[🇧🇩] A New Political Party: National Citizen Party

[Saif]

National Citizen Party: Transparency, accountability a must

We welcome the new party. Every aspect of the party’s activities, including its financing, must uphold the highest standards of transparency and accountability.

en.prothomalo.com

National Citizen Party: Transparency, accountability a must
Editorial Desk
Published: 02 Mar 2025, 12: 02

Despite the presence of a record number of political parties in Bangladesh, the democratic framework has not been effectively consolidated. One of the primary reasons for this is that political parties have consistently prioritised personal and group interests over national interests. As a result, they have failed to fulfill the hopes and aspirations of the people.

In this context, it is essential to evaluate the newly formed National Citizens Party, which was established on Friday. The majority of the individuals leading this party played a prominent role in last year’s July-August mass uprising. The leaders of this new party are all young, with youthful enthusiasm and vitality serving as their principle strengths.

At the inaugural event, the party’s leader pledged to replace divisive politics with a politics of unity. They committed to establishing a Second Republic by drafting a new constitution through a constituent assembly election, as well as rebuilding the collapsed political, social, economic and cultural institutions. The declaration expresses a firm commitment to ensuring democracy, equality, human dignity and social justice through a new ‘political settlement’.

Their statement emphasised that this newfound independence achieved through sacrifice of thousands of martyrs was not merely for replacing one government with another. Rather it is essential to dismantle the fascist system and reconstruct a rights-based state for the people. The declaration also highlights the necessity of replacing dynastic politics with a leadership selection process based on merit and competence, while ensuring the inclusion of marginalised communities in the mainstream of society.

If we look back at history, we will see that in every mass movement and uprising in this country, the youth have played a leading role. In this regard, the Language Movement of 1952 is particularly noteworthy. When the senior leadership took a stance against breaking section 144, it was the students who defied the order, sacrificing their lives to secure the rights to their mother tongue. The youth were also at the forefront of the mass uprising of 1969 and 1990.

However, despite these two uprisings, political power did not remain in the hands of the youth. The leaders of the anti-authoritarian movement in 1990 did not adhere to the framework of the three alliances they had announced. Those who assumed power prioritised personal and group interests rather than serving the nation. The establishment of a fascist system was facilitated by the suppression of people’s voting rights in three elections.

In this political reality, the youth’s call for a new political settlement will undoubtedly inspire hope among the public. While not everyone may fully agree with all the programmes and commitments outlined by the new party, there can be no disagreement with their aspiration to replace division with unity, retribution with justice, uplift marginalised communities and establish leadership based on merit and competence across all levels of society and the state.

We welcome the new party. However, we would also like to remind them that their proposed political settlement will only succeed if they can free themselves from the weakness and flaws of traditional politics. Every aspect of the party’s activities, including its financing, must uphold the highest standards of transparency and accountability.

Likewise, the selection of leadership must follow a democratic process. One of the major weaknesses of our political culture is the tendency to attempt to establish democracy in the country while operating undemocratic parties. We would like to believe that the new party will not follow this path.​

 

[Saif]

Can the NCP succeed in building an inclusive Bangladesh?

The path ahead for the NCP will be fraught with challenges.

www.thedailystar.net

Can the NCP succeed in building an inclusive Bangladesh?

Nahid Islam, convener of the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), delivers a speech with top leaders present on stage during the launch of the party on February 28, 2025. PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

For a nation whose political landscape has been dominated by two major parties for decades, the announcement of the National Citizen Party (NCP)—led by student heroes of the July uprising—marks a watershed moment in Bangladesh's history. The media attention, public turnout, and palpable energy surrounding this launch suggest that this is not just another political outfit destined for obscurity; it could potentially be a third major political force in the country that could fundamentally alter our political trajectory for decades to come.

Indeed, as I watched the celebrations from thousands of kilometres away, the energy was unmistakable. The heroes of what is now being called the "Monsoon Revolution" have captured the imagination of an entire generation—particularly Gen Z and Millennial voters, some of whom will likely cast their ballots for the first time in the upcoming national election.

What struck me most about the launch was its festive, almost celebratory atmosphere—a stark contrast to the typically combative tone of Bangladeshi political gatherings. The welcoming of leaders from diverse political backgrounds (with the deliberate exclusion of Awami League-aligned parties) sent a clear message: this is a new brand of politics that will be more civil and collegial.

