth and women’s participation, economic recovery, environmental sustainability and social justice.

Unveiling the document, Jamaat amir Shafiqur Rahman said that even after 54 years of independence, Bangladesh had failed to establish a discrimination-free society and ensure people’s rights.

‘We want to build a discrimination-free democratic country. If voted to power, we do not want to form any partisan government, nor do we support dynastic rule,’ Shafiqur said.

Referring to the July uprising, he said that Jamaat had been working to uphold his party’s spirit but alleged that leaders and activists of a political party had instead engaged in extortion across the country.

Jamaat secretary general Mia Golam Parwar jointly unveiled the manifesto.

Leaders of various political parties and diplomats from different countries stationed in Dhaka attended the programme.

Shafiqur said that the manifesto reflected the aspirations of the 2024 July uprising.

According to the manifesto, Jamaat pledged to develop all 64 district towns and around 500 upazilas and small towns as ‘planned cities’.

If elected, the party said, it would establish an independent ‘Accountability Council’, requiring the prime minister and cabinet members to submit monthly progress reports.

The party also pledged to amend Article 70 of the constitution, saying that party discipline would not be used to restrict lawmakers from acting independently in the national interests.

Jamaat proposed institutionalising service-oriented politics and providing annual state allocations to political parties in proportion to their parliamentary seats and vote share.

It also proposed introducing proportional representation and allowing political parties securing at least 10 seats or 3 per cent of the national vote to nominate observers to the Election Commission.

The manifesto pledged to enact a distinct Muslim personal law in conformity with Islamic Shariah, establish a special High Court bench on personal law, and form a Truth and Healing Commission based on restorative justice.

On youth policy, Jamaat pledged to prioritise youth leadership and meaningful participation in governance.

It also proposed six to 12 months of military training for young men and women aged between 18 and 22.

The party promised to ensure women’s safety, dignity and participation in all spheres of national life.

Jamaat, which did not field any female candidate, promised to place a ‘significant’ number of women in the cabinet and local government offices.

The party proposed establishing what it claimed would be the world’s largest women’s university by merging Eden College, Badrunnesa College and Home Economics College in Dhaka.

Other pledges included women’s health and sports centres in every district, restoration of law and order, zero tolerance for corruption, banking sector reform, justice for past state-sponsored crimes, adulteration-free food by 2030, and a ‘Three-Zero Vision’ of zero environmental degradation, zero waste and zero flood risk.​

 

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Jamaat chief seeks victory for 180 million people in upcoming election

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr. Shafiqur Rahman on Friday said the party is not seeking to form a Jamaat government, nor its own victory, but the victory of all 18-crore people of Bangladesh. He made the remarks during a large election rally at Narail Government High School ground, organized by the dist

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Jamaat chief seeks victory for 180 million people in upcoming election

UNB
Published :
Feb 06, 2026 21:42
Updated :
Feb 06, 2026 21:42

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr. Shafiqur Rahman on Friday said the party is not seeking to form a Jamaat government, nor its own victory, but the victory of all 18-crore people of Bangladesh.

He made the remarks during a large election rally at Narail Government High School ground, organized by the district Jamaat-e-Islami.

Addressing the gathering as the chief guest, Dr. Rahman said, “Bangladesh now needs a breath of relief. Returning to old politics has held the country back. We want to change this Bangladesh by relying on Allah. On February 12, the people have the chance to reject old politics with a ‘No’ and say ‘Yes’ to a new political path. ‘Yes’ means freedom, ‘No’ means slavery.”

He added, “We want a safe and proud Bangladesh for everyone. We are not after a Jamaat government or our own victory; we want the victory of all 18-crore people. He urged the attendees to support the symbol of justice, Daripalla.”

The rally was presided over by Narail-2 candidate Ataur Rahman Bacchu. Also, present were Dhaka South Kormi Parishad member Shamsur Rahman, Narail-1 candidate Maulana Md. Obaidullah Kaiser, district Jamaat leaders, and a large number of supporters, journalists, and people from various walks of life.​

 

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Jamaat not to take revenge, says its amir

Jammat-e-Islami amir Shafiqur Rahman on Saturday said that his party was against taking revenge for its long suffering in the past.

www.newagebd.net

Jamaat not to take revenge, says its amir
Staff Correspondent . Sylhet 08 February, 2026, 00:49

Bangladesh Jammat-e-Islami amir Shafiqur Rahman addresses a divisional election rally on Sylhet Government Alia Madrassah ground in the city on Saturday. | Focus Bangla photo
Jammat-e-Islami amir Shafiqur Rahman on Saturday said that his party was against taking revenge for its long suffering in the past.

He also stated that his party’s main goal was to build a united and prosperous state.

The Jamaat amir’s statement came in his chief guest’s address at an election rally at the Sylhet Government Alia Madrassah ground in the city in the afternoon.Bangladesh cultural tours

Emphasising national unity, Shafiqur said that Bangladesh must not be allowed to be divided and his party’s main goal was to build a united and developed state.

