[🇧🇩] The Home Adviser and the Law and Order Situation in Bangladesh

[Saif]

Build social resistance against rapists, abusers of women and children

To ensure the protection of women and children, we must first move away from this culture of impunity

en.prothomalo.com

Build social resistance against rapists, abusers of women and children
Editorial Desk
Published: 10 Mar 2025, 15: 32

Editorial Prothom Alo illustration

What kind of society are we living in! Neither young girls are safe here nor are women, whether at home out outside of the home. In recent times, several incidents of rape and abuse have taken place, shocking the entire society.

The incidents of two young women being physically assaulted over smoking, a female student at Dhaka University being harassed due to her attire and a woman in Bakerganj being publicly beaten for protesting against inappropriate behaviour are deeply concerning. Yet the firm action that should have been taken by the state and government remain largely absent.

Last week an eight-year old child was raped while visiting her sister’s home in Magura, a crime so heinous that it brings utter disgrace to our society. The criminal of this horrific act was none other than the father-in-law of the child’s sister, a man who proved to be utterly inhuman.

A case has been filed under Section 9(4) A/30 of the Women and Children Repression Prevention Act, accusing the criminals of rape and causing injury through rape. The victim’s sister’s husband, father-in-law, mother-in-law and elder brother-in-law have been named as defendants in the case. They were held in police custody and have now been shown as arrested in connection with the case.

The child is currently in a critical condition and is receiving treatment at CMH in Dhaka. Prior to this, she was treated at Magura General Hospital, Faridpur Medical College and Dhaka Medical College Hospital. As there was no improvement in her condition, she was transferred to CMH for further treatment.

People from various social and professional backgrounds across the country have protested against the rape and abuse of women and children. Public and private university teachers and students have also taken the streets, similar to their participation in last year’s anti-autocratic movement. Statistics indicate that in Bangladesh, the majority of incidents of abuse against women and children are committed by family members and close relatives.

With one incident of abuse against women after another, what is the government doing? What are the members of the law enforcement agencies doing? When a crime occurs, the may file a case, but most of those who commit such heinous act remain beyond reach. Recently, in a case of child rape in Dinajpur, the defendant, who had been sentenced to life imprisonment, was released on bail within just eight and a half years. The victim child and her family are now living in fear and insecurity.

Although there are numerous laws against the abuse of women and children in the country, their proper implementation is lacking. Even when cases are filed, adequate investigations are not conducted. A few years ago, a study by Prothom Alo revealed that only 3% of those accused in child and women abuse cases are convicted. Under these circumstances, there is no reason to believe that incidents of abuse against women and children will decrease.

In the Magura case, the High Court has instructed that the investigation into the case (where the child has been allegedly raped) be completed within 30 working days and that the trial should be concluded within 180 days of taking the charges into consideration. When the law operates at its own pace, the High Court need not intervene. It is hoped that the relevant authorities will complete the investigation and judicial proceedings within the prescribed time.

To ensure the protection of women and children, we must first move away from this culture of impunity. In every case, the criminals must be assured of punishment. At the same time, social resistance must be built against the criminals. Say “no” to all forms of abuse against women and children, including rape.​

 

[Saif]

Reconstructing society: Lessons from a cybercrime case

Girl targeted with AI deepfake porn & extortion. Community unites for justice.

www.thedailystar.net

Reconstructing society: Lessons from a cybercrime case

ILLUSTRATION: FREEPIK

Two months back, I was drawn into a traumatic cybercrime case that highlighted the depth of societal issues we face today. The ordeal began when the family of a young adolescent girl reached out to me to help uncover the identity of someone harassing their daughter through a fake messenger account. Shockingly, the perpetrator had used AI technology to create explicit videos of the girl by superimposing her face onto pornographic footage. They then demanded money, threatening to either share the videos with a wider audience or resort to an even more horrific act: throwing acid at her.

