[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

Reforms crucial for a functioning democracy

Govt must implement some key changes before election

www.thedailystar.net

Reforms crucial for a functioning democracy
Govt must implement some key changes before election

VISUAL: STAR

It is disheartening that the interim government has yet to take any major initiative to implement the proposed reforms by various reform commissions. The July uprising created a rare political opening, raising public expectations that long-delayed institutional reforms would finally happen. Yet, many crucial proposals remain ignored, diluted, or quietly dropped, undermining the very purpose for which these commissions were formed. In this context, the frustration expressed by the chiefs and members of several reform commissions over the lack of implementation is justifiable.

Reportedly, a wide gap persists between recommendations and implementation, with many major reforms stalled and recommendations dropped. A telling example is the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) Reform Commission's proposal for quarterly public accountability reports. This recommendation was neither radical nor complex; it sought only to introduce basic transparency in a vital institution. Despite this being one of the commission's most important proposals, it was later removed. And despite broad political support for most other proposals, many were not enforced.

The Election Reform Commission's experience is equally disheartening. Its proposals to promote internal party democracy, ensure transparency in political financing, and strengthen candidate scrutiny were meant to address the root causes of the country's dysfunctional electoral culture. Key recommendations—such as electing party leaders from the grassroots, limiting the influence of wealthy individuals, and bringing parties under the Right to Information Act—were not adopted. While the Election Commission has taken some immediate steps, including better affidavit disclosure and expanded CCTV coverage, these fall short of tackling deeper problems like nomination syndromes, unchecked campaign spending, and weak accountability.

Perhaps most concerning is the state of media reforms. Reportedly, the Media Reform Commission proposed more than 100 reforms, yet not a single one has been implemented. Dropping the proposed Journalism Protection Act raises serious concerns about the safety of journalists, especially as the national election draws near. A free and secure media is central to any credible democratic process. The government's rejection of a plan to establish a permanent, independent media commission is also unfortunate.

While reforms cannot be achieved overnight, many of the recommendations made by the commissions could have been implemented through routine administrative orders or minor legal adjustments. The problem, therefore, is less about capacity and more about commitment. Economists and civil society leaders have rightly warned that Bangladesh's democratic decline has been driven by an alliance of political, bureaucratic, and business interests resistant to change.

Without progress in implementation, reforms risk becoming yet another missed opportunity—one the country can ill afford as it seeks a credible return to democratic governance.​

 

[Saif]

Parties pledge democratic country thru reforms

Leaders of major political parties on Tuesday expressed grave concern, saying that the recent incidents of violence were casting uncertainty over the forthcoming 13th Jatiya Sangsad election.

www.newagebd.net

Parties pledge democratic country thru reforms
Staff Correspondent 24 December, 2025, 00:05

Leaders of major political parties on Tuesday expressed grave concern, saying that the recent incidents of violence were casting uncertainty over the forthcoming 13th Jatiya Sangsad election.

They also outlined their respective visions for democratic reform, economic recovery and governance in post-uprising Bangladesh.

The leaders at a dialogue also pledged to build a new Bangladesh through necessary reforms and obliterating fascism, and by means of leading the country to achieve economic freedom, good governance, democracy, and by protecting the rights of the citizens, including women and national and religious minorities.

Their commitments came at the Star Elections Dialogue titled ‘Your Party, Voters’ Questions’, organised by The Daily Star at the Bangladesh-China Friendship Conference Centre in Dhaka.

Representatives of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Communist Party of Bangladesh and the National Citizen Party were present at the dialogue.

BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said at the dialogue that attacks on different institutions centring Sharif Osman Hadi’s death caused concern among the public over holding of the general elections.

‘The incidents that occurred over the past few months, and particularly in the past several days, have made people seriously anxious,’ he said, adding, ‘People are now once again questioning whether the election will be held at all.’

Fakhrul said that although an opportunity for a fair election emerged after the fall of the previous regime in a mass uprising, that opportunity now appeared to be ‘almost slipping away’.

‘Whenever we have an opportunity, certain groups and incidents destroy it. We want to remove that pall of anxiety and move towards the election with hope,’ he stated.

Highlighting BNP’s long-standing emphasis on elections, he said that the party was often criticised for prioritising polls.

‘But it is now proved that delays have given opportunities to sabotage the election. That is why we have always demanded election,’ he said.

Referring to BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia’s Vision 2030 announced in 2016, Fakhrul said that many of the current reform proposals were already included in that document among which was restructuring of the political system, balancing of power among state institutions, and ensuring full independence of the judiciary and media.

He also stated that his party placed strong emphasis on women empowerment.

He mentioned the party’s 31-point reform proposal made public in 2023 contained, among other propositions, formation of a constitutional reform commission, a national reconciliation commission, and the restoration of a non-party caretaker government system.

On economy, Fakhrul said that democratic and economic institutions were destroyed, creating an oligarchic system allowing a coterie to plunder national wealth.

The BNP prepared a comprehensive economic plan with a view to overcoming the economic crisis within five years.

CPB presidium member Mujahidul Islam Selim said that when the economy was dictated by ‘market fundamentalism’, lawmaker and ministerial positions became commodities.

‘Politics is the concentrated expression of economics. If the economy is one of looting, the politics will also be of looting,’ he said, adding that the War of Independence was not fought to establish a capitalist state.

