[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

PM launches reform drive to ease business, attract investment

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman kick-starts a much-cherished reform drive to remove key bottlenecks to private sector and enhance ease of doing business with the cardinal goal of attracting fresh investment from home and abroad and accelerating job creation. The crucial move came at a high-lev

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

A much-hyped new govt move on economic front
PM launches reform drive to ease business, attract investment
Offshore finance mobilisation by businesses envisaged, FDI in banks, insurance to be allowed

Jasim Uddin

Published :
Apr 04, 2026 23:59
Updated :
Apr 04, 2026 23:59

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman shakes hands with a business leader during a formal meeting with the country's leading businessmen at the PMO in the city on Saturday. — Focus Bangla

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman kick-starts a much-cherished reform drive to remove key bottlenecks to private sector and enhance ease of doing business with the cardinal goal of attracting fresh investment from home and abroad and accelerating job creation.

The crucial move came at a high-level meeting with Bangladesh's top business leaders at the Prime Minister's Office on Saturday, where the government also activated the Private-Sector Advisory Council (PSAC) to steer a time-bound reform agenda over the next two years.

Chaired by the Prime Minister, the council will serve as a platform to align policy with business needs and ensure implementation of reforms to improve competitiveness and the investment climate.

After the meeting was over, talking to The Financial Express, Pacific Jeans Managing Director Syed Mohammed Tanvir said the PSAC has been selected as a sounding board for the HPM to capture ground-level realities of manufacturing in Bangladesh from local companies.

"The purpose is to help reduce the gap between business and government. Areas discussed include policy reform and simplification, improving policy quality, timely implementation, and better governance. At the same time, the focus is on identifying ways to boost competitiveness, open up new sectors, create quality jobs, and improve human capital."

He says the meeting was the first to discuss cross-cutting issues such as regulatory bottlenecks, energy, human capital, the NBR, logistics, exports, FDI, branding, new technologies, and finance.

The newly formed PSAC is scheduled to meet every three months to monitor progress, he adds.

Talking to the FE, M. A. Jabbar, Managing Director of DBL Group and a council member, said the Prime Minister directly heard business leaders' concerns during the nearly two-and-a-half-hour-long meeting.

"The focus was on improving the business environment to attract both domestic and foreign investment and generate employment," he says.

He notes that businesses flagged persistent bottlenecks, including complexities in VAT, customs, and income-tax administration by the NBR, as well as hurdles in business registration and renewal.

Logistical and financial constraints -- such as deep-sea port operations, airport capacity, high lending rates, and land and utility issues in economic zones -- also came under discussion.

The meeting also discussed a proposal to raise readymade garment (RMG) exports to $70 billion over the next five years.

Business leaders proposed measures to boost exports and achieve greater self-sufficiency in raw materials, focusing on sectors such as active pharmaceutical ingredients (API), automobiles, semiconductors, agro-processing, and light engineering.

Jabbar adds: the Prime Minister issued on-the-spot directives to address several urgent issues, with others to be resolved in phases under the reform roadmap.

PM Office officials say the Prime Minister emphasised the need for urgent and measurable progress in addressing long-standing structural constraints, including complex taxation, high lending rates, and inefficiencies in port and logistics systems.

The government will conduct a comprehensive review of existing regulations across sectors to identify over-regulation and eliminate overlapping authorities, with a focus on simplifying procedures and reducing compliance burdens.

A key strategy involves benchmarking reforms against peer economies such as Sri Lanka and Indonesia, aiming to adopt proven solutions rather than designing new frameworks from scratch.

During the meeting, business leaders proposed a more structured engagement mechanism between the private sector and key regulatory bodies, including BIDA, the National Board of Revenue (NBR), Bangladesh Bank, IDRA, and BSEC.

They suggested involving industry representatives in policy formulation, allowing businesses to present ground-level realities and provide feedback before regulations are finalized.

According to attendees, Prime Minister Tarique Rahman, whose party espouses wide-ranging reforms in governance and economy, welcomed the idea, signalling a shift toward stronger public-private coordination in economic policymaking.

To improve access to finance, discussions included enabling offshore borrowing for local firms and reviving the domestic bond market.

Plans are also underway to attract foreign investment in banking and insurance, aiming to strengthen financial depth and stability.

A major pillar of the reform recipe is transforming the NBR from a revenue-focused agency into a trade facilitator. Proposed measures include shifting from trade-based taxes toward domestic taxation, such as personal and corporate income tax and VAT, with trade taxes projected to fall from around 28 percent to 7.5 percent by 2035.

The plan also envisions eliminating advance income tax (AIT) and tax deducted at source (TDS), while modernizing tax administration through digital systems to broaden the tax base and enhance transparency.

Business leaders also flagged logistics and infrastructure gaps. Bangladesh spends an estimated 15-20 per cent of GDP on logistics -- nearly double the global average -- undermining competitiveness.

The government plans to expand and modernize ports, develop railways via public-private partnerships, and accelerate renewable-energy adoption, including incentives for solar power and private-sector investment in clean-energy solutions.