These crimes not only gravely violate personal dignity but frighteningly misuse emerging technology. With the support of law enforcement, journalists, development workers, lawyers, and activists, I joined the family in their pursuit of justice. Together, we embarked on a relentless 15-day journey to identify the perpetrator.

When the truth finally came to light, I was stunned to discover that the person responsible was a 15-year-old girl and that she had targeted multiple girls with the same malicious actions. I was shaken to my core, not just because of the unexpected identity of the perpetrator, but because of the deeper implications it holds for our society.

As I reflect on this experience, I find myself deeply questioning the foundational structures of our society, the role of families, the effectiveness of the educational system, and the values implanted in children. These questions weigh heavily on my heart, leaving me grappling with the unsettling reality of the societal trajectory. What makes this even more alarming is that the girl's parents are both teachers—individuals entrusted with shaping the minds and values of countless children in our society. It highlights the shortcomings of our social institutions, and the need for increased empathy, respect, and understanding of the consequences of our actions.

Family is essential for teaching empathy, discipline, and morals. Rigid control can promote negative views and criminal behaviour, further warping children's moral compass, while neglectful circumstances can cause them to seek authority or recognition. In the context of this case, one could wonder: what unmet emotional needs or lack of guidance led the perpetrator to such an act? Families need to be more aware of the emotional and psychological needs of their children, teaching them the importance of respect, self-awareness, and ethical behaviour.

The educational system often prioritises academic achievement over emotional and social development, neglecting digital literacy, ethics, and interpersonal skills. To create emotionally intelligent citizens, schools should focus on empathy and responsibility. They should help students evolve to create a meticulous understanding of the impact of their actions on others.

The rise of social media has influenced young minds, leading to a culture of validation and attention-seeking. It's crucial to create safe spaces for young people to express themselves without resorting to harmful or unethical means.

Why a person might find such criminal acts tempting requires delving into the psychosocial factors at play. Adolescents are naturally curious and impressionable. When combined with easy access to advanced technology, curiosity can lead to dangerous experimentation. The perpetrator in this case likely did not fully understand the harm and long-term consequences of her actions. For some individuals, committing such acts provides a sense of control or power. Insecure adolescents, for instance, may resort to harmful behaviours as a way to assert dominance or gain social validation.

A lack of emotional intelligence and coping mechanisms can lead to destructive actions. Adolescents often struggle with managing emotions such as anger, jealousy, or insecurity, and without proper guidance, they may channel these feelings in the wrong way. Families must deliberately foster open communication, emotional intelligence, and respect. The education system must be restructured to create platforms for students to share their experiences and concerns without fear of judgment.

Communities need to foster inclusivity and provide support for local initiatives, youth clubs, and safe digital platforms as outlets for adolescents to express themselves and build a sense of belonging. Modernising religious and ethical organisations is necessary to meet today's issues of empathy and social responsibility.

This incident has been a painful wake-up call but also reinforced my commitment to advocating for change. We cannot move forward by clinging to outdated mindsets or ignoring the pressing need for reform. Instead, we must create a society where inclusivity, empathy, and mutual understanding are valued above all else. Reconstruction begins with each of us. By addressing the gaps in our social institutions and understanding the psychosocial dimensions of behaviour, we can pave the way for a brighter, more compassionate future.

Taslima Tinni is a human rights activist.​

 

[Saif]

A community-driven approach to restoring law and order

The popular uprising that led to the downfall of the former regime has left law and order in a state of decline.

www.thedailystar.net

A community-driven approach to restoring law and order

Army personnel check motorists, mostly motorcyclists, on Manik Mia Avenue late last night amid a recent spate of street crimes in the capital and other places. File Photo: Star

The popular uprising that led to the downfall of the former regime has left law and order in a state of decline. Reports indicate an increase in mob violence, extortion, and the rise of unruly factions. The police force, previously aligned with the regime, largely withdrew from its duties following the uprising as a result of widespread public resentment and retaliatory actions against law enforcement personnel.

The key challenge now is how to restore the police force's effectiveness while also exploring alternative measures to address the law enforcement gap.

