[🇧🇩] A New Political Party: National Citizen Party

[Bilal9]

OK - now it is clear that Tareque Zia is not getting back into Bangladesh politics.

Even BNP Fakhrul Alam er "jamai" debater Dr. Faham Abdus Salam is singing against BNP nowadays as I've seen in some Bangladeshi VLOGs.

 

[Saif]

OK - now it is clear that Tareque Zia is not getting back into Bangladesh politics.

Even BNP Fakhrul Alam er "jamai" debater Dr. Faham Abdus Salam is singing against BNP nowadays as I've seen in some Bangladeshi VLOGs.

Rough days are ahead of BNP and its leaders. BNP's top brass are to be blamed for its sorry state in Bangladesh politics.

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh: turbulent political history and the idea of "Second Republic"

Bangladeshi students who led last year's mass protest against the despotic government of Sheikh Hasina announced the formation of a new political party, the National Citizens Party (NCP), on Friday, February 28. Addressing the rally, leaders of the newly formed party emphasised that they would purs

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Bangladesh: turbulent political history and the idea of "Second Republic"
Muhammad Mahmood
Published :
Mar 08, 2025 22:48
Updated :
Mar 08, 2025 22:48

An iconic scene of students' protest in Dhaka during July upspring last year that forced Hasina to step down and flee to India. Photo : FE/Files

Bangladeshi students who led last year's mass protest against the despotic government of Sheikh Hasina announced the formation of a new political party, the National Citizens Party (NCP), on Friday, February 28. Addressing the rally, leaders of the newly formed party emphasised that they would pursue the politics of national unity over division, transparency and good governance over corruption, and an independent foreign policy over servility in foreign relations. They aim to build a second republic in Bangladesh based on a new constitution.

Nahid Islam, a 26-year-old prominent student leader until recently an Adviser in the interim government, has been named as the head of the party. Nine others -- all of them student leaders who rose to prominence during the mass uprising in July and August -- have been named to hold several top positions.

People responded enthusiastically with overwhelming support to the NCP. Many Bangladeshis hope that young people who were instrumental in deposing the despotic Hasina regime will be reshaping the turbulent political landscape of the country. People are also hoping that the rebuilding exercise of the NCP will also involve doing away with the dynastic politics of decidedly undemocratic political leaders of the two major political parties - the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Both parties lack any democratic practices and processes within their parties enabling dynastic leaders and their family members perpetuating full control over the parties.

The leaders of NCP will face formidable challenges in achieving their objectives given the country's tumultuous history since independence in 1971. The country's political landscape since then has been marked by one-party rule, military coups, and a gradual erosion of democracy under dynastic civilian governments and has badly corrupted the political system as well as norms and values of the civil society in the country.

The rot reaching the point was prompted by 15 and a half years of rule, until early August last year, by a highly corrupt and repressive authoritarian regime led by Hasina. She perpetuated her rule using a sham parliamentary democracy with all the tenets of autocracy. Her rule was a celebration of dynastic authoritarianism where her family members were instrumental in running and looting the country.

The euphoria that accompanied Hasina's departure still lingers, but the harsh reality of the road ahead is becoming increasingly clear. Already in bad shape, Bangladesh's economy is limping along, having taken a further hit from more than a month of protests and the uncertainty of the transition. While challenges abound, the situation presents Bangladesh with an unprecedented opportunity to clean up the mess.

The Bangladesh economy is currently slowing down. Early in November the World Bank slashed its growth forecast for Bangladesh by 1.7 percentage points to 4 per cent for the fiscal 2024-25. Recently Moody's downgraded country's outlook from stable to negative and downgraded the credit rating from B1 to B2 citing the reason that "the negative outlook reflects downside risks to Bangladesh's growth outlook". Overall, currently there is a pessimistic outlook for growth in the country.

A recently published draft report on the State of Bangladesh Economy revealed the extent of corruption involved in the public sector development expenditures under the Annual Development Program (ADP) alone over the last 15 years. The report indicated that about 40 per cent of the allocated funds were embezzled by the politicians and public servants. What is more disturbing is that this plundered money -- US$16 billion on average -- has been transferred overseas annually during the past 15 years of Hasina's rule.

Since the birth of Bangladesh, the country also has a problematic relationship with democracy. In fact, Bangladesh's regression towards authoritarianism has started soon after independence. Starting with the rigged election of 1973, the country's founding President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 put in place the framework for a one-party state using the constitution that is now still in place, but he and his family were brutally murdered in a coup, save his two daughters who were abroad at that time.

Furthermore, since gaining independence from Pakistan in 1971, Bangladesh's political landscape has been dominated by two family dynasties - Sheikh Hasia is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding President of Bangladesh and also one of the founding leaders of the Awami League (AL); and former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, the wife of former military ruler Ziaur Rahman who founded Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), while smaller leftist and Islamic parties have struggled to gain significant voter support. The AL and the BNP have governed the country for most of the past five decades.