Even more significant was the conscious display of religious inclusivity. Recitations from both the Quran and Bhagavad Gita on the same stage represented a powerful symbolic rejection of the identity politics that the Awami League had weaponised during its reign of more than 15 years, and a nostalgic throwback to our childhood years, when every school morning started with the anthem and recitations from multiple religious texts. I would like to believe this was not mere tokenism but a declaration of intent—that Bangladesh's future must be built on unity rather than division, on shared citizenship rather than religious or ethnic fragmentation.

In the weeks leading up to this announcement, the rumour mill had been working overtime. Would this be a fundamentalist wolf in the progressive sheep's clothing? Would the movement fragment along ideological lines? Would women be marginalised in the leadership structure?

The launch effectively dispelled many of these concerns. The inclusion of three prominent women in the top leadership, including Dr Tasnim Jara—a well-respected Oxford-trained health professional and social media influencer—demonstrated a commitment to gender representation that goes beyond mere lip service. The coexistence of leaders from various ideological backgrounds, including Nasiruddin Patwary and Akhter Hossain (who were rumoured to be at loggerheads), suggested an ability to bridge differences in service of a greater cause.

Perhaps most heartening was the philosophical vision articulated by NCP Convener Nahid Islam in his inaugural address. His declaration that "July 2024 marks the beginning of our struggle for a Second Republic" framed the movement not merely as opposition to the previous regime but as a positive project to reimagine the very foundations of our nation.

The concept of a Second Republic carries profound historical weight. In the US, the civil war transformed the nation into what historians often call a "Second American Republic"—one where slavery was abolished, citizenship was redefined, and federal power was expanded. Similarly, France has traversed through five distinct republics, each marking a fundamental reimagining of the state following moments of crisis. Bangladesh now stands at such a crossroads. Fifty-four years after our independence, this call for a Second Republic represents the culmination of decades of unfulfilled promises and institutional degradation. The wheels of history turn slowly; the original republic, born in the blood of 1971, perhaps needed these five decades to completely exhaust its possibilities. The Monsoon Revolution has given us this rare opening—a constitutional moment where the fundamental rules governing our society can be rewritten.

Nahid's emphasis on drafting a new democratic constitution through an elected constituent assembly is, therefore, particularly significant. His rejection of familial dynasties in favour of merit-based leadership represents a direct challenge to the political culture that has dominated Bangladesh since independence. The promise that "corruption and nepotism will have no place in our politics" will resonate deeply with a population that has watched helplessly as the fruits of our economic growth have been concentrated in the hands of political elites and their cronies.

Most heartening was the NCP's commitment to protecting Bangladesh's ethnic, social, gender, religious, and cultural diversity. This stands in stark contrast to movements in other countries, where popular revolutions or uprisings have often been followed by takeovers by fundamentalists.

But let us harbour no illusions. The path ahead for the NCP will be fraught with challenges. They said they wanted to build a country free from discrimination and committed to inclusivity. However, there have been many instances of discrimination against members of minority communities, women, and people from vulnerable groups. In quite a few instances, no one from the students' party or the anti-discrimination students' movement platform spoke out in their support.

The decision by several student leaders to join Prof Muhammad Yunus's interim government has proven to be a strategic miscalculation that now weighs heavily on the NCP. In the seven tumultuous months since July, these student "advisers" have become convenient scapegoats for the interim administration's failures. They now carry the stain of association with an increasingly ineffective interim government that has struggled to deliver on its promises. For the NCP to succeed, it must consciously shed this baggage and establish a distinct identity separate from the interim government's shortcomings. They must candidly acknowledge these missteps—not as failures of character, but as lessons in political strategy.

Any such attempts will inevitably be combated by established political forces. The Awami League—along with its allies—clearly views these student leaders as sworn enemies and will likely deploy every tool in its vast war chest to undermine them. The BNP, which stands to lose the most if this new party gains momentum, may fight tooth and nail for every inch of political space. Local mobilisation in every constituency, requiring networks and on-the-ground foot soldiers so far enjoyed only by the largest parties, will be a huge challenge to overcome. Fundraising to sustain the electoral effort without resorting to the usual cronyism and extortion tactics of old is yet another challenge.

However, internal cohesion may perhaps end up being the greatest single challenge. Politics in Bangladesh has a long history of fragmentation in parties lacking a singular, cult-like leadership figure, such as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman or Ziaur Rahman. The diverse backgrounds and ideologies represented within the NCP could become fault lines under pressure, especially when facing ruling party oppression or attempts to buy loyalty.