He advocated allocating 30–40 per cent of the national budget to local governments, criticising the growing influence of money in elections, particularly the increase in candidate security deposits to Tk 50,000.

Jamaat-e-Islami assistant secretary general Hamidur Rahman Azad said that his party wanted to build a just, ‘insaf’ based Bangladesh ensuring economic freedom, good governance and democracy.

‘Just as a child is safe in a mother’s lap, we want citizens to feel safe in this country,’ he said, identifying corruption as the root cause of instability and pledging zero tolerance.

National Citizen Party convener Nahid Islam said that the upcoming election should be viewed as a referendum to realise the promises of the mass uprising, not merely a transfer of power.

He said that the uprising aimed to establish a democratic system, create an anti-discrimination and economically just society, and protect national sovereignty and dignity.

Nahid alleged that the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami were competing to secure the vote bank of ousted Awami League and criticised the absence of a Truth Commission to address past crimes of the authoritarian regime.

‘Supporting a fascist party is a moral crime, but those involved in genocide must face justice,’ he said.

BNP and Jamaat leaders rejected the allegations of infiltration of AL people in their parties.

Mujahidul Islam Selim remarked that political infiltration was a long-standing reality rooted in the country’s political culture.

The Daily Star editor and publisher Mahfuz Anam who could not attend the event due to illness, in a statement, expressed concern over the recent attacks on his office and that of Prothom Alo.

‘These were not just attacks on media houses. These attacks are against democracy and are meant to jeopardise the upcoming election,’ he said.

The Daily Star believed in democracy and in ‘an honest, accountable, and transparent government’ that protected people’s fundamental rights, the editor’s statement read.​

 

[Saif]

What the priority of the new government must be

With objective and prudent policies backed by institutional strength, Bangladesh can chart an economic trajectory that ensures an equitable and non-discriminatory form of economic democracy

en.prothomalo.com

What the priority of the new government must be
Selim Jahan
Published: 27 Dec 2025, 13: 30

In less than two months, Bangladesh will be having a national election. Naturally, public conversation, discussion, and debate in the country are currently revolving around political issues. However, once the election is over and an elected government assumes office, a critical concern for the administration will be the state of the economy. This should be the new government’s highest priority.

Even setting aside all other matters, the economy is what weighs most heavily on the minds of ordinary people. This includes inflation, unemployment, inequality of opportunity, debt, the quality of basic social services, economic uncertainty, and mob violence, though the list is much longer. It is therefore only natural to expect that the new government will place the economy at the top of its agenda.

At the outset, attention needs to be drawn to three issues. First, alongside declaring a commitment to prioritising the economy, it is necessary to clearly identify which areas within the economy will receive priority.

Second, the commitments and identified priorities of the interim government should be incorporated into the new government’s policy framework.

Third, immediately after assuming power, the ruling party must formulate a medium-term economic roadmap for Bangladesh.

In view of the current realities of Bangladesh’s economy and its future prospects, this economic roadmap needs to give due importance to three types of challenges: ongoing challenges, accumulated challenges, and emerging challenges. At the top of the ongoing challenges are poverty and inequality. According to a World Bank report, much of Bangladesh’s recent progress in poverty reduction has been eroded in recent years.

Between 2010 and 2022, a span of twelve years, Bangladesh managed to lift around 34.9 million people above the poverty line. However, over the past three years, the poverty rate has risen again from 18 per cent to 21 per cent. Today, 36 million people in the country live below the poverty line.

One of the defining realities of our economy is inequality and disparity. According to the Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 2022, the average under-five mortality rate in the country stands at 31 per 1,000 live births. While there is a gap between wealthy and poor households, among the poorest 20 per cent of families this rate typically remains around 45 to 50 per 1,000.

The second ongoing challenge is the poor quality of basic social services such as health and education. There is no doubt that the education and health sectors have expanded in quantitative terms; however, this expansion has not been accompanied by corresponding improvements in quality. In education, the primary objective has become the acquisition of certificates rather than the attainment of knowledge or skills.

In the health sector, the main focus remains the construction of physical infrastructure, not the delivery of high-quality care. In both sectors, high-quality services are largely reserved for the affluent. This kind of disparity acts as a driving force behind the acceleration of inequality in Bangladeshi society.

The third challenge is stagnation in savings, investment, and resource mobilisation. Compared to neighboring countries, Bangladesh’s savings rate is extremely low. In the past, Bangladesh has failed to attract a substantial volume of foreign direct investment. A glance at Vietnam makes this shortfall evident. Bangladesh’s tax-to-GDP ratio stands at only 8 to 9 per cent, compared with 19 per cent in Nepal and 12 per cent in India. Historically, Bangladesh has relied heavily on indirect taxes such as import duties, and this reliance has yet to shift meaningfully toward direct taxation.

The list of Bangladesh’s accumulated challenges is a long one. Jobless growth, massive unemployment, non-performing loans, and significant human deprivation have taken root in the country’s economy. According to official figures, the number of unemployed people currently stands at 2.7 million. Among university graduates, the unemployment rate is 13 per cent. Youth unemployment is twice the national average. At present, jobless growth and unemployment have become concentrated problems in Bangladesh’s economy.