Since 1990, Sheikh Hasina of the AL and her fierce rival, Begum Khaleda Zia have taken turns in government. They have been accused of widespread corruption and authoritarianism as well as failing to act on issues such as systemic inequality, discrimination and social injustice. Both have manipulated state organs, twisted election rules, mobilised party thugs and built patronage networks to cling to power. But Hasina took these tactics to extremes and pushed the Bangladeshi people too far. On August 5, Hasina fled the country amid a mass popular uprising against her increasingly brutal authoritarian rule. She along with her sister Rehana had fled to India. In fact, all her immediate family members are staying out of Bangladesh and all of them hold foreign passport. The hasty departure of Hasina has sealed the collapse of a family that has been linked to power since Bangladesh's independence in 1971. She systematically undermined the independence of Bangladesh's institutions, particularly the police, judiciary and bureaucracy to hold on to power. Her rule was also marked by widespread human rights violations and regular crackdowns on her opponents, coupled with economic mismanagement, stark social inequality and worsening corruption.

Political violence in Bangladesh is not unusual, having been present since the birth of the nation in 1971. The country has continued to be rocked by sporadic periods of political violence including military coups and counter-coups until a semblance of democratic process was restored slowly in 1991. But with Sheikh Hasina coming to power in 2009, things began to take a repressive turn for the next 15 years.

Hasina's departure from the political scene is also an opportunity for renewal. Fifty-three years after gaining independence through a bloody independence war, the overthrow of Hasina on August 5 is dubbed as the "Second Independence Day". This is also an opening to put in place stronger checks and balances on future governments. The overarching goal of forthcoming reforms is to make sure the authoritarianism and cronyism of the past fifteen years must not come back.

Therefore, Bangladesh faces a profound need for political renewal. It is now the time to make a break with an unhappy past. The NCP's declaration to build a second republic to ensure democratic and economic rights for all citizens in Bangladesh based on a new constitution can be the way forward for that political renewal. Adoption of a new constitution and establishment of a new republic happened many times before, like in France and Portugal. Spain also adopted a new constitution but with a constitutional monarchy.

The Fifth Republic is the current Republican system of government in France. It was established on October 4, 1958 by Charles De Gaulle under a new constitution. The Fifth Republic emerged from the collapse of the Fourth Republic replacing the former parliamentary republic. Executive power was increased at the expense of the National Assembly in the new constitution.

Portugal adopted a new Constitution in 1976, following the Carnation Revolution which overthrew the dictatorial regime led by Salazar, marking the beginning of the Third Portuguese Republic and establishing a democratic system. This new constitution replaced the 1933 constitution implemented under Salazar's rule.

The current constitution of Bangladesh which has undergone 17 amendments. In fact, the current constitution has been used as the vehicle for justifying various degrees of authoritarian rules over the last 53 years including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's one-party rule introduced in 1975.

Therefore, there is an urgent need to frame a new constitution. The adoption of a new constitution also means a new republic. That will require the interim government to take sufficient time to organise an election to constitute a constituent assembly to draft the new constitution which has to be ratified by referendum once written.

Constitutions are foundations of democracy, the rule of law, human rights and good governance. Therefore, the new constitution must provide for institutions that draw their authority from the people directly and are accountable to the people, not only through elections, but through processes that involve transparency and interaction.

Furthermore, government decisions should, where appropriate, be made by the level of government that is closest to the people. Politics must be free from corruption in all its forms including dynastic control as well as political influence of profit-seeking entities.​

 

[Saif]

Promise and peril of the new party

IN THE shadows of the July-August uprising, the streets of Dhaka that once echoed with chants for freedom are now witnessing a new phase of political engagement. The students who risked their academic futures to challenge an...

www.newagebd.net

Promise and peril of the new party
by Kazi ASM Nurul Huda 09 March, 2025, 00:00

Nahid Islam, convener of the newly formed National Citizens’ Party, speaks as students shout slogans during the launch of the new political party, in Dhaka on February 28. | Agence France-Presse/Munir uz Zaman

IN THE shadows of the July-August uprising, the streets of Dhaka that once echoed with chants for freedom are now witnessing a new phase of political engagement. The students who risked their academic futures to challenge an authoritarian regime have established a political party, named the National Citizens’ Party, to formalise their aspirations. What began as a protest movement fuelled by frustration over the quota system in government job recruitment has evolved into an organised effort to reshape the political landscape through electoral means.

This transition from activism to governance is not just a shift in approach but the forging of a new political frontier in Bangladesh. The momentum that once drove mass mobilisation must now be directed toward institution-building, policymaking, and strategic planning. While this endeavour is both ambitious and necessary, it carries challenges that will determine whether the party emerges as a force for meaningful change or fades into the cycle of political disillusionment.

The emergence of this party reflects a deeper demand for political renewal. For years, young people in Bangladesh have grown disillusioned with mainstream parties, perceiving them as corrupt, ineffective, or disconnected from their aspirations. The student-led movement harnessed this frustration and transformed it into action by demonstrating its ability to mobilise en masse and demand accountability. However, building a political party requires more than mass protests; it demands sustained leadership, coalition-building, and a concrete vision. The opposition alone can energise a movement, but governance depends on the ability to craft and implement solutions.

Already, early tensions within the party highlight the difficulties of maintaining ideological consistency while navigating political realities. Allegations of discrimination in leadership selection within the newly formed political party and its de facto student wing — orchestrated by the uprising’s organisers — particularly highlight the under-representation of both non-Dhaka University public and private university students. This situation reflects a longstanding pattern of exclusion and factionalism in Bangladeshi politics. The irony is unavoidable: a party founded on principles of fairness and inclusion is now struggling to practise those very ideals. If left unaddressed, such internal conflicts could undermine the party’s credibility before it even gains a foothold in the electoral arena. True reform must begin within, and the party’s ability to resolve these early disputes will serve as a litmus test for its commitment to justice and transparency.