Public dissatisfaction and fear of retribution have prevented many police officers from returning to duty, particularly those who were directly involved in state-led repression. The first step in addressing this crisis is to rebuild police confidence by ensuring that law-abiding officers are not held accountable for the actions of a few.

Direct engagement with the police force is essential for restoring morale and encouraging participation. Organising interactive, day-long workshops at all sub-district police stations and district headquarters—attended by senior officials, political leaders, and representatives of professional bodies and the community—can facilitate dialogue, provide a platform for police personnel to express concerns, and foster trust between law enforcement and the public.

Historically, rural Bangladesh has relied on self-organised crime prevention mechanisms. Chowkidars (watchmen) patrolled villages, with residents often taking turns to monitor security. This informal system, rooted in communal responsibility, ensured safety in areas with limited police presence.

Over time, modern governance has weakened these traditional structures. However, the concept of community-based defence remains deeply ingrained in our culture. Following August 5, citizens quickly mobilised to protect their neighbourhoods, including guarding Hindu temples during Durga Puja to prevent attacks. This underscores the untapped potential of community-driven security initiatives. Strengthening these efforts through structured programmes can help bridge the law enforcement gap.

Community policing and civilian-led defence strategies are not merely theoretical—they have been successfully implemented in countries like the US, UK, and Australia. International examples from conflict zones further illustrate their effectiveness. During Egypt's 2011 revolution, police abandonment led to the emergence of "popular committees," volunteer neighbourhood watch groups that stepped in to prevent looting. Similarly, in Nigeria, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) mobilised over 26,000 community members to assist the military against Boko Haram, providing intelligence and securing towns.

In Bangladesh, when the regular police force collapsed, Ansar units safeguarded key sites, including police stations, traffic junctions, and Dhaka's international airport. In rural areas, VDP volunteers protected religious minorities from communal violence. Additionally, student-led community networks played a crucial role in maintaining order, stepping in as traffic controllers and night patrols to prevent looting.

These civic initiatives underscore that, with proper motivation and organisation, community members can effectively uphold basic law and order, at least temporarily, preventing anarchy in times of instability. They highlight how community-driven security efforts can reduce crime, protect neighbourhoods, and support overstretched official forces. By leveraging local knowledge and trust, these initiatives respond swiftly and adaptively to security threats at the grassroots level.

In Bangladesh, community policing structures exist but remain largely ineffective due to insufficient government support. The Gram Police Act of 2006 integrated Chowkidars into the Union Parishad as Gram Police, yet their role has been limited by inadequate resources and oversight. In contrast, the Ansar and Village Defence Party (VDP)—a well-trained paramilitary force specialising in both urban and rural security—has proven its effectiveness during crises.

A community-driven law enforcement strategy can benefit all key institutions if properly structured. The police, seeking to restore public trust, can enhance their legitimacy through community partnerships. Ansar-VDP, already embedded in local communities, is eager for greater empowerment. The military supports any initiative that stabilises the nation without requiring prolonged deployment. Coordinating their roles—police providing legal oversight, Ansar-VDP handling grassroots security, and the military serving as an emergency strike force—will be essential.

To ensure smooth collaboration, the interim government must clearly define responsibilities—community volunteers and Ansar-VDP should manage neighbourhood watch and basic security, the police should focus on investigations and enforcement, and the military should remain on standby for exceptional threats. Currently, the military is engaged in routine patrols and guard duties—tasks that do not require specialised training and risk overextending personnel. A more effective approach would delegate these duties to civil defence units, allowing the military to focus on rapid-response operations.

Formation of civil defence units: Comprising Village Police, VDP, BNCC, and local volunteers, these units can be stationed in key areas like markets and residential neighbourhoods.

Regular patrolling: Lightly armed Ansar and police personnel can conduct patrols along highways and transport routes to deter crime and ensure safe passage.

Rapid response teams: Military units, special police forces, and armed Ansar battalions can be positioned strategically to intervene swiftly based on intelligence from patrol teams.