On the global front, Bangladesh’s graduation from the group of least developed countries, along with the imposition of countervailing import tariffs by the United States, may give rise to a range of economic challenges in the coming years.

The country’s financial sector is in deep crisis. The volume of non-performing loans has reached the highest level in Bangladesh’s history, currently amounting to Tk 659,000 crore. None of the vast sums of money illegally siphoned abroad has been recovered. Discipline has yet to be restored in the financial sector.

Non-income human deprivation is becoming even more acute. Nearly 110 million people lack access to safe drinking water. Among children under the age of five, only 41 per cent are registered at birth, meaning 59 per cent have no birth certificate. After completing primary education, 57 per cent of children fail to reach Grade 10. Child labour has increased over the past six years, and the rate of child marriage has risen. The crisis of climate change is also intensifying, with adverse effects on economic growth and human development. In Bangladesh, discrimination against women and violence toward them are not merely disturbing realities; they have emerged as deeply entrenched crises.

The emerging challenges facing Bangladesh’s economy will arise from both domestic and external sources. After many years of decline and stagnation, the fertility rate in Bangladesh has recently increased. This rise will affect population growth and urbanisation in the country.

This increase will generate adverse consequences for Bangladesh’s economy. Dhaka, with a population of 36.6 million, has already emerged as the world’s second-largest city by population. The city’s social infrastructure, such as air quality, sewage systems, and waste management, is steadily becoming fragile. Open spaces, ponds, and wetlands have disappeared, turning Dhaka into a city of brick and concrete. All of this is likely to create an impending crisis in everyday life.

On the global front, Bangladesh’s graduation from the group of least developed countries, along with the imposition of countervailing import tariffs by the United States, may give rise to a range of economic challenges in the coming years. The question is how prepared Bangladesh is for these crises, and whether, with thoughtful planning, it will be able to confront these dangers and move forward after overcoming them.

The next elected government of Bangladesh must keep these challenges in mind and incorporate them into its future economic roadmap. With objective and prudent policies backed by institutional strength, if the government proceeds along the right path, Bangladesh can chart an economic trajectory that ensures an equitable and non-discriminatory form of economic democracy and secures the well-being of its people. Failure to do so would represent a massive missed opportunity, one that has occurred many times in Bangladesh’s history.

* Dr Selim Jahan is the former Director of the Human Development Report Office and the Poverty Reduction Division at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).​

 

[Saif]

Reforms largely fail: TIB

The Transparency International Bangladesh on Monday said that reforms initiated by the interim government after the ouster of the Awami League regime had largely failed to ensure institutional independence and accountability while they instead...

www.newagebd.net

Reforms largely fail: TIB

Executive, bureaucratic control reinforced

Staff Correspondent 13 January, 2026, 00:41

Transparency International Bangladesh executive director Iftekharuzzaman addresses a press conference titled Reform Apathy in Framing the Objectives of the Interim Government at TIB office on Dhanmondi 27 in Dhaka on Monday. | New Age photo

The Transparency International Bangladesh on Monday said that reforms initiated by the interim government after the ouster of the Awami League regime had largely failed to ensure institutional independence and accountability while they instead reinforced executive and bureaucratic control.

In an assessment of the ordinances enacted in 2025, the TIB found major shortcomings in ordinances related to the Anti-Corruption Commission, Police Commission, National Human Rights Commission, revenue administration, cyber security, and data protection.


TIB executive director Iftekharuzzaman revealed the assessment at a press conference at the MIDAS Centre in Dhaka.

Citing that different stakeholders contributed to the reform process with reviewed draft laws and specific recommendations, Iftekharuzzaman said, ‘However, in many cases, justified recommendations from stakeholders on governance and accountability were ignored.’

‘In some cases, proposals for amendment from stakeholders were ignored without any explanation, and in some cases the government carried out smear campaigns against certain stakeholders,’ he said.

Many crucial recommendations from reform commissions and the civil society, he added, were ignored and stakeholder consultation was minimal during drafting the ordinances although the interim government had pledged to build a discrimination-free, transparent and accountable ‘new Bangladesh’.

Assessing the influence of the bureaucracy, he said that a section of ‘powerful’ officials within the bureaucracy, rather than the council of advisers, made decisions on the ordinances.

Regarding the ACC Ordinance 2025, the TIB assessed that opposition parties were excluded from the selection process of the ACC chair and commissioners, while the proposal for forming a review committee to make the ACC accountable was ignored.

The Police Commission Ordinance 2025 was described as inconsistent with international standards, as it allows the body to be dominated by retired police officials and bureaucrats and places its operations under government influence.

The provision for allowing a former police official to serve as the member secretary would undermine the authority of the chair and other members of the commission, Iftekharuzzaman said.

While the TIB executive director praised the National Human Rights Commission Ordinance 2025, he warned that accommodating the cabinet secretary in the commission member selection committee could weaken the commission’s impartiality.

The TIB also raised concerns over Public Audit Ordinance 2025, observing that the restructuring of the National Board of Revenue was rushed and left the authority vulnerable to political control, while audit reforms weakened the constitutional role of the comptroller and auditor general.

On the Cyber Security Ordinance 2025, the TIB said that although it combined cyber security, cybercrime, and online freedom of expression into one law, it increased risks of misuse.