The challenges facing the new party are not unique. Similar movements around the world have grappled with the difficulty of translating popular support into effective governance. Pakistan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf, for instance, rose to power on a platform of anti-corruption and political reform but struggled with economic management and internal divisions once in office. India’s Aam Aadmi Party initially gained traction through its focus on transparency and grassroots governance but has faced accusations of power consolidation and a drift away from its founding ideals. These cases serve as a reminder that movements built on public discontent must develop governance strategies that balance ideals with the practical demands of statecraft.

For the National Citizens’ Party to sustain itself, ethical leadership must be its foundation. It cannot afford to mimic the same patterns of opacity and exclusion that have long defined Bangladeshi politics. Ensuring internal democracy, where decision-making is transparent and leadership roles are fairly distributed, will not only strengthen its credibility but also attract a broader base of support. The party must also recognise that governance is not a battle waged solely against the old establishment but a process that requires negotiation, adaptability, and the ability to build alliances without compromising core values. If it remains confined to student circles and urban activism without engaging rural populations, labour groups, business communities, and experienced political figures, its reach will be limited, and its influence in policy-making will remain marginal. Broadening its base to include professionals, grassroots organisers, and senior citizens who have long been disillusioned with mainstream politics could strengthen its credibility and expand its appeal beyond university campuses.

As the National Citizens’ Party prepares for its first electoral test, it faces a crucial strategic choice. Unlike traditional opposition parties, it has to avoid alliances, at least for now, in an effort to maintain ideological purity. This approach is both pragmatic and risky — pragmatic in the sense that it allows the party to test its manifesto without external influences, but risky in that it limits its immediate electoral prospects. It may secure only a handful of seats, but if its message resonates, it could establish itself as a credible alternative in future elections. However, ideological rigidity alone will not be enough to sustain long-term success. Political movements that fail to adapt often find themselves sidelined, unable to exert meaningful influence where it matters most.

However, there is an unexpected concern that the emergence of a student-led party could further fragment the opposition and inadvertently strengthen the prevailing establishment. While this concern is valid, it overlooks the potential for new political forces to drive necessary change. Even if the party does not immediately gain power, its presence could compel mainstream parties to reassess their policies, implement reforms, and respond more effectively to public demands. The risk of fragmentation exists, but so does the opportunity to revitalise a political landscape long dominated by entrenched interests.

To mitigate these risks, the National Citizens’ Party must actively find ways to compensate for its lack of political experience. Forming a robust advisory body consisting of experienced policymakers, professionals, academicians, intellectuals, economists, grassroots organisers, and legal experts could offer valuable guidance without compromising its youthful origins. Drawing lessons from successful political movements worldwide, it should also prioritise long-term institutional development over short-term electoral gains. Internal cohesion, strategic expansion beyond student networks, and a commitment to ethical governance will determine whether it remains a fleeting experiment or a lasting force for change.

The emergence of the National Citizens’ Party is more than just another attempt at political reformation — it is a test of whether youthful idealism can be institutionalised into meaningful governance. By embracing both the passion of its movement and the wisdom required for long-term political engagement, it has the opportunity to reshape Bangladesh’s future. Yet the road ahead is uncertain. Will this initiative redefine political ethics in Bangladesh, or will it fall victim to the same patterns it seeks to break? The coming months will determine whether this is a passing moment of defiance or the beginning of a new chapter in the nation’s democracy.

Kazi ASM Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy in the University of Dhaka.​

 

[Bilal9]

@Saif bhai, we should consider ourselves lucky in Bangladesh that we are at least ten years ahead of the rest of South Asia in having escaped the normal corrupt leaderships for a different new generation revolutionary political leadership more intensely connected with popular political mandate.

Don't know about Pakistan, but India's time will come as well (and not soon enough).

Modi and cohorts are shaking in their chappals.

They know what awaits them in the very near future.

If not for the lack of political awareness, verve and mojo of the middle class in India, it'd have happened there already.

 

[Saif]

@Saif bhai, we should consider ourselves lucky in Bangladesh that we are at least ten years ahead of the rest of South Asia in having escaped the normal corrupt leaderships for a different new generation revolutionary political leadership more intensely connected with popular political mandate.

Don't know about Pakistan, but India's time will come as well (and not soon enough).

Modi and cohorts are shaking in their chappals.

They know what awaits them in the very near future.

If not for the lack of political awareness, verve and mojo of the middle class in India, it'd have happened there already.

Bilal bhai, these students are our only hope. If they fail then the whole nation will be doomed and cannot recover for a long long time. Let's pray for their success.

 

[Sharma Ji]

BD will now be free of ALL corruption !

 

[Saif]

BD will now be free of ALL corruption !

Who is the guy in the picture?

 

[Sharma Ji]

Who is the guy in the picture?

Indian politician, got famous for being anti -corruption

now in jail for corruption.

 

[Saif]

Indian politician, got famous for being anti -corruption

now in jail for corruption.

When will you guys put Modi in the jail for corruption? Rahul Gandhi said, "Chowkidar (Modi) chor hain".