Only time will tell whether the NCP can withstand these tests. However, if they can remain faithful to their founding philosophy—fighting for equity and justice, championing the cause of ordinary citizens, practising internal democracy, and maintaining a zero tolerance policy towards corruption—they may well attain political power sooner than many expect. Their stated vision of a Second Republic—one where power truly flows from the people, where institutions serve citizens rather than ruling parties, where economic growth benefits all, and where Bangladesh's rich diversity is celebrated rather than weaponised—should resonate powerfully with a population that has grown weary of false promises from the political establishment.

We stand at a critical juncture in our nation's history. The sacrifices made during the July uprising have created an opening for fundamental change. The NCP's ability to translate this moment into a lasting movement will depend on their moral superiority and political acumen first and foremost, but also on whether the majority of ordinary citizens embrace and sustain their vision of a more just, inclusive, and democratic Bangladesh.

Rubayat Khan is volunteer op-ed editor at Muktipotro.​

 

[Saif]

Scuffle erupts between 2 groups in Bashundhara Residential Area

A scuffle broke out tonight in Bashundhara residential area between associates of Sarjis Alam, a leader of the newly-formed National Citizens Party (NCP), and students from several private universities, who claimed that they were deprived and underappreciated.

www.thedailystar.net

Scuffle erupts between 2 groups in Bashundhara Residential Area

A scuffle broke out tonight in Bashundhara residential area between associates of Sarjis Alam, a leader of the newly-formed National Citizens Party (NCP), and students from several private universities, who claimed that they were deprived and underappreciated.

A student of North South University told The Daily Star that Sarjis visited the area to talk to students from various private universities, including North South University, who felt deprived.

During the discussion, tensions flared, leading to an altercation. Sarjis left the scene, but the confrontation escalated into a physical scuffle between the two groups.

Officer-in-Charge of Vatara Police Station Mazharul Islam confirmed the incident, saying that both groups later went to the police station, each claiming several of their members had been injured.​

 

[Saif]

Nahid aims to finish what July uprising began

Bangladeshi students who overthrew autocratic ex-premier Sheikh Hasina last year have formed a new political party to finish the work that began with her ouster, the group’s leader told AFP.

www.thedailystar.net

Nahid aims to finish what July uprising began

Nahid Islam, head of Bangladesh's National Citizens Party (NCP), speaks to AFP at his residence in Dhaka. Photo: AFP/Munir Uz Zaman

Bangladeshi students who overthrew autocratic ex-premier Sheikh Hasina last year have formed a new political party to finish the work that began with her ouster, the group's leader told AFP.

Nahid Islam, 27, was one of the most visible faces of the youth-led protest campaign Students Against Discrimination, which brought down the curtain on Hasina's iron-fisted rule after 15 years.

The sociology graduate resigned last week from the interim administration that replaced her to lead the new National Citizens Party (NCP), arguing that Bangladesh's political establishment lacked the will for far-reaching reforms.

"They were not even interested in the reforms for which young people sacrificed their lives," Nahid told AFP.

"Because we have an obligation to implement what we pledged during the mass uprising and its aftermath, we decided to form a political party," he said.

More than 800 people were killed in last year's uprising, and Nahid was briefly detained alongside other student leaders in an unsuccessful effort to force them to call off the protests.

After Hasina's toppling, he accepted an invitation to join an interim government led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.

Nahid's decision to helm the NCP necessitated his departure from an administration expected to act as a politically neutral umpire while preparing Bangladesh for fresh elections.

Polls are due by March next year and are widely expected to be won by the BNP, one of the major political forces.

Nahid said that even if he and his followers could not form the next government, they had inaugurated a political force set to be influential for decades to come.

"Nobody knew that there would be an uprising, but it happened," he said.

"I sincerely hope and I believe that we are going to win this time. But this election is not the end of the world... Our target is to sustain this energy for another 50 or 100 or more years."

'BELIEVE IN INCLUSIVITY'

The NCP is at loggerheads with its main rival over when the next national election should be staged, with the BNP arguing that fresh polls should be staged as soon as possible to empower a government with a public mandate.

"We are often accused of conspiring to delay the election, but that is not true," Nahid said.

But he added that it was "not possible" to stage an election while the country still faced issues maintaining law and order after Hasina's ouster.

His party are also campaigning for a simultaneous vote to establish a citizens' assembly, to be tasked with root and branch reform of Bangladesh's constitution aimed at ensuring a lasting democracy.