Overall, the TIB assessed, most of the ordinances enacted under the interim government diluted reform objectives and strengthened executive authority instead of ensuring transparency, accountability, and protection of common citizen’s rights.

TIB executive management adviser and law professor Sumaiya Khair and research and policy director Muhammad Badiuzzaman, among others, were present at the event.​

 

[Saif]

Ten tasks for future Bangladesh

Bangladesh has turned a page in its political history and a new phase of political governments is about to start.

www.thedailystar.net

Ten tasks for future Bangladesh

By Nazrul Islam

Bangladesh has turned a page in its political history and a new phase of political governments is about to start. This may, therefore, be a good time to think about the future socio-economic tasks. In my view, these tasks may be grouped under the following ten heads.

1. Reducing inequality

The first task is to reduce economic inequality. This has been the main goal of the 2024 mass uprising. Income inequality in Bangladesh, as measured by the Gini Coefficient, increased from 0.388 to 0.570 during 1991–2022. Income inequality led to the capture of political institutions by the rich, resulting in a further increase in income inequality, and leading to the ‘Inequality Trap.’

Policies are needed first to reduce inequality of ‘primary income,’ which includes wages, profits, capital gains, rent, etc., that people obtain by using their labour and capital in the market (hence also called ‘market income’). Achieving this goal requires adequate wage growth and diffusion of capital income among common people through expansion of cooperative ownership of assets, enterprises, and sharing of profits with workers of private enterprises. Unfortunately, wages in Bangladesh grew by only 1.15 per cent per year during 2011–15 when per capita income rose by 4.9 per cent annually during roughly the same period.

Policies are also necessary to reduce inequality in ‘disposable income,’ which is what the people have after paying taxes on their primary income and receiving transfers. For this purpose, the tax schedule has to be progressive and honestly implemented. Transfers can take two forms: cash and non-cash. Examples of non-cash transfers include public provision of education and healthcare. If designed properly and implemented honestly, both cash and non-cash transfers can be effective. Non-cash transfers can also help to increase social cohesion and reap the benefits of positive externalities (for example, when one person gets educated, others benefit too).

2. Achieving good governance

The second important task is achieving good governance. As per the six World Governance Indicators (WGI), Bangladesh ranks the lowest even among South Asian countries. There are two sides of governance: political leadership and bureaucracy. They influence each other, but the primacy in this interrelationship belongs to the political leadership. A major cause as well as consequence of Bangladesh’s poor governance is the ‘Leakage Model’ of economic growth that the country followed in past years. Under this model, large sums of public money (from government budgets and the banking system) leak to the private sector through improper and illegal ways. This leads to capital flight, the Debt Trap, and ultimately to the Middle-Income Trap. This corruption within the government saps morality at all levels of society and ultimately makes society dysfunctional. An urgent task, therefore, is to move away from the Leakage Model through necessary political and administrative reforms, as discussed below.

3. Proportional election and shorter government term

A slew of political reforms was considered recently by the reform commission. However, as I showed in my recent book Unnayaner Jonno Shushasn [Good Governance for Development] (UPL 2025), the essentially necessary political reform is the switch from the current constituency-based election to proportional election. The 2024 mass uprising forced the option of proportional election onto the national agenda, and the upcoming referendum is to include the proposal of creating an upper house of the parliament based on the proportion of votes received. However, the party anticipating a simple majority among the voters did not agree to this proposal. Anticipating this problem, I suggested earlier making use of the “Veil of Ignorance” construct of John Rawls, the eminent philosopher, to overcome this hurdle. Under this construct, proportional election should have been proposed not for the 13th parliament but for future parliaments, beginning with the 14th. Chances for acceptance of this proposal would have been greater because it would be difficult for the parties to be sure about enjoying a simple majority of voters so far into the future. Another important political reform is the shortening of the government term. This proposal too faced dissent arising from the same anticipation of a simple majority. The “Veil of Ignorance” construct could be applied to this proposal as well. Going forward, popularising proportional election and shorter government term will therefore remain an important task.

4. Greater emphasis on protection of the environment

A crucial task for future Bangladesh is making economic growth compatible with the protection of the environment. Bangladesh’s extremely high population density makes this task imperative. The country does not have any ‘natural cushion’ that can save it in the eventuality of an environmental collapse. The country is yet to rise up to the fact that the coast is sinking below sea level; the river system is collapsing; waterlogging is spreading; inappropriate transportation policy is aggravating traffic jams in Dhaka City and spreading them to other cities and towns; heaps of plastic waste are spreading like a cancer; and the fertility rate, after declining in past decades, is now on the rise, further aggravating the population situation. The country is almost sleepwalking towards an environmental disaster.

Bangladesh’s acute vulnerability to the impacts of climate change—including sea level rise; salinity intrusion; exacerbation of seasonal variation in precipitation and river flow; increased frequency and scope of extreme weather events, such as cyclones; and greater threat of water-borne diseases—all portend looming dangers. The previous government took the initiative to prepare a long-term plan to confront the consequences of climate change. The document, titled Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100 and prepared with Dutch financial and technical assistance, did not live up to expectations. The Dutch have a long history of involvement in Bangladesh’s ‘water development’ efforts. In fact, Dutch experts played a leading role in formulating the early water development projects taken up in the 1950s. In doing so, they imposed on Bangladesh the ‘Polder approach,’ which is an extreme variant of the Cordon approach. Under the latter, floodplains are insulated from river channels through the construction of embankments. When embankments are constructed all around a floodplain tract, it is called a polder. The Dutch originally resorted to the construction of polders in order to extract peat coal from the adjoining North Sea bed. Once the coal was exhausted, they used the polders for habitation. That is why about one-fifth of the Netherlands now lies in these below-sea-level polders, where about one-fourth of the population lives.