 

[Saif]

Nahid wants consensus on justice and reforms before polls

National Citizen Party (NCP) convener Nahid Islam on Monday urged the political parties to form a consensus on justice and reforms before election. “I want to tell political parties, do not do politics of delaying justice and reforms. Form a consensus on justice and reforms, we will make arr

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Nahid wants consensus on justice and reforms before polls
UNB
Published :
Mar 10, 2025 21:05
Updated :
Mar 10, 2025 21:05

National Citizen Party (NCP) convener Nahid Islam on Monday urged the political parties to form a consensus on justice and reforms before election.

“I want to tell political parties, do not do politics of delaying justice and reforms. Form a consensus on justice and reforms, we will make arrangements for your elections,” Nahid said.

He said this at an iftar and prayer meeting with the injured and family members of the July movement martyrs organised by the NCP at Suhrawardy Udyan.

Nahid said, "I will tell the government that a roadmap for quick justice and reforms must be prepared. A clear roadmap must be announced immediately as to how long and through what process we will be able to see visible justice and reforms."

The NCP convener also said, "We will want a clear answer from the advisers we have placed in power, including the chief adviser, as to how much our reforms have been implemented."​

 

[Saif]

National Citizen Party should not deviate from politics

After Nahid Islam's resignation from the post of adviser, an unbelievable scene was witnessed on social media: people from all political affiliations wished him success in his political journey. We had known for some time and saw that he had taken on the responsibility of being the leader of the...

en.prothomalo.com

National Citizen Party should not deviate from politics
Zahed Ur Rahman
Teacher at IUB
Updated: 13 Mar 2025, 22: 22

After Nahid Islam's resignation from the post of adviser, an unbelievable scene was witnessed on social media: people from all political affiliations wished him success in his political journey. We had known for some time and saw that he had taken on the responsibility of being the leader of the 'Students' Party,' the National Citizen Party (NCP). Along with him, many young leaders, who were at the forefront of the July-August mass uprising, have also joined the leadership.

When the National Citizen Party was officially announced, all political parties, except the Awami League and its allies, wished them well. It goes without saying that wishing someone success in politics is not enough to achieve it. They are stepping into a fierce battle, where no competitor will give them an inch, as they all are driven by their own interests.

How successful will this party, formed in a very challenging environment, be? The leaders and activists of this newly formed party need to understand that to succeed in politics, they must actually practice politics. I'll explain why 'practicing politics' is important in the last part of this article.

At a time when a party like India's Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) formed and won elections in places like Delhi in a short span, some in Bangladesh have questioned why a similar, public welfare-focused party isn't forming here.

I believe that during the Awami League’s time in power, the situation was not conducive to the formation of a new political party. When a state lacks politics, when a mafia regime uses state institutions to exercise brutal force and hold on to power, there is no real reason for a political party to form or grow. In such a context, even if extraordinary people come together with fantastic programmes, the public could not trust them because they lacked the power to elect a party through the vote.

Under these circumstances, a party that could generate intense mass movements through huge public support to force the government to resign was necessary. Now, after two decades, a political party can form and grow democratically in Bangladesh.

When discussing the success of the National Citizen Party as a political force, many are highlighting its leadership, which had been at the forefront of the mass uprising that brought down a tyrannical ruler like Sheikh Hasina. The argument being made is that since they managed to do such a large task, creating and succeeding with a political party will be comparatively easier for them.

However, the skill of overthrowing a dictatorial government is different from the ability to create a political party and connect with people at the grassroots level to succeed in electoral politics. Just because someone has the skill to overthrow a dictatorship doesn’t guarantee they will have the skill to succeed in electoral politics.

Three student representatives worked as advisers in the post-uprising government, and there is talk of coordinators outside the government exerting influence over it, so one of the significant challenges for the National Citizen Party will be proving that they are not a party created with the support of the government ('king's party').

The National Citizen Party surely knows that while political realities are important, so are perceptions. As long as Nahid Islam was part of the government before his resignation for joining the party, it cannot be that he had not in his mind about the launching of new political party. The same applies to the other two student advisers, who are likely to join the National Citizen Party in the future after resigning from the government.

After Sheikh Hasina's fall and flight, a path to democratic recovery has begun to take shape. Despite repeated efforts by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus to outline this path, various conspiracies continue to develop. Some influential forces are trying to obstruct the country's democratic progress through flashy talk. Many people do not consider the alignment of the NCP’s views with those of these forces as a coincidence.

In this case, the argument for resigning from the government to join a political party is not enough. Imagine if three advisers from the government declared they were thinking of joining the BNP but insisted they would not do so while remaining in the government. They must resign from the government before joining the BNP. Would such a situation be acceptable?

A recent example of forming a 'king’s party' in Bangladesh was during the period of the 1/11 government. The Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), led by Ferdous Ahmed Qureshi, was established under the supervision of civilian-masked military rulers. Despite Qureshi’s illustrious political career, his party failed because he was almost unknown to the public at the time.

In contrast, the leadership of the NCP, who had bravely fought against Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian regime, has already earned the public's sympathy. Whether they can translate this emotional connection into organisational strength and electoral success remains to be seen.

The biggest challenge for the NCP will likely be ideological differences within the party. Since people from all political spectrums, from right-wing to left-wing, participated in the movement for the downfall of Sheikh Hasina, the party aims to unite them all and move forward together. To achieve this, they have chosen a pragmatic political path—centrism.