This multi-layered security model would restore stability, enhance public confidence, and reduce the military's burden, allowing it to focus on strategic operations rather than routine law enforcement. This clarity will prevent inter-agency friction and ensure institutional support.

Bangladesh's deeply polarised political landscape presents a major challenge. Political factions may oppose community policing, fearing it could be leveraged against them. Additionally, there is a risk that local political groups could exploit community defence forces to target rivals under the pretext of security. Maintaining strict non-partisanship through transparent oversight and independent monitoring is crucial to preventing the formation of party-affiliated militias.

Globally, civilian involvement in law enforcement has sometimes resulted in mob justice. For instance, Nigeria's CJTF, despite its effectiveness, faced allegations of extrajudicial killings and abuse of power. Continuous monitoring, strict regulations, and immediate enforcement are essential. Community initiatives must be closely supervised, and any misconduct should be swiftly addressed through transparent reporting. The media plays a crucial role in documenting and exposing violations to ensure accountability.

For this strategy to succeed, widespread community involvement and backing from non-partisan civil organisations are vital. A well-organised civil defence system can help restore law and order, enhance public safety, and promote collaboration between law enforcement and local communities. A community-driven security model is not merely a necessity but an opportunity to create a more accountable, transparent, and effective law enforcement system that serves the people. It can be equally effective during peacetime, times of crisis, and electoral periods.

Saifur Rahman is a senior IT specialist and certified professional.​

 

[Saif]

Chief adviser calls for maintaining stable security in country

A high-level meeting on the law and order situation in the country was held at the State Guest House Jamuna in Dhaka on Tuesday

en.prothomalo.com

Chief adviser calls for maintaining stable security in country
BSS Dhaka
Published: 20 May 2025, 21: 29

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus File photo

A high-level meeting on the law and order situation in the country was held at the State Guest House Jamuna in Dhaka on Tuesday, with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus in the chair.

The meeting was attended by home adviser Lieutenant General (retired) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, foreign adviser Md Touhid Hossain and national security adviser Khalilur Rahman.

Chief of the Army staff General Waker-Uz-Zaman, Navy chief Admiral Mohammad Nazmul Hassan, and Air Force chief Air Marshal Hasan Mahmood Khan, along with other senior officials, also attended the meeting.

The meeting reviewed the law and order situation across the country. Senior security officials presented reports on the situation, Chief Adviser's Deputy Press Secretary Abul Kalam Azad Majumder told the news agency.

Chief adviser Dr. Yunus underscored the need for maintaining a stable security situation in the capital and elsewhere in the country.

He appreciated the efforts by the security forces in some of the high-profile incidents.​

 

[Saif]

Persistent crisis of law and order

The collapse of law and order in the aftermath of the July uprising was not entirely unexpected. What is deeply troubling, however, is its persistent and escalating nature even after nine months. The current state of public security is, by all accounts, deteriorating at an alarming rate. What began

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Persistent crisis of law and order

Published :
May 23, 2025 00:42
Updated :
May 23, 2025 00:42

The collapse of law and order in the aftermath of the July uprising was not entirely unexpected. What is deeply troubling, however, is its persistent and escalating nature even after nine months. The current state of public security is, by all accounts, deteriorating at an alarming rate. What began as a reaction to systemic misrule under the former regime has spiralled into a full-blown crisis. The unresolved issues now continue to manifest through relentless protests, demonstrations, strikes and blockades that have disrupted everyday life across the country, particularly in Dhaka, which remains the epicentre of the turmoil. The capital is routinely paralysed with roads blocked for hours and traffic thrown into utter chaos. Alongside this, rising incidents of robbery and even killings have compounded the crisis. What was once civil agitation is fast turning into lawlessness, generating fear and frustration among the general public.