The Dutch situation is completely different from that of Bangladesh. The annual river flow to the Dutch Delta amounts to only about 75 cubic km, as compared with about 1,032 cubic km in Bangladesh. Moreover, this flow does not have any seasonality and contains very little sediment (3 million tons as compared to 1,150 million tons in Bangladesh). Thus, the Netherlands does not have a problem of river overflow and does not face the task of sediment management. By contrast, these are the main challenges of Bangladesh. Bangladesh, therefore, needed the Open approach, under which floodplains are kept open to river channels, so that summer overflows can spread over them, deposit sediment, and recharge the waterbodies. At the same time, less sediment falls on the riverbeds, which therefore remain healthy.

Yet, the Dutch experts imposed on Bangladesh the Polder approach, which is totally inappropriate and harmful for Bangladesh. This approach was reinforced later by the Master Plan, prepared by the San Francisco-based International Engineering Company (IECO) in 1964. Thus, Bangladesh followed the wrong-headed Cordon approach for about seven decades, and this has resulted in the decay and destruction of the country’s river system. Unilateral withdrawal by India of water from shared rivers aggravated the disaster.

In preparing the Delta Plan 2100, the Dutch consultants vacillated between the Cordon and Open approaches, could not decide between the two, did not conduct any original research, refrained from an independent review of the past water development experience, and ended up with a confused philosophy and no original project proposal. Instead, they recycled the project proposals that the water-related implementation agencies already had and presented them as the ‘investment portfolio’ of their Delta Plan. A more spectacular denouement of an intellectual enterprise can hardly be found! (For a more detailed analysis, see my book A Review of Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100, Eastern Academic, 2022.)

Going forward, much attention will have to be given to the protection of rivers, which form the backbone of the country’s environment. Bangladesh indeed needs a long-term plan for the delta. However, this plan has to be based on the Open approach to rivers.

A similar fundamental change of direction will be needed regarding other dimensions of the environment, such as energy and power, industries to be promoted, transportation and communication, spatial planning and urbanisation, construction, agriculture, forests, waste generation and disposal, etc. Population planning efforts need to be revived. Bangladesh Poribesh Andolon (BAPA) and Bangladesh Environment Network (BEN) have well-developed policy proposals in each of the above areas, and future governments can benefit from them.

5. Setting up of village councils

The local government structure needs to be extended to the grass-roots level by forming Village Councils. As of now, it ends with Union Parishads. Apart from performing appropriate administrative functions, the village councils can play a crucial role in facilitating collective endeavours, necessary for the optimal utilisation of land, water, and labour resources of villages. Climate change is making such collective endeavours more imperative. Countries such as China and India are making efficient use of village governments. Bangladesh too had a long tradition of Gram Panchayet. However, British colonial rule led to its decay. After independence, almost all major governments made attempts to rebuild village-level government, but could not complete the task for various reasons. Now is the time to do so.

6. Decentralisation of development and reduction of regional disparity

Development needs to be decentralised, and regional disparity has to be eliminated. Currently, of the 10 million extreme poor, more than half are concentrated in only 16 (out of 64) districts. The bottom 50 districts contribute only 17 per cent of the industrial output. Dhaka City alone accounts for about 35 per cent of the total urban population and is now suffering from the negative effects of agglomeration. Differences in endowments are certainly a cause of the above. However, policies are needed to ameliorate the effects of endowment differences, instead of aggravating them. The “hub-and-spoke” model of in-situ urbanisation should be adopted, with the 64 district towns as the hubs and aligned with the proposed economic zones.

7. Strengthening social cohesion

Social cohesion needs to be strengthened. The rise in income inequality has aggravated social divisions. Both the education and the health systems have trifurcated. This is harmful for both social cohesion and the overall state of education and health of the nation. Similarly, divisions along religious lines are reignited. The plainland Bangalee people have been counter-posed to the hilly people. Vigorous efforts are needed to counter these trends. Education and health systems have to be unified while allowing roles for both public and private sectors in them, as we find in Japan or the USA. Mixing politics with religion should be avoided, and ethnic amity should be re-established through fair protection of the rights of the hilly people and other minorities.

File Visual: Star


8. Special attention to the needs of women, children, youth, and the elderly

The special needs of women have to be met to ensure realisation of their full potential. Children have to be treated as the future resource of the country. The country has so far allowed the Demographic Dividend to go by without making good use of it. Unfortunately, it is going to end soon. Urgent policies directed at the youth are needed to rectify this failure. Policies are needed both to take care of the elderly and to make the best utilisation of their potential.