Through prioritising public welfare over ideological positions, their politics is supposed to help avoid these internal conflicts. However, even before the formation of the party, we saw internal ideological differences surface. The NCP has already faced intense disputes over whether "ex-Shibir" leaders like Ali Ahsan Junaid and Rafe Salman Rifat, both former leaders of Dhaka University’s Chhatra Shibir, would join the party. These two influential figures, after much debate, decided not to join the party.

In Bangladesh’s current context, where ideological disputes are rampant and sometimes deliberately stirred up, the big question is whether the NCP will be able to avoid these internal conflicts.

The NCP is, in essence, a party of young people. Many young activists, who were at the forefront of the mass uprising, have now joined the party. Many of them, who had excellent careers abroad, have returned to Bangladesh. Many overseas Bangladeshis are also supporting the party through activism and fundraising. The party has a strong chance of success, driven by the energy of the youth.

However, the 'students' party' label could also be a weakness for the NCP. People may perceive it as a party of inexperienced, immature individuals, which could create negative circumstances for the party. In a country like Bangladesh, with its extremely complex political and social environment, knowledge, intelligence, and talent alone are not enough; long-term experience is also a significant prerequisite for political success.

In the face of intense mass uprisings, the fall of Sheikh Hasina and her subsequent flight, the BNP is now the dominant political force in the field, effectively unchallenged in the electoral arena. In the current scenario, it is almost certain that the BNP will return to power in the future. Politics doesn’t leave a vacuum, and a political force will inevitably rise to challenge the BNP in the electoral arena. In terms of organisational strength, the alternatives at the moment are the Awami League, Jamaat-e-Islami, and Islamist identity-based politics. None of these, I believe, will be suitable for the welfare of the nation.

It would be a great thing for the people if a strong centrist party emerged, focusing on the welfare of the marginalised communities while ensuring the well-being of all citizens. In this regard, the National Citizen Party must quickly present its goals, ideals, and agenda in a clear, accessible language to the public.

After Sheikh Hasina's fall and flight, a path to democratic recovery has begun to take shape. Despite repeated efforts by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus to outline this path, various conspiracies continue to develop. Some influential forces are trying to obstruct the country's democratic progress through flashy talk. Many people do not consider the alignment of the NCP’s views with those of these forces as a coincidence.

Given the history of political parties being part of conspiracies in this country, I hope the NCP will avoid being involved, knowingly or unknowingly, in any such conspiracy. The party should focus solely on politics. This will be beneficial for both the party in the long term and the state as a whole.

*Zahed Ur Rahman, political analyst and university teacher

* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Rabiul Islam​

 

[Saif]

NCP focuses on organising party, meeting registration terms

The party aims to form committees at union, upazila, thana, and district levels within the next two months.

en.prothomalo.com

NCP focuses on organising party, meeting registration terms
Md. Asif Howladar
Dhaka
Published: 15 Mar 2025, 16: 49

Leaders of youth-led National Citizen Party launched in Dhaka on 28 February 2025 File photo

As the National Citizen Party (NCP) is planning to field candidates in all seats in the upcoming elections, keeping this in mind, its policymakers have now focused on strengthening the party’s organisational capacity and fulfilling the election commission conditions for registration.

They have initiated a process to form a special team in this regard.

The NCP, formed by student leaders who led the July uprising, made its debut on 28 February. In the meantime, the election commission has issued a public notice inviting applications from new parties for registration.

In conversations with NCP leaders at different levels, it was learned that the party aims to form committees at union, upazila, thana, and district levels within the next two months.

The EC notice mentioned that interested pirates must submit applications for registration by 20 April.

According to sources, the NCP is trying to fulfill the conditions within the stipulated period. Preparations are underway to establish the required number of party offices and complete other necessary works. It is less likely that the process will advance in the holy month of fasting. Hence, the NCP may apply to the EC for extending the timeframe.

NCP leaders have already started communicating at the grassroots level, while the work of organising the party will begin in full swing after the Eid-ul-Fitr.

According to sources at the high level, a decision will be taken after registration whether the NCP will join an electoral alliance or contest the elections alone.

NCP senior joint convener Ariful Islam Adib said the process of forming a special team is underway to prepare for the registration.

If a party wants to participate in the national elections with a party symbol, it has to first apply to the election commission for registration. According to the representation of the people order, 1972, if a party wants to get registration, it must fulfill any one of three conditions – win at least one seat under the party symbol in any parliamentary election held after independence; secure 5 per cent of the total votes in the constituencies where the party's candidates have contested; and have an active central office with a central committee and offices in at least one-third of the districts. Besides, there must be party offices in at least 100 upazilas or police stations in metropolitan areas, each of which must have at least 200 voters as members.

In addition, some provisions must be clearly mentioned in the party charter. At least 33 per cent of the posts at all levels of the party committees, including the central committee, must be reserved for women members. There must be no affiliate organisations for students, teachers, finance, business, or industrial workers.

However, the election system reform commission proposed relaxing some conditions for the registration of new political parties. They proposed that a party must have offices in 10 per cent of districts and 5 per cent of upazilas or police stations, in addition to at least 5,000 members. As these proposals have not yet been finalised, the previous conditions will be applicable for registration of new parties.

Two NCP leaders told Prothom Alo on Wednesday that they are receiving various suggestions over meeting the registration conditions, through the party’s Facebook group. However, no decision has been made yet regarding the office. They are now looking for a central office.