Shafiqur further said that Bangladesh was repressed in the past 54 years since independence that did not spare anyone, from clerics to students, teachers and day-labourers.

Stating that Jamaat-e-Islami was the most oppressed party after independence, Shafiqur said that his party’s top leaders were killed, the party itself was banned with its registration cancelled.

‘After August 5, we did not take any revenge…we do not believe in the politics of revenge,’ the Jamaat amir said at the programme.

Those who had suffered long under oppression should not turn oppressors themselves after coming to power, he stated, adding that his party was politically committed against vengeance.

Highlighting the current chaotic situation in the country, the Jamaat amir declared ‘a war against drugs, extortion and misdeeds’ in society.

‘If we are voted to power, no one will be able to extort, no one will be allowed to commit corruption at government offices,’ he declared.

‘Those who have embezzled public money will not be left unpunished and steps will be taken to bring that money back to the state treasury,’ said Shafiqur.

Regarding the voting rights of expatriates, Shafiqur said that ‘all expatriates will be provided gradually the voting right.’

‘Even if an expatriate dies before earning, the government will take responsibility for his family,’ he added.

Regarding the environmental development, the Jamaat amir said that the country must be turned into a river-friendly state and the lifeline of the rivers must be restored.

Talking about the problems of the long-neglected haor areas, he said that steps would be taken to protect the ecology and livelihood of the people of the region.

The ongoing crisis of the tea gardens and the sector would also be resolved through practical development plans, he further said.

‘Give a chance to our party. We promise that if Jamaat-e-Islami is voted to power, we will protect your wealth and lives at any crisis moment,’ he vowed.

Jamat central and local leaders also addressed the rally, with its Sylhet metropolitan unit president Fakhrul Islam in chair.

Earlier on the day, the Jamaat amir addressed election rallies at different places, including Madhabpur in Habiganj, on his way to Sylhet from Dhaka.​

 

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Eight reasons that explain the rise of Jamaat-e-Islami

Perhaps the most striking, and largely unforeseen, consequence of the fall of the Hasina government has been the surge in support for Jamaat-e-Islami over the past 18 months.

www.thedailystar.net

Eight reasons that explain the rise of Jamaat-e-Islami

8 February 2026, 02:00 AM

ILLUSTRATION: BIPLOB CHAKROBORTY

Perhaps the most striking, and largely unforeseen, consequence of the fall of the Hasina government has been the surge in support for Jamaat-e-Islami over the past 18 months. The Islamist party’s rise has been so dramatic that, although recent polling suggests the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is likely to secure a majority in the February 12 election, some commentators argue that the Jamaat-led alliance could still emerge victorious.

The scale of this shift should not be underestimated. During Awami League’s final years in power, Jamaat was so marginalised and repressed that it could barely function as a political organisation: many of its senior leaders were imprisoned, and the party operated under severe constraints, effectively in secret. Historically, Jamaat had never been a mass electoral force. In the series of elections following the fall of General Ershad, its vote share never exceeded 12 percent, with its high-water mark coming in 1991. Layered on top of this was the heavy stigma attached to Jamaat since Bangladesh’s founding, owing to its association with forces that supported the Pakistani military during the 1971 war of independence and allegations of serious international crimes.

Against this backdrop, Jamaat’s current momentum is remarkable. So, without suggesting that the party should be supported—or overlooking the legitimate criticisms one may have of Jamaat—how can one explain its meteoric rise? Below are eight possible factors, presented in no particular order:

The weakening of the 1971 stigma

Jamaat has not entirely escaped its past. It is still, at times, forced to defend its position regarding 1971, and rival parties continue to invoke the issue. Yet there is little doubt that, for a large portion of the electorate, Jamaat’s role during the Liberation War is no longer politically disqualifying.

Several factors may help explain this shift. First, the senior Jamaat figures accused of involvement in 1971-era crimes were convicted and executed during Awami League’s time in office, leaving the current leadership without direct links to those events. Second, the collapse of Awami League has significantly weakened the potency of its long-standing political narratives, one of which centred on repeatedly invoking Jamaat’s alleged war-crimes legacy. Third, for a growing and increasingly influential younger demographic, 1971 feels distant, abstract, and less relevant to their immediate political and economic concerns.

Jamaat’s reputation for probity in contrast to BNP

Perhaps the most commonly cited explanation for Jamaat’s growing appeal is its perceived distance from corruption. When the Hasina government fell, many Bangladeshis hoped this would mark the end of systematic extortion and rent-seeking by ruling-party activists at the local level. Yet since August 2024, many of the extortion networks previously controlled by Awami League cadres were quickly taken over by BNP-aligned groups. For a section of voters seeking genuine change, this reinforced the belief that BNP was, in practice, little different from its predecessor.