The meeting has underscored a broader economic shift from low-cost labour to a skills-driven, diversified economy. A new workforce-development framework will focus on technical skills and industry-oriented training.

Export diversification is also a priority, targeting $100 billion in export by 2030, with emerging sectors like semiconductors, light engineering, and outdoor equipment complementing traditional industries.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) received special attention, with the Prime Minister emphasizing the need to improve the overall investor experience and benchmark the ease of doing business against competitors such as Vietnam, Cambodia, and India.

Measures include easing visa regimes, improving airport and entry procedures, and launching a global branding campaign under a "Build in Bangladesh" narrative.

The discussion also highlighted new manufacturing frontiers and strengthening existing clusters, such as Bogura's light-engineering industry.

Business leaders welcomed the reform agenda but stressed that consistent execution and inter-agency coordination would be critical for success.

Among others, leading industrialists, including Syed Nasim Manzur, Managing Director of Apex Footwear, Ziaur Rahman of Bay Footwear, Ahsan Khan Chowdhury, CEO of PRAN-RFL Group, Abdul Muktadir, Managing Director of Incepta Group, Hafizur Rahman Khan, Chairman of Runner Group, Sohana Rouf Chowdhury, managing director of Rangs Group, and Arif Dowla of ACI Limited were present at the meeting.

Representing the government were Finance and Planning Minister Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury, Commerce Minister Khandaker Abdul Muktadir, Minister for Power, Energy and Mineral Resources Iqbal Hasan Mahmud Tuku, BIDA Executive Chairman Chowdhury Ashik Bin Harun, and Bangladesh Bank Governor Mostakur Rahman.​

 

[Saif]

Nahid Islam calls on prof Yunus, former advisers to take to streets on reform issue

Nahid Islam, convener of the National Citizen Party (NCP), has called on former advisers—including Professor Muhammad Yunus and former law adviser Asif Nazrul—to take to the streets to ensure the implementation of reforms. “We gave them power through people’s blood, but they have disappointed...

en.prothomalo.com

Nahid Islam calls on prof Yunus, former advisers to take to streets on reform issue

Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 04 Apr 2026, 22: 38

After returning to the country this Saturday noon following the completion of holy Umrah, Nahid Islam spoke to journalists at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport in Dhaka. `Nahid Islam’s Facebook

Nahid Islam, convener of the National Citizen Party (NCP), has called on former advisers—including Professor Muhammad Yunus and former law adviser Asif Nazrul—to take to the streets to ensure the implementation of reforms.

“We gave them power through people’s blood, but they have disappointed us. However, to preserve whatever has been achieved, they too must come to the street,” he said.

He made these remarks while speaking to journalists upon his return from Umrah at Dhaka’s Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport.

Nahid Islam, who is also the opposition chief whip in the National Parliament, said that after securing a two-thirds majority in the election, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is disregarding everything. He alleged that they are not accepting the verdict of the referendum, are offering new excuses, and introducing various proposals. Among important ordinances, 10 to 11 are not being brought to Parliament, meaning they will not be turned into law. Through this, he claimed, the BNP government wants to retain the previous authoritarian system where executive power remains absolute.

Nahid Islam said, “Dr Muhammad Yunus, Asif Nazrul, and other advisers who played important roles must take responsibility. They were the ones who introduced these ordinances. Now that these are being repealed, they must speak out. Dr Muhammad Yunus must break his silence.”

The NCP convener also alleged that the interim government handed over power to the BNP through “election engineering.”

He said it cannot be the case that these laws and ordinances will be repealed, reforms will not happen, and the former advisers will remain silent and return to their own careers.

“They too must face the court of the people,” he added.

Responding to a question about the situation in Parliament, Nahid Islam said, “What is happening in the National Parliament is a kind of drama. Discussions are being held on the President’s speech—who was not supposed to remain in office for so long.”

He added that the kind of discussions they want cannot take place in Parliament due to the lack of a proper environment, forcing them to take to the streets.

When asked whether Parliament has become ineffective, Nahid Islam said, “It is the ruling party that is making Parliament ineffective. We want Parliament to function effectively. Two elections have taken place—the referendum and the national election. The Parliament formed based on the national election is functioning. But another election, which was supposed to lead to the formation of a Constitution Reform Council, has been rendered ineffective by the BNP government. As a result, Parliament has already become half ineffective.”​

 

[Saif]

When reform becomes more power, less accountability

With the parliamentary politics once again becoming vibrant and engaging, a clear fault line is gradually emerging between the ruling party, BNP, and the opposition, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI).

www.thedailystar.net

When reform becomes more power, less accountability

6 April 2026, 09:00 AM

Kamal Ahmed

FILE VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

With the parliamentary politics once again becoming vibrant and engaging, a clear fault line is gradually emerging between the ruling party, BNP, and the opposition, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI). Not too long ago, these two parties were political allies—both in government and in opposition—jointly leading street movements against the rise of authoritarian rule under Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League. Their eventual split largely stemmed from a redrawing of the country’s political landscape following the uprising against Hasina’s dictatorial regime, which ultimately consigned her party to political irrelevance.