Besides, they are yet to finalise a constitution for the party. The second general meeting, scheduled before the Eid, is likely to finalise all these issues, according to them.

Joynal Abedin Shishir, the senior member secretary of the NCP, said their party is against imposing any conditions for registration. “Even if the NCP follows the current process, there are more than 450 citizen committees across the country. Just by converting them (to party committees), the conditions for registration will be fulfilled. It will not be difficult for us to fulfill the conditions of the district office and upazila office, Insha Allah."

Another NCP leader said on condition of anonymity that a delegation from the NCP will go to the election commission next week and apply to extend the registration time. “Time may be sought until May-June. Besides, the reform commission recommendations will be presented.”​

 

[Saif]

Sarjis clarifies ICU absence, helicopter controversy

NCP leader Sarjis Alam addressed concerns over his use of a helicopter to attend Achiya’s Janaza in Magura, as well as questions about why he did not visit her in the ICU before her passing. In a Facebook post on Saturday, he clarified, “When I heard that Achiya was no more, I rushed t

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Sarjis clarifies ICU absence, helicopter controversy
UNB
Published :
Mar 15, 2025 19:53
Updated :
Mar 15, 2025 19:53

NCP leader Sarjis Alam addressed concerns over his use of a helicopter to attend Achiya’s Janaza in Magura, as well as questions about why he did not visit her in the ICU before her passing.

In a Facebook post on Saturday, he clarified, “When I heard that Achiya was no more, I rushed to the CMH. Upon learning that there were vacant seats on the helicopter allocated for family by the army and RAB, I expressed my wish to attend her funeral in Magura. After the funeral, I returned to Dhaka.”

He also explained why he had not visited Achiya in the ICU, writing, “I went to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. When I learned that she was in the ICU, I did not enter because there is a risk of infection from visitors. Instead, I gathered information from outside and left without posting any pictures.”

Sarjis also said when Achiya was later transferred to CMH in a critical condition, he visited the hospital in the evening with members of his party. But since ICU visits were strictly prohibited, he stayed outside, spoke with the on-duty doctor, and received updates before returning home.

He refrained from posting about this on social media but continued to check on Achiya’s condition through student representatives from his party.

Responding to criticisms regarding his public presence during the case, Sarjis said, “Let’s talk straight about this ‘footage’ issue. A brutal crime was committed against my sister Achiya. From my position, I immediately informed the police administration and urged swift action to arrest the culprit.”

He added, “The High Court later announced that rape trials must be completed within 180 days. I personally shared my opinion with an important official, suggesting that even 180 days is too long. The trial should be concluded within one to two months—otherwise, public attention fades, and the punishment loses its deterrent effect. However, I did not post about this on Facebook.”

He criticises the media and the public for selectively judging incidents based on social media activity. “People assume that whatever is posted online is the full picture. If nothing is shared, they think nothing has been done. It’s as if the focus is only on ‘footage.’ If something is posted, people call it ‘attention-seeking,’ but if nothing is shared, they claim nothing happened. When will this double standard be replaced with a single, consistent standard?”

He also accused certain media outlets of misrepresenting his activities. “The funeral was at 7pm. We arrived at 5:30pm and waited in a room for an hour and a half. At one point, I briefly checked my phone notifications. At that exact moment, someone took a picture and Kaler Kantho, like many other times, published it on their online poster, showing their unprofessionalism. They also made it look like we were just sitting there staring at our phones the whole time. They could have used a normal picture of us sitting there at any other time if they wanted to. But they didn’t do that in the hope of getting more reactions.”

He questioned the ethics of such reporting, saying, “If you sit somewhere for 90 minutes, wouldn’t you check your phone at least once? Yet, the media portrayed it as if we did nothing else.”

Sarjis concluded by urging critics to focus on real actions rather than online narratives.

It’s easy to analyse from behind a screen. But those whom you criticise—despite constraints and limitations—are the ones actually on the ground, taking action. Before making another online judgment, I request that you also set an example for us to follow. We are eager to learn from your good work. Take care, he wrote.​

 

[Saif]

https://thefinancialexpress.com.bd/national/nahid-calls-for-consensus-to-end-mujibbadi-politics-in-bangladesh

Nahid calls for consensus to end ‘Mujibist’ politics in Bangladesh
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Mar 19, 2025 19:38
Updated :
Mar 19, 2025 23:02

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam on Wednesday urged political parties to reach a political consensus so that there would be no room for “Mujibist” politics in the election and politics of future Bangladesh.

“On August 5, 2024, the people of Bangladesh defeated the force and actually ousted Mujibism and the fascist Awami League. So, there should be no place for Mujibist politics in the future politics and Bangladesh elections,” he said.

Since a trial process is underway in this regard, even this question (return of Awami League to Bangladesh politics) should not come before the trial, he said.

Nahid made the call while addressing an Iftar Party at Dhaka Ladies Club here, which was hosted by BNP in honour of the leaders of different political parties, says a UNB report.

BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman and leaders of different parties spoke at the event.

Talking about an inclusive election, the NCP chief said he thinks there are political parties to make it inclusive by representing the people of Bangladesh. “We believe that we bear the spirit of the struggle and the mass uprising that took place against Mujibism,” he said.

Nahid hoped that a political unity would be there in the current political situation.