The NCP has sought to position itself as a big tent party, open to all people seeking to bring forward the spirit of last year's political tumult.

But ructions within the party have already spilt over into public view since its founding last month.

A gay rights activist was removed from the party's leadership committee days after it was formed following demands from right-wing groups in the Muslim-majority country.

"We believe in inclusivity, but there are certain boundaries set by religious and cultural norms," Nahid said, adding that the party still had an admirable record on diversity. "We have brought women to the forefront and included representatives from all castes and creeds," he said. "We will strive to ensure that all citizens can enjoy their rights."​

 

[Saif]

NCP demands trial of July killings before elections

Jatiya Nagorik Party (NCP) on Friday demanded the visible trial proceedings of the July killings and implementation of the July reform charter before holding the national election. “But before going to any election, we have been saying over and over again – we want to see the visible t

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

NCP demands trial of July killings before elections
UNB
Published :
Mar 07, 2025 19:09
Updated :
Mar 07, 2025 19:09

Jatiya Nagorik Party (NCP) on Friday demanded the visible trial proceedings of the July killings and implementation of the July reform charter before holding the national election.

“But before going to any election, we have been saying over and over again – we want to see the visible trial proceedings of killings and implementation of the July Charter of reforms. Then we will have to move towards the election,” said NCP Convener Nahid Islam at a press conference in the city.

Replying to a question, he said it doesn’t seem to him that it is impossible to hold the national election in December. It will depend mainly on political will and political consensus to hold the constituent assembly election and the national election together, he added.

“If we can reach that consensus, then it is actually possible to hold the constituent assembly and national parliament elections together within the desired timeframe,” said Nahid.

The press conference was arranged following the first general meeting of the NCP central committee at Rupayan Tower in the city’s Bangla Motor area.

NCP central leaders including its member secretary Akhter Hossen, chief organiser for the southern region Hasnat Abdullah, chief organiser for the northern region Sarjis Alam and chief coordinator Nasiruddin Patwary were present.

On Friday last, NCP was officially launched as a new political platform floated by student activists of the July Movement.​

 

[Bilal9]

OK - now it is clear that Tareque Zia is not getting back into Bangladesh politics.

Even BNP Fakhrul Alam er "jamai" debater Dr. Faham Abdus Salam is singing against BNP nowadays as I've seen in some Bangladeshi VLOGs.

 

[Saif]

OK - now it is clear that Tareque Zia is not getting back into Bangladesh politics.

Even BNP Fakhrul Alam er "jamai" debater Dr. Faham Abdus Salam is singing against BNP nowadays as I've seen in some Bangladeshi VLOGs.

Rough days are ahead of BNP and its leaders. BNP's top brass are to be blamed for its sorry state in Bangladesh politics.

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh: turbulent political history and the idea of "Second Republic"

Bangladeshi students who led last year's mass protest against the despotic government of Sheikh Hasina announced the formation of a new political party, the National Citizens Party (NCP), on Friday, February 28. Addressing the rally, leaders of the newly formed party emphasised that they would purs

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Bangladesh: turbulent political history and the idea of "Second Republic"
Muhammad Mahmood
Published :
Mar 08, 2025 22:48
Updated :
Mar 08, 2025 22:48

An iconic scene of students' protest in Dhaka during July upspring last year that forced Hasina to step down and flee to India. Photo : FE/Files

Bangladeshi students who led last year's mass protest against the despotic government of Sheikh Hasina announced the formation of a new political party, the National Citizens Party (NCP), on Friday, February 28. Addressing the rally, leaders of the newly formed party emphasised that they would pursue the politics of national unity over division, transparency and good governance over corruption, and an independent foreign policy over servility in foreign relations. They aim to build a second republic in Bangladesh based on a new constitution.

Nahid Islam, a 26-year-old prominent student leader until recently an Adviser in the interim government, has been named as the head of the party. Nine others -- all of them student leaders who rose to prominence during the mass uprising in July and August -- have been named to hold several top positions.

People responded enthusiastically with overwhelming support to the NCP. Many Bangladeshis hope that young people who were instrumental in deposing the despotic Hasina regime will be reshaping the turbulent political landscape of the country. People are also hoping that the rebuilding exercise of the NCP will also involve doing away with the dynastic politics of decidedly undemocratic political leaders of the two major political parties - the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Both parties lack any democratic practices and processes within their parties enabling dynastic leaders and their family members perpetuating full control over the parties.