9. Introduction of compulsory military education for the youth

Compulsory military education for the youth should be gradually introduced. This will help to improve the physical and mental constitution of our youth, converting them into high-quality human capital. It will also increase social cohesion, strengthen patriotism, increase discipline in the population at large, create a very productive role for the military in the nation’s life, improve the bond between the military and the civilian population, and increase the country’s defence capability. The duration of the training may be nine months (as was the Liberation War) and start at the age of eighteen, after students complete their higher secondary education. Based on the current population size, about seven lakh youth will be eligible each year. On average, each of the current thirty cantonments will have to accommodate about 23,333 young men. Additional infrastructure has to be built inside them for this purpose. Some initial capital costs will be required. The recurrent cost of the programme will comprise about 1.5 per cent of the budget, which is modest. This will be the best investment that the nation can make. Until full capacity is achieved, the number of trainees can be limited through a lottery system. Also, initially the programme can start with males only, and a customised and voluntary programme for females can be initiated later.

10. Protection of national resources and pursuit of independent foreign policy

The country has to pursue an independent foreign policy, avoid dependence on any particular country, and aim at the rapid development of the country through the best utilisation of the nation’s resources by optimal participation in the international division of labour.

I have discussed these ten tasks in great detail in my recent book Agami Bangladesher Dosh Koroniao [Ten Tasks for Future Bangladesh] (Dharitree 2025). Interested readers can consult it for more information on each of the tasks.

Key Points

1. Reducing income inequality is essential to escape the inequality trap through fair wages, progressive taxation, and effective social transfers.
2. Achieving good governance requires ending corruption, reforming political leadership, and dismantling the leakage-based growth model.
3. Proportional representation, shorter government terms, and stronger local institutions are vital for democratic accountability.
4. Environmental protection must guide development, prioritising river restoration, climate resilience, and population planning.
5. Inclusive development demands decentralisation, social cohesion, youth investment, gender equity, and an independent foreign policy.

Dr. Nazrul Islam is a Professor at the Asian Growth Research Institute and former Chief of Development Research at the United Nations.​

 

[Saif]

Choosing reform, remembering July, securing the Republic

On February 12, Bangladesh faces a question of profound historical importance one that goes beyond the usual trappings of election politics and into the very moral foundations of the republic itself. The people will not only elect their representatives; they will also be called upon to respond to a

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Choosing reform, remembering July, securing the Republic

Serajul I Bhuiyan
Published :
Jan 20, 2026 22:52
Updated :
Jan 20, 2026 22:52

On February 12, Bangladesh faces a question of profound historical importance one that goes beyond the usual trappings of election politics and into the very moral foundations of the republic itself. The people will not only elect their representatives; they will also be called upon to respond to a more profound question of constitutional moment: whether the moral power of the July 36 Revolution will be given expression in irreversible democratic guarantees, or whether, once again, the door will be left ajar for authoritarianism to slip back into the state quietly, legally, and incrementally.

Far from a symbolic gesture or an elitist construct, this referendum is the essence of a people who took a stand against fear, impunity, and exclusion and a people who paid a high price of blood and pain for their sovereignty over their political future. At its roots, this referendum is a statement of a radical principle: sovereignty lies with citizens, not with untrammeled power. February 12 is more than an election day; February 12 is a constitutional moment of reckoning.

Why the referendum counts: The lesson from history remains grim. The reason for the failure of revolutions has nothing to do with the loss of courage, but the structure of power remains. This has also been the case in Bangladesh, where people power has compelled political transitions, but the structure has remained the same. This has led to the same cycle: elections have been held, parliaments established, and constitutions referred to, yet power has continued to be consolidated.

The referendum specifically addresses this weakness. The referendum aims to translate the moral power of July into a set of constitutional guarantees to will into being. “Yes” voters express the conviction that democracy must be crafted, not simply willed. They recognise the tough lesson of the past fifty years: Elections alone cannot secure freedom if the agencies of observation are flexible, the police force is politicized, and accountability is discretionary.

In fact, the referendum serves as a democratic firewall by incorporating safeguards into the constitutional order. The referendum establishes an institutional memory within a political culture which is often characterized by amnesia to prevent past failures from simply being repackaged as future stability.

From sacrifice to statecraft: The July 36 Revolution was not a moment of blind fury. It was a collective gesture of outrage at a system that had closed all the democratic channels, made votes meaningless, squashed all opposition, and made impunity the norm. The sacrifices of the July 36 Revolution deserve more than just memorials.

However, the best memorial remains an affirmative vote. It will ensure that July is not just an interruption in the series of elite settlements but the start of a new political era. The referendum turns mourning into governance by codifying safeguards against the misuse of power and the trampling of civil liberties. To squander this opportunity is to turn a turning point in history into a tragedy, another installment in the book of lost opportunities. The “Yes” vote means that Bangladesh will choose change over the known comforts of stagnation, and democracy over the convenience of control.

The reform vision: The reform agenda to be adopted in the referendum is based on a set of principles that have long been a hallmark of Dr Yunus’s philosophy: democracy fails when power is wielded by institutions not guided by principle. Based on the experiences of a country like Bangladesh, the reform agenda emphasizes the need for independence, transparency, and accountability as non-negotiable democratic principles.

This is neither a personality project nor an act of partisanship. This is state-building through institutional transformation building institutions strong enough to outlast any leader or political party. This is to ensure that future administrations, regardless of their political stripe, operate within a framework they cannot easily manipulate.