Nayeb-e-Ameer of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Dr Syed Abdullah Muhammad Taher said he on behalf of his party requested all to forge a national unity on four points—the independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh, a sustainable democracy, a fair election and a corruption-free Bangladesh.

“I think national unity will still be the most powerful tool in building the future of Bangladesh to create a beautiful and prosperous Bangladesh,” he said.​

 

[Saif]

Won’t let another 1/11 happen: Nahid

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam has said any plan to rehabilitate Awami League will be dealt with iron hand.

en.prothomalo.com

Won’t let another 1/11 happen: Nahid
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 22 Mar 2025, 22: 53

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam joined an Iftar party in city's Lalbagh on 22 March Pradip Sarker

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam has said any plan to rehabilitate Awami League will be dealt with iron hand.

Not only Awami League, but all allies and beneficiaries of fascism should be brought to book, Nahid said while speaking at a dua and Iftar party in memory of those martyred during July revolution. NCP organised the programme in the city's Lalbagh.

He said Awami League’s 15 years' fascist rule started through the settlement of 1/11.

“On 3 August in Shaheed Minar, we said that Awami League and its 15 years of fascist journey were started through the settlement of 1/11. Awami League and Sheikh Hasina got the chance to govern Bangladesh due to that settlement of 1/11. We won’t allow another 1/11 in Bangladesh. After the July mass uprising, we said that the government supported by the student and mass people will have to be declared as an interim government,” he added.

Nahid said no effort of depoliticization and militarization would be allowed.

“We saw at different times in the past that the political void paved the way for army intervention in Bangladesh. This did not bode well for democracy. We think a mass uprising has awakened the people. People want to make their own decision and claim ownership. That ownership has to be returned to the people,” said Nahid.

The NCP leader said there are rumours about a conspiracy and plan to rehabilitate Awami League but any such effort will be prevented vehemently.

Moderated by NCP Lalbagh zone’s member Hossain Mohammad Anowar, central and local leaders of the party spoke at the programme.​

 

[Saif]

NCP Workers' Wing launched

Mazharul Islam Fakir has been made the chief coordinator of the wing which includes ten joint coordinators, 51 organisers, and 54 members

www.thedailystar.net

NCP Workers' Wing launched

Photo: Star

The National Citizen Party today launched its workers' wing and announced a 155-member coordinator committee.

Mazharul Islam Fakir has been made the chief coordinator of the wing which includes ten joint coordinators, 51 organisers, and 54 members.

They made the announcement at a press conference at the NCP's temporary central office at Rupayan Tower, Banglamotor.

At the press conference, Aleya Khatun, one of the joint coordinators, said "Even after 54 years of independence, the country's working-class people are still deprived of fair wages, a safe work environment, and social security. Against such reality, we are committed to working together to reclaim workers' rights and dignity."

Chief Coordinator Mazharul announced the coordinator committee of the NCP Workers' Wing, which includes the following joint coordinators -- Mosharraf Hossain Swapan, Shah Alam, Al Amin, Md Abu Abdullah, Touhidul Islam, Aleya Khatun (office), Sajib Wafi, Syed Mohammad Sohorab, Abdul Barek, and Mamun Chaklader.

Additionally, Sajib Islam, Lamia Islam, Md Kamruzzaman, Md Sarwar Kamal, and Md Faruk Hossain, among others, have been named organisers.

NCP Chief Coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari, among others, attended the event.​

 

[Saif]

MEETING WITH ARMY CHIEF: NCP faces unease

A note of internal disquiet has apparently struck the National Citizen Party over a Facebook post by its chief organiser Hasnat Abdullah in which he accused the army of making attempts to rehabilitate Awami League.

www.newagebd.net

MEETING WITH ARMY CHIEF: NCP faces unease
Staff Correspondent 23 March, 2025, 23:48

A note of internal disquiet has apparently struck the National Citizen Party over a Facebook post by its chief organiser Hasnat Abdullah in which he accused the army of making attempts to rehabilitate Awami League.

The discord became visible when NCP chief organiser, Sarjis Alam, on Sunday in a detailed post on his Facebook wall publicly disagreed with some of Hasnat’s account of their meeting with the army chief.

Meanwhile, at an event in Sylhet, NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari on Saturday criticised Hasnat’s statement, calling it devoid of etiquette.

Hasnat Abdullah on Friday in a Facebook post alleged that a conspiracy was being hatched to launch a ‘refined Awami League’ behind which India was playing the main role.

The post mentioned that former Jatiya Sangsad speaker Shirin Sharmin Chaudhury, former environment minister Saber Hossain Chowdhury and former Dhaka South city mayor Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh would be the face of Awami League in its repatriation.

He said that the proposal was given to him and two others from the cantonment on March 11.

When contacted, the Inter Services Public Relation Directorate declined to comment.

A report by Sweden-based Netra News, however, claimed that the army headquarters responded to Hasnat’s post.

The Netra News report, published on Saturday, quoted the army headquarters as saying that Hasnat Abdullah’s post was ‘nothing but a pure political stunt’.

In his post, Hasnat claimed that when they were presented with the proposal, they immediately opposed it, urging the authorities to abandon any plans to rehabilitate Awami League and instead focus on bringing the party to justice.

‘In response, we were told that if any obstacle was created to prevent Awami League’s return, we would have to take responsibility for the resulting crisis and that “Awami League must come back,”’ he said in the post.