The leaders of NCP will face formidable challenges in achieving their objectives given the country's tumultuous history since independence in 1971. The country's political landscape since then has been marked by one-party rule, military coups, and a gradual erosion of democracy under dynastic civilian governments and has badly corrupted the political system as well as norms and values of the civil society in the country.

The rot reaching the point was prompted by 15 and a half years of rule, until early August last year, by a highly corrupt and repressive authoritarian regime led by Hasina. She perpetuated her rule using a sham parliamentary democracy with all the tenets of autocracy. Her rule was a celebration of dynastic authoritarianism where her family members were instrumental in running and looting the country.

The euphoria that accompanied Hasina's departure still lingers, but the harsh reality of the road ahead is becoming increasingly clear. Already in bad shape, Bangladesh's economy is limping along, having taken a further hit from more than a month of protests and the uncertainty of the transition. While challenges abound, the situation presents Bangladesh with an unprecedented opportunity to clean up the mess.

The Bangladesh economy is currently slowing down. Early in November the World Bank slashed its growth forecast for Bangladesh by 1.7 percentage points to 4 per cent for the fiscal 2024-25. Recently Moody's downgraded country's outlook from stable to negative and downgraded the credit rating from B1 to B2 citing the reason that "the negative outlook reflects downside risks to Bangladesh's growth outlook". Overall, currently there is a pessimistic outlook for growth in the country.

A recently published draft report on the State of Bangladesh Economy revealed the extent of corruption involved in the public sector development expenditures under the Annual Development Program (ADP) alone over the last 15 years. The report indicated that about 40 per cent of the allocated funds were embezzled by the politicians and public servants. What is more disturbing is that this plundered money -- US$16 billion on average -- has been transferred overseas annually during the past 15 years of Hasina's rule.

Since the birth of Bangladesh, the country also has a problematic relationship with democracy. In fact, Bangladesh's regression towards authoritarianism has started soon after independence. Starting with the rigged election of 1973, the country's founding President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 put in place the framework for a one-party state using the constitution that is now still in place, but he and his family were brutally murdered in a coup, save his two daughters who were abroad at that time.

Furthermore, since gaining independence from Pakistan in 1971, Bangladesh's political landscape has been dominated by two family dynasties - Sheikh Hasia is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding President of Bangladesh and also one of the founding leaders of the Awami League (AL); and former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, the wife of former military ruler Ziaur Rahman who founded Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), while smaller leftist and Islamic parties have struggled to gain significant voter support. The AL and the BNP have governed the country for most of the past five decades.

Since 1990, Sheikh Hasina of the AL and her fierce rival, Begum Khaleda Zia have taken turns in government. They have been accused of widespread corruption and authoritarianism as well as failing to act on issues such as systemic inequality, discrimination and social injustice. Both have manipulated state organs, twisted election rules, mobilised party thugs and built patronage networks to cling to power. But Hasina took these tactics to extremes and pushed the Bangladeshi people too far. On August 5, Hasina fled the country amid a mass popular uprising against her increasingly brutal authoritarian rule. She along with her sister Rehana had fled to India. In fact, all her immediate family members are staying out of Bangladesh and all of them hold foreign passport. The hasty departure of Hasina has sealed the collapse of a family that has been linked to power since Bangladesh's independence in 1971. She systematically undermined the independence of Bangladesh's institutions, particularly the police, judiciary and bureaucracy to hold on to power. Her rule was also marked by widespread human rights violations and regular crackdowns on her opponents, coupled with economic mismanagement, stark social inequality and worsening corruption.

Political violence in Bangladesh is not unusual, having been present since the birth of the nation in 1971. The country has continued to be rocked by sporadic periods of political violence including military coups and counter-coups until a semblance of democratic process was restored slowly in 1991. But with Sheikh Hasina coming to power in 2009, things began to take a repressive turn for the next 15 years.

Hasina's departure from the political scene is also an opportunity for renewal. Fifty-three years after gaining independence through a bloody independence war, the overthrow of Hasina on August 5 is dubbed as the "Second Independence Day". This is also an opening to put in place stronger checks and balances on future governments. The overarching goal of forthcoming reforms is to make sure the authoritarianism and cronyism of the past fifteen years must not come back.

Therefore, Bangladesh faces a profound need for political renewal. It is now the time to make a break with an unhappy past. The NCP's declaration to build a second republic to ensure democratic and economic rights for all citizens in Bangladesh based on a new constitution can be the way forward for that political renewal. Adoption of a new constitution and establishment of a new republic happened many times before, like in France and Portugal. Spain also adopted a new constitution but with a constitutional monarchy.