Both parties have been victims of egregious abuses of power, including the criminalisation of state institutions under Hasina’s rule. They endured severe persecution—enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, fabricated charges, prolonged detention without trial, and brutal physical violence. At one point, their political futures appeared nearly extinguished due to the judiciary’s partisan alignment with the executive. In response, both parties championed sweeping reforms in governance and key state institutions, particularly the judiciary, security apparatus, and law enforcement, with a shared commitment to accountability and the rule of law.

In the newly redrawn political landscape, both parties continue to profess support for fundamental reforms, though their interpretations diverge significantly. The reform process initiated by the interim government led by Professor Yunus—through 11 thematic commissions and a National Consensus Commission—resulted in the July National Charter as well as 133 ordinances aimed at overhauling governance and state institutions. Subsequently, the newly elected Jatiya Sangshad formed a parliamentary committee that recommended legal validation of 98 of these ordinances without amendment. At first glance, such broad agreement might suggest an impressive level of political consensus.

A closer examination, however, reveals a far more troubling picture. The 13-member parliamentary committee also proposed that 15 ordinances be introduced in amended form, while 16 others should be deferred for further revision rather than presented as bills now. Most strikingly, the committee recommended scrapping four ordinances outright, three of which relate to judicial reforms widely considered essential for ensuring judicial independence. Reactions from the opposition alliance led by JI, as well as from prominent non-partisan civil society actors and rights groups, suggest that these decisions represent a significant step backward.

The committee report includes notes of dissent from opposition members but none from those on the treasury bench. Three opposition MPs formally objected to 12 ordinances. These dynamics point to a disturbing pattern: rather than exercising independent judgment, many lawmakers appear to have adhered strictly to party directives. Notably, the report omits mention of a ruling party MP who submitted a detailed letter opposing the decision to let certain ordinances lapse or be discarded. This raises concerns that Article 70 of the constitution—which restricts MPs from voting against party lines—is already being enforced, despite prior commitments by all parliamentary parties to limit the application of Article 70 to confidence votes and finance bills.

A review of the ordinances slated for approval, revision, or rejection suggests that the ruling BNP may be prioritising consolidation of power over accountability, contradicting its own 31-point reform agenda. Among the 98 ordinances likely to pass unchanged are provisions that expand executive authority, including powers to remove elected local government officials and discipline civil servants. Given Bangladesh’s history of partisan interference in local governance, retaining such provisions risks replacing elected representatives with politically loyal administrators—an outcome that diverges sharply from BNP’s stated commitments and undermines recommendations from the Local Government Reform Commission. Many of the remaining ordinances are administrative in nature and carry limited political significance.

The most contentious recommendation, however, is the decision to scrap three ordinances related to judicial independence, particularly those concerning judicial appointments and the establishment of a separate secretariat for the Supreme Court. These moves effectively revive earlier practices that allowed significant executive influence over judicial appointments and the lower judiciary. This is especially striking given that many senior BNP leaders, including Tarique Rahman and Khaleda Zia, have themselves suffered from what many describe as the weaponisation of the judiciary under the previous regime. There are also suggestions that elements within the bureaucracy have resisted the creation of an independent judicial secretariat—claims that the government should address transparently to justify its position.

Equally concerning is the apparent retreat from efforts to strengthen institutional accountability. The parliamentary committee’s recommendation to defer (meaning allowing to lapse) 16 ordinances includes key legislation such as reforms to the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). Allowing this ordinance to lapse could effectively dismantle the current NHRC, which has arguably the potential to be the most effective in the country’s history, as its members include experts who have investigated over 1,500 cases of enforced disappearance while leading a different probe commission. Reports indicate resistance from security agencies and bureaucratic actors to empowering the NHRC, particularly regarding its authority to investigate abuses and operate independently.

It is particularly troubling that a party with a significant number of victims of enforced disappearances now appears to accept national security justifications for limiting oversight. Such a position not only contradicts the spirit of the July mass uprising but also undermines fundamental human rights obligations. Mere pledges by the BNP to bring back these legislations with improved and stronger safeguards are least assuring, as such revisions could have been made during the ongoing process of validating other ordinances.

The opposition JI members of the committee are not without fault. Their revisionist proposals—particularly the suggestion to remove references to Jamaat-e-Islami, Muslim League, and Nezam-e-Islami as collaborators with Pakistani forces from the ordinance on Muktijoddha Council —are deeply problematic. This effort to sanitise historical wrongdoing avoids necessary accountability and reconciliation. A more responsible approach would involve acknowledging past actions and offering a formal apology. How JI’s allies, especially the NCP, a party born out of the uprising and led by its youth leaders, respond to such revisionist tendencies remains to be seen.

Kamal Ahmed is consulting editor at The Daily Star. He led the Media Reform Commission under the immediate past interim government.​