A ‘Yes’ vote, then, is an investment in democracy with depth. It is an investment in an ethical vision of governance, one in which prioritization is done as follows: prioritize restraint over domination, prioritize law over loyalty, and prioritise citizenship over convenience.

The price of ‘NO’: ‘No’ will not just postpone change; it will also break the bridge between the sacrifices of July and the republic’s constitutional future. It will preserve the same flaws that made repression, manipulation, and the abuse of power. It will mean that the lessons of the past have not been learned.

Such a course of events would embolden those accustomed to living amid ambiguity and the weakness of institutions. Without the safeguards of the Constitution, the politicised administration and the compliant oversight agencies would once again be the order of the day. Regression rarely comes in the form of tanks; it often marches under the guise of legal technicalities and the fatigue of the citizenry.

In this situation, July might be remembered not as a time of change but as an interlude.

Core principles at stake: Essentially, the referendum is meant to address the structural imbalances that have undermined democratic rule in Bangladesh over the years. Chief amongst these is the need to depoliticise the state. It is inconceivable that a democratic republic can be sustained when the civil service, the law-and-order machinery, and regulatory institutions become appendages of political power. The referendum is meant to place such institutions back on track as non-partisan protectors of the public weal.

Another important aspect is promoting accountability. Without the investigation and punishment of corruption, abuse of power, and election manipulation, democracy becomes but a mere illusion because of fear and intimidation. This is because the reform is intended to give power to truly independent institutions to carry out their mandates without fear of intimidation and reprisal, and in so doing, the referendum holds that nobody is above the law.

Another important plank of the reform platform is the safeguarding of civil liberties. The freedom of speech, of assembly, and of dissent cannot be mere rhetorical ideals to be brought to life only during election times. The proposed referendum is intended to guarantee these ideals as permanent, enforceable guarantees, so that citizens, the press, and the opposition are assured they can act without fear of consequences during times of political stability and turmoil.

Finally, the referendum corrects the perpetual imbalance of power that has resulted from excessive executive power. By promoting the separation of powers and checks and balances among the three branches of government, it ensures that power does not become centralized in any one institution or office. This is crucial in ensuring that the government remains accountable and transparent to the citizens.

Together, these principles constitute a democratic architecture. They are meant to prevent the concentration of power, limit the potential for authoritarian drift, and ground Bangladesh’s democracy in the rule of law rather than the benevolence of those temporarily at the helm.

Preventing the re-emergence of authoritarian: Authoritarianism returns not by coercion but by persuasion — by a reasoned argument that order is more important than liberty, that efficiency is more important than accountability. This is a cycle that Bangladesh knows all too well. The referendum is intended to put a stop to that cycle by making illiberal changes more expensive in politics.

A ‘Yes’ vote is an expression of a collective voice, saying, “We will not accept governance through fear, silence, and violence, in the name of order.” It is preventive, not reactive. It eliminates the conditions that made July inevitable.

The moral choice: Countries, like people, also have their moments when they face the alternatives of remembering and forgetting. It is demanding to remember, and it calls for reform, accountability, and self-control. Forgetting, on the other hand, is easier and more dangerous.

February 12 is the moment when Bangladesh is faced with a choice. Voting ‘Yes’ is an act of collective memory, an act that remembers suffering, remembers failure, and remembers the need for change. Voting ‘No’ or opting out is an act of forgetting, and forgetting is an act that repeats.

Why reform is resisted: The opposition in the referendum is quite revealing. On the domestic front, the existing networks associated with the old regime, including some associated with the banned Awami League, will have every reason to oppose any reform that seeks to end the culture of impunity and patronage. Unchanged constitutions are hard to turn back; the absence of change leaves space for a return.

But beyond these international players, there may also be regional players who are uncomfortable with this new reality. A more confident and rule-bound Bangladesh would not be as vulnerable to pressure and backchannel politics. For these players, it is not a matter of ideology; it is a matter of interest.

The strategic cost of rejection: ‘No’ would have larger implications than the domestic politics of the country. ‘No’ would mean a lack of confidence in the country’s ability to consolidate the democratic advances achieved in the face of crisis. But, more importantly, ‘No’ would mean the failure of the moral challenge of the month of July, where the people stood up not only for a change of government but for a change of the style of governance. Unless the change is made to the constitution, the forces of fear and concentration may regroup, reorganize, and come back, this time under the cloak of legality.

Why ‘Yes’ is the firewall regression: A ‘Yes’ vote locks out the possibility of regression. It turns a revolutionary document into a constitutional one, making it much more difficult for authoritarianism, either domestic or foreign backed, to exploit procedural weaknesses. It says that the future of Bangladesh will be decided by its own people, not some hidden agendas that feed on the weakness of its institutions.

In this regard, the referendum is about irreversibility. The referendum ensures that the month of July cannot be quietly reversed, and the republic can oppose any kind of regression or meddling, whether internal or external.

The referendum is not a distraction in electoral politics, but rather its basis. Without structural change, elections risk being procedurally correct but substantively empty. Through change, they are restored to their former status as tools of true self-government.

By saying ‘Yes’ on February 12, the people of Bangladesh can mark the end of a journey that began in July, bringing the people’s struggle from the streets to the constitution, from protest to policy, from sacrifice to safeguard. It is a statement that says Bangladesh will not give away its future in exchange for a temporary calm labeled as stability.