The Fifth Republic is the current Republican system of government in France. It was established on October 4, 1958 by Charles De Gaulle under a new constitution. The Fifth Republic emerged from the collapse of the Fourth Republic replacing the former parliamentary republic. Executive power was increased at the expense of the National Assembly in the new constitution.

Portugal adopted a new Constitution in 1976, following the Carnation Revolution which overthrew the dictatorial regime led by Salazar, marking the beginning of the Third Portuguese Republic and establishing a democratic system. This new constitution replaced the 1933 constitution implemented under Salazar's rule.

The current constitution of Bangladesh which has undergone 17 amendments. In fact, the current constitution has been used as the vehicle for justifying various degrees of authoritarian rules over the last 53 years including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's one-party rule introduced in 1975.

Therefore, there is an urgent need to frame a new constitution. The adoption of a new constitution also means a new republic. That will require the interim government to take sufficient time to organise an election to constitute a constituent assembly to draft the new constitution which has to be ratified by referendum once written.

Constitutions are foundations of democracy, the rule of law, human rights and good governance. Therefore, the new constitution must provide for institutions that draw their authority from the people directly and are accountable to the people, not only through elections, but through processes that involve transparency and interaction.

Furthermore, government decisions should, where appropriate, be made by the level of government that is closest to the people. Politics must be free from corruption in all its forms including dynastic control as well as political influence of profit-seeking entities.​

 

[Saif]

Promise and peril of the new party

IN THE shadows of the July-August uprising, the streets of Dhaka that once echoed with chants for freedom are now witnessing a new phase of political engagement. The students who risked their academic futures to challenge an...

www.newagebd.net

Promise and peril of the new party
by Kazi ASM Nurul Huda 09 March, 2025, 00:00

Nahid Islam, convener of the newly formed National Citizens’ Party, speaks as students shout slogans during the launch of the new political party, in Dhaka on February 28. | Agence France-Presse/Munir uz Zaman

IN THE shadows of the July-August uprising, the streets of Dhaka that once echoed with chants for freedom are now witnessing a new phase of political engagement. The students who risked their academic futures to challenge an authoritarian regime have established a political party, named the National Citizens’ Party, to formalise their aspirations. What began as a protest movement fuelled by frustration over the quota system in government job recruitment has evolved into an organised effort to reshape the political landscape through electoral means.

This transition from activism to governance is not just a shift in approach but the forging of a new political frontier in Bangladesh. The momentum that once drove mass mobilisation must now be directed toward institution-building, policymaking, and strategic planning. While this endeavour is both ambitious and necessary, it carries challenges that will determine whether the party emerges as a force for meaningful change or fades into the cycle of political disillusionment.

The emergence of this party reflects a deeper demand for political renewal. For years, young people in Bangladesh have grown disillusioned with mainstream parties, perceiving them as corrupt, ineffective, or disconnected from their aspirations. The student-led movement harnessed this frustration and transformed it into action by demonstrating its ability to mobilise en masse and demand accountability. However, building a political party requires more than mass protests; it demands sustained leadership, coalition-building, and a concrete vision. The opposition alone can energise a movement, but governance depends on the ability to craft and implement solutions.

Already, early tensions within the party highlight the difficulties of maintaining ideological consistency while navigating political realities. Allegations of discrimination in leadership selection within the newly formed political party and its de facto student wing — orchestrated by the uprising’s organisers — particularly highlight the under-representation of both non-Dhaka University public and private university students. This situation reflects a longstanding pattern of exclusion and factionalism in Bangladeshi politics. The irony is unavoidable: a party founded on principles of fairness and inclusion is now struggling to practise those very ideals. If left unaddressed, such internal conflicts could undermine the party’s credibility before it even gains a foothold in the electoral arena. True reform must begin within, and the party’s ability to resolve these early disputes will serve as a litmus test for its commitment to justice and transparency.

The challenges facing the new party are not unique. Similar movements around the world have grappled with the difficulty of translating popular support into effective governance. Pakistan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf, for instance, rose to power on a platform of anti-corruption and political reform but struggled with economic management and internal divisions once in office. India’s Aam Aadmi Party initially gained traction through its focus on transparency and grassroots governance but has faced accusations of power consolidation and a drift away from its founding ideals. These cases serve as a reminder that movements built on public discontent must develop governance strategies that balance ideals with the practical demands of statecraft.

For the National Citizens’