Jamaat, to them, stood apart. There were no widespread reports of Jamaat-run extortion rackets or organised corruption at the grassroots. This distinction, in their mind, reflects a deeper structural difference. Many local BNP activists apparently support the party in the expectation that access to power will bring financial opportunity. Jamaat activists, by contrast, apparently contribute money to the party rather than extracting it. Their political participation is not framed as a route to personal enrichment, and this perceived difference may have resonated powerfully with some disillusioned voters.

Welfare politics

Following the fall of Awami League, hundreds of families were grieving lost relatives, and thousands more were caring for those seriously injured. Jamaat mobilised systematically to identify these families and, where possible, provide direct assistance—reportedly giving at least Tk 100,000 to each bereaved household and financial support to many of the injured, often through hospital visits.

While individual BNP politicians did offer aid in some cases, their efforts were neither as extensive nor as coordinated. Jamaat’s response reinforced its image as a disciplined organisation capable of translating its resources into tangible support. This form of welfare politics—charitable, visible, and organised—has long been a cornerstone of Jamaat’s strategy, and it continues to generate significant political goodwill.

Organisational discipline

Jamaat has benefited from its organisational strength. Almost immediately after the fall of Awami League, it began preparing in earnest for elections. Its disciplined internal structure has translated into more effective campaigning, particularly at the local level. Jamaat has invested heavily in face-to-face voter engagement, including extensive door-to-door outreach in rural areas—an approach that may well be more persuasive than large rallies or media-driven campaigns.

Presenting a moderate, flexible position

Jamaat-e-Islami is, at its core, an Islamist party committed to the long-term goal of introducing Islamic law in Bangladesh. In recent years, however, the party has deliberately sought to project a more moderate and centrist image. Rather than foregrounding its religious agenda, it has emphasised practical reforms, particularly anti-corruption measures, institutional accountability, and improvements in governance.

A striking illustration of this repositioning was provided by a speech delivered by the party’s leader, Shafiqur Rahman, at its Policy Summit in January 2026, titled “Aspiring Bangladesh.” Notably, the speech did not reference religion at all. Instead, Rahman described Jamaat as representing “mainstream Muslim democrats,” framing the party in terms that stress democratic legitimacy rather than theological ambition.

While the address may have been crafted partly with an international audience in mind, including foreign diplomats, it also reflects a broader strategic shift in how Jamaat presents itself domestically. Whether or not one finds this rebranding fully credible, it has undoubtedly helped the party broaden its appeal, particularly among urban and younger voters who might otherwise be instinctively wary of supporting a religious party.

Non-participation of Awami League

The decision by the interim government and the Election Commission to bar Awami League from participating in the election may have also worked in Jamaat’s favour. Historically, when Awami League is on the ballot, Jamaat either contests independently or forms an alliance with BNP. If it runs separately, most of the anti-Awami League vote consolidates behind BNP. If it allies with BNP, Jamaat typically contests only a limited number of seats.

In the absence of Awami League, however, the dynamics change significantly. Voters who previously supported BNP primarily to prevent an Awami League victory may now feel freer to support Jamaat, without concern that their vote could inadvertently help bring Awami League back to power.

Anti-Indian sentiment

During Awami League’s time in office, anti-Indian sentiment grew steadily in Bangladesh. This was driven by several factors, including border killings, inflammatory rhetoric from Indian political figures about Bangladeshis, and the perception that the Indian government strongly supported Awami League. When the Awami League government fell in 2024 and Sheikh Hasina departed for India, public anger towards perceived Indian “hegemony” intensified, with many people feeling more able to express such views openly.

In this context, Jamaat is likely to be viewed by some voters as a more credible force in resisting perceived Indian influence than BNP, which is often regarded as more pragmatic in its approach to India and less instinctively confrontational. As a result, Jamaat may attract additional support from those for whom opposition to Indian influence has become a central political concern.

Jamaat as the party of ‘change’

Following the fall of Awami League, there was a widespread public desire for change—change from autocracy, entrenched corruption, and what many described as the country’s “tired old politics.” In a political contest between BNP and Jamaat, it is Jamaat that, for some voters, is likely to more convincingly embody that sense of renewal.

Jamaat is often viewed as an outsider party, not deeply embedded in the patronage and corruption networks that many believe dominate the political system. Its leadership is not drawn from a dynastic political lineage, which further reinforces its image as distinct from the established political elite. And unlike BNP, which has a prior record in government that many voters may recall negatively, Jamaat does not carry the same burden of incumbency. These factors work to Jamaat’s advantage among voters seeking a decisive break from the past.

Moreover, Jamaat has taken a more enthusiastic stance towards the July National Charter’s reform proposals, while BNP has generally adopted a more cautious and conservative position. Jamaat’s recent alliance with the National Citizen Party (NCP) has also likely strengthened its association with reform and political change, further consolidating its appeal among those prioritising transformation.

David Bergman is a journalist who has written about Bangladesh for many years.​