Dr Serajul I Bhuiyan is a professor and former chair of journalism and mass communications at Savannah State University, Savannah, Georgia, USA.​

 

[Saif]

Restructuring for administrative efficiency

In a significant move aimed at streamlining administrative efficiency, the interim government has recently unveiled a set of restructuring decisions involving steps towards enhancing transparency, efficiency and accountability across key state institutions. Presided over by the Chief Adviser, the m

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Restructuring for administrative efficiency

FE
Published :
Jan 22, 2026 23:18
Updated :
Jan 22, 2026 23:18

In a significant move aimed at streamlining administrative efficiency, the interim government has recently unveiled a set of restructuring decisions involving steps towards enhancing transparency, efficiency and accountability across key state institutions. Presided over by the Chief Adviser, the meeting of the National Implementation Committee on Administrative Reorganisation (NICAR) approved a total of 11 administrative measures as part of a broader reform agenda of the interim government.

Among the most consequential decisions was the bifurcation of the tax wing of the National Board of Revenue (NBR), dividing it into two separate entities: the Revenue Policy Division and the Revenue Management Division. Officials have stated that the two new divisions are expected to begin operations in February with preparatory work for the split nearing completion. The proposal, however, had not been without controversy. When it was first announced earlier, it triggered considerable unrest, including pen-down strikes by sections of NBR staff and officials. Now, with the NICAR's formal approval, the restructuring appears to be finally settled. While the decision may be welcomed as an administrative milestone, its success will ultimately depend on outcomes rather than intentions. The objective should not be confined merely to reducing workload or redistributing responsibilities, but to ensuring qualitative improvements in efficiency, professionalism and service delivery. Equally important is safeguarding the interests of taxpayers, for whom the tax authority must function as a facilitative mechanism rather than an added source of complexity or hardship.

Another important issue discussed at the NICAR meeting was the future structure of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP). Deliberations reportedly explored whether the DMP could be divided into multiple units-possibly along north-south lines or through other administrative configurations. Although no final decision has been reached, officials suggest that the idea remains under active consideration. Here again, the stated aim is to improve professional efficiency. Yet, experience suggests that structural fragmentation does not automatically translate into better service delivery. The earlier bifurcation of the Dhaka Municipal Corporation into two separate entities serves as a cautionary example, where the intended gains in efficiency largely remained unrealised. Beyond bifurcation, the restructuring initiative also includes mergers of certain administrative bodies. The NICAR approved the merger of the Public Security Division and the Security Services Division under the Ministry of Home Affairs, as well as the consolidation of the Health Services Division with the Health Education and Family Welfare Division under the Ministry of Health. These moves appear to signal an effort to reduce overlap and improve coordination between and among ministries.

Taken together, the scale and scope of the NICAR decisions underscore the interim government's attempt to reshape key institutions-not only to improve day-to-day governance, but also to signal a departure from entrenched administrative practices. Yet, as experience repeatedly reminds us, reform is judged not by its rhetoric or structural ambition, but by its tangible impact. In the end, it is not the intention behind these decisions, but their outcomes, that will determine whether the promise of reform is truly fulfilled.​

 

[Saif]

Bureaucracy obstructs effective ACC reforms

Transparency International Bangladesh executive director Iftekharuzzaman, regarding reforms in the Anti-Corruption Commission, said that the interim government had failed to remove obstacles to effective ACC reforms and had neglected the...

www.newagebd.net

Bureaucracy obstructs effective ACC reforms
Sadiqur Rahman 24 January, 2026, 01:10

Iftekharuzzaman | File photo

Transparency International Bangladesh executive director Iftekharuzzaman, regarding reforms in the Anti-Corruption Commission, said that the interim government had failed to remove obstacles to effective ACC reforms and had neglected the immediately implementable reforms due to the bureaucracy.

According to his observation, Bangladesh has emerged from 16 years of entrenched kleptocracy in which corruption, abuse of power, and non-accountability became core features of governance.


He said that the July 2024 uprising reflected public rejection of this system and raised hopes for a transparent, accountable state.

However, he said that those hopes had largely been shattered, as, he observed, immediately after the Awami League regime’s ouster, new vested interests moved in to occupy political and administrative spaces, grabbed land, engaged in extortion, filed false cases, and captured institutions with politically motivated appointments and promotions.

The interim government, he further said, has failed to resist these trends and neglected reform commissions’ meaningful recommendations on implementable reforms, including those on strengthening the Anti-Corruption Commission.

According to him, the interim government has taken some symbolic steps but major proposals such as setting up an independent ‘selection and review committee’ for the ACC have been dropped, mainly due to resistance from the bureaucracy.

Iftekharuzzaman described the bureaucracy as the biggest obstacle to effective reforms in the ACC. Raising concerns, he said that none of the 15 ACC-related short-term implementable reforms, also listed in the July National Charter, had been implemented.

Proposals to reduce bureaucratic control, establish independent investigation mechanisms in the ACC, and adopting the Common Reporting Standard to curb money laundering have also been ignored.

He also said that the hope for making the ACC a constitutional body seemed to be fading as one of the major political parties opposed this recommendation.​