Law enforcement agencies appear overwhelmed and underprepared. Following the uprising, many police stations across the country were attacked, largely in retaliation for the previous regime's heavy-handed suppression of dissent. In the immediate aftermath, the police were largely inactive, either out of fear or lack of direction. Although they have since returned to the streets, their response lacks the vigour and coordination the situation urgently demands. The deployment of the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and army personnel-the latter given magisterial powers-has done little to contain the widespread unrest. Despite their presence, the disorder is growing more entrenched by the day.

In a bid to tackle the escalating crisis, the Chief Adviser of the interim government recently convened a high-level meeting, attended by, among others, the Chiefs of the three defence services. The meeting reportedly reviewed the nationwide law-and-order situation, with the Chief Adviser stressing the importance of restoring stability in Dhaka and beyond. However, it remains unclear whether any concrete or decisive steps were agreed upon to deal with the unfolding chaos. Public confidence continues to erode in the absence of visible action or clear communication from the top leadership.

It is evident that the interim government, in a conscious attempt to distance itself from the past regime's notoriety for police brutality, has adopted an overly cautious stance. While this tolerance may stem from a desire to uphold democratic norms and avoid repeating past mistakes, it has inadvertently emboldened disorder and created a perception of weakness. This reluctance to act decisively is proving costly, as the unrest continues to permeate nearly every aspect of daily life, inflicting both economic and psychological stresses on citizens. Left unchecked, this drift into disorder could lead to long-term consequences for governance, investor confidence, and the democratic process itself. The situation calls for a strong, lawful and coordinated response-one that upholds civil liberties but also draws clear lines against anarchy. This descent into chaos must be halted-urgently and resolutely. The government must move beyond mere appeals and rhetoric. A firm but just approach is now essential to restore public order, reassure citizens, and safeguard national stability.​

 

[Saif]

Who is Subrata Bain, and how did he enter the crime world?

He appeared to be involved with three recent murders in Dhaka, as well as multiple incidents of land grabbing and extortion.

en.prothomalo.com

Who is Subrata Bain, and how did he enter the crime world?
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 27 May 2025, 23: 05

Subrata Bain Collected

In the 1990s, Subrata Bain alias Fateh Ali was one of the most notorious figures in the capital’s crime world. He was arrested repeatedly, but managed to secure bail, walk out of jail, and resume criminal activities.

Now, he has been arrested again from Kushtia, along with his associates Mollah Masud, Arafat, and Sharif.

According to law enforcement sources, he appeared to be involved with three recent murders in Hatirjheel and Gulshan areas of Dhaka, as well as multiple incidents of land grabbing and extortion.

A police source revealed that Arif Sardar (35), a local ward-level Jubo Dal member, was shot dead by associates of Subrata Bain in Hatirjheel on 21 April. Besides, he recently smuggled some arms from India, and his associates are carrying out various criminal activities, including murder, with the arms.

Subroto Bain was born at the Holy Family Hospital in Dhaka in 1967. His full name is Trimati Subrata Bain. His father, Bipul Bain, worked as a driver for a non-governmental organisation. Subrata, the eldest child of his family, used to reside in a rented house in the capital’s Moghbazar area, with his mother and three sisters.

He began his education at Oxford Mission School in Barishal and later transferred to Sher-e-Bangla School in Dhaka, where he completed his SSC. He entered the crime world shortly after his admission to Siddheshwari College.

According to police sources, Subrata came in touch with a local leader when he went to get admitted to the college. At one stage, he took arms and formed own criminal gang at Moghbazar.

He first came to police attention in 1993 following the murder of a vegetable vendor in Madhubazar. His name later surfaced in an extortion case during the construction of a shopping complex in Moghbazar. In the following years, he became a dominant figure in the underworld.

In 1991, Subrata was convicted and sentenced to life in prison for the murder of Murad, a leader of the Chhatra League (JaSaD).

Subrata Bain also developed ties with political circles. During the 1991 general election, he worked for the BNP in the Moghbazar area and built close ties with the then home minister. Some top BNP leaders’ presence in his birthday programme earned him the title ‘star terrorist’. He engaged in a conflict with Jubo League leader Liakat over establishing control in the Moghbazar area.