In response to Hasnat, another NCP chief organiser, Sarjis, also turned to the social media and on Facebook wrote that he disagreed on several points with Hasnat’s account.

Sarjis said that he found inappropriate the manner in which Hasnat conveyed the discussion with the army chief on Facebook.

‘As a result, our important discussions with any stakeholders in the future could face a crisis of trust,’ he said.

‘That day, Hasnat and I went to speak with the army chief. I have some disagreement with the way Hasnat from his own perspective interpreted and then conveyed on his Facebook post what the army chief said,’ Sarjis wrote.

Sarjis continued to write that from his perspective, he viewed the army chief’s words not as a direct ‘proposal’ but rather as a ‘clear expression of opinion’.

He said that there was a difference between expressing an ‘opinion’ and making a ‘proposal’, though the army chief had spoken in a much more straightforward manner that day compared with previous conversations.

In his post, Sarjis also stated that regarding the issue of ‘pressure’ for a ‘refined Awami League,’ he did not perceive it as pressure.

Instead, he believed that the army chief was speaking with great confidence about the situation the country might face in the longer term and potential problems that might arise between political parties if a refined Awami League did not emerge.

Hasnat stated in his Facebook post, ‘At one point in the discussion, I said, “how can you forgive a party that has neither apologised nor admitted its crime?” The other party angrily replied, “You people know nothing. You lack wisdom and experience. We have been in this service for at least 40 years. We are older than you.”

‘It’s true that this conversation occurred. I didn’t think that the army chief said this in an angry tone, but rather in the tone and expression of someone relatively senior in age who was conveying the burden of experience to his juniors,’ Sarjis said in his post.

In the comment section underneath Sarjis’ post, NCP senior joint chief coordinator Abdul Hannan Masud commented, ‘I am saying this publicly—one of the two (Sarjis and Hasnat) is lying. This cannot continue.’

He said that despite holding important positions in the party, the way they were having meetings with people at different levels without informing the party and then and making it public without the party’s knowledge was triggering controversy around the NCP.

‘While people are dreaming about the NCP, whose agenda is it to make the NCP controversial?’ Masud questioned.

NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin said that Hasnat’s statement regarding a meeting at the cantonment should not have been shared on social media.

‘We believe it lacks etiquette,’ he said.

Nasiruddin also said that they had observed various individuals from the cantonment interfering in the political space and emphasised that they did not want such interference.

He said that political decisions should be made by political figures and called on government institutions not to get involved in them.

Sweden-based Netra News, in its report, claimed that the army headquarters admitted that a meeting took place on March 11 with army chief General Waqar-uz-Zaman at the cantonment.

However, the allegations of ‘taking Hasnat Abdullah and proposing or pressuring him on the issue of the rehabilitation of Awami League’ were denied, the report said.

Netra News reported that when they contacted the army headquarters it responded through a spokesperson.

It said that the army headquarters’ statement described Hasnat Abdullah’s post as ‘nothing but a pure political stunt’.

According to Netra News, the army referred to the 27-year-old student leader’s statement as ‘an outright ridiculous and immature collection of stories’.

Asked about the Netra News report claiming army headquarters’ statement, the Inter Services Public Relation Directorate said that it did not give any official statement to Netra News.​

 

[Saif]

Compromisers don’t view uprising as independence

Those who engaged in opposition politics through compromises over the past 15 to 16 years may not view the July uprising as a form of independence, said National Citizen Party Convener Nahid Islam yesterday.

www.thedailystar.net

Compromisers don’t view uprising as independence
Says Nahid

Those who engaged in opposition politics through compromises over the past 15 to 16 years may not view the July uprising as a form of independence, said National Citizen Party Convener Nahid Islam yesterday.

"Yesterday, I saw the debate about first and second independence. But for those of us who have suffered various forms of oppression for the past 16 years, this is undoubtedly independence. On August 5, we were truly liberated once again," Nahid said at a discussion and prayer gathering held at the Nagorik Committee's office in Banglamotor, Dhaka.

The NCP organised the event to demand state recognition and a list of those killed during the 2021 anti-aggression movement against Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bangladesh.

The party leaders argued that those who maintained financial stability and engaged in opposition politics through compromise might not feel the impact of the uprising.

"For them, neither the first nor the second independence holds significance. What matters to them is the freedom to loot," Nahid stated.

He alleged that the former Awami League government primarily served India's interests, accusing it of rigging three consecutive elections and suppressing opposition parties with India's backing.

"With India's support, Sheikh Hasina prolonged her fascist rule. Awami fascism was merely an extension of Indian expansionism," he said.

Nahid claimed that Sheikh Hasina's administration prioritised appeasing India, resulting in the erosion of Bangladesh's national dignity, sovereignty, and justice. He expressed hope that the July uprising would pave the way for an independent foreign policy prioritising national and public interests.

He reiterated that Bangladesh seeks a relationship with India based on equality, fairness, and dignity.

He also criticised India for allegedly sheltering Awami League leaders accused of committing massacre, urging diplomatic efforts for their repatriation.

"If India genuinely wishes to maintain friendly relations, it must cooperate in this matter," he said.​

 

[Bilal9]

Indian politician, got famous for being anti -corruption

now in jail for corruption.

I think this kind of politically motivated harassment of opposition is rather common in South Asia.