In 2001, the Interpol issued a red notice against him, which is effective till date. Following the Interpol notice, Subrata fled to Kolkata, where he continued his criminal activities. In 2008, the Kolkata police arrested him, but he later escaped and fled to Nepal.

He was arrested again in Kolkata in 2012, which was his last reported arrest until the recent raid in Kushtia.​

 

[Saif]

Dhaka’s law and order situation demands better interventions

Effective measures needed to curb crime in the capital city

www.thedailystar.net

Dhaka’s law and order situation demands better interventions
Effective measures needed to curb crime in the capital city

VISUAL: STAR

We are concerned by the recent spate of crime in Dhaka that put its law and order situation once again under the spotlight. Since the political changeover in August last year, public security in the city has been an area of concern with a persistent rise in various criminal activities. Although the authorities have taken a number of measures to address the situation, things have proven difficult to manage. The spike in criminal incidents—with CCTV footage of several going viral on social media—is understandably fuelling fear among the general public. The government, therefore, must increase its efforts to comprehensively address these security concerns.

According to data from the Police Headquarters, Dhaka witnessed a noticeable rise in violent crimes in the first four months of this year, with robbery cases almost doubling and dacoity and murder cases nearly tripling compared to the same period last year. Over time, the criminals appear to be growing more audacious, often attacking people in broad daylight. On Tuesday morning, muggers attacked a currency trader, shot him, and robbed him of currencies worth Tk 22 lakh in the city's Mirpur area. On Sunday night, a BNP leader was shot dead by two assailants. Some perpetrators have even been seen carrying machetes, using them to intimidate or attack their victims.

What does it say about our law enforcement if gun-toting, machete-wielding criminals can roam freely in public? In some cases, police appeared reluctant to take action. For instance, a victim of mugging in Nikunja, who was attacked with machetes, reported the incident to Pallabi Police Station but no action was taken until a video of the incident went viral. Speaking to The Daily Star, he said the incident had shattered his sense of security, and—one may easily assume—that of many others.

This situation has persisted more or less since August. While the interim government has taken some initiatives, including deploying army troops with magistracy powers to assist in maintaining law and order, these efforts have often proven insufficient. Unfortunately, the police have yet to fully regain their footing, and criminals continue to take advantage of the vacuum. This is unacceptable. Law enforcement agencies must reassert control over the city's law and order using whatever means necessary. It is unacceptable for people to continue living in fear for their safety.​

 

[Saif]

Home Adviser for maintaining discipline to keep law and order, traffic jam under control

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury on Thursday said that if everyone maintains discipline and works with patience the law and order and traffic congestion would remain under control.

en.prothomalo.com

Home Adviser for maintaining discipline to keep law and order, traffic jam under control

BSS Dhaka
Published: 05 Jun 2025, 19: 48

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury speaks to the reporters in Gabtoli, Dhaka on 5 June 2025. BSS

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury on Thursday said that if everyone maintains discipline and works with patience the law and order and traffic congestion would remain under control.

“If we all cooperate to concerned authorities, the law and order would be improved and the traffic congestion must remain under control,” he said while speaking to the reporters after visiting the Gabtoli cattle market.

“I would like to request everyone to follow the rules in all areas while driving cars, bringing and taking trucks carrying sacrificial animals . . . encourage others to follow the rules too. If discipline is maintained on the roads, the law and order situation will remain under control," he said.

"This year, the prices of sacrificial animals are relatively reasonable. I feel the prices are slightly lower compared to the last year. We have an adequate supply of cattle, so buyers should not face any problem," the adviser said.

In response to a question about sellers charging extra money for space in the cattle market, Adviser Jahangir said, "No one is allowed to charge separately for space. We have made this clear in our meetings as well."

He also said there are sufficient sacrificial animals in the market. There is no shortage of cows, he added.

The advisor earlier visited Mirpur and Kafrul police stations in the capital and the Public Order Management (POM) located in Mirpur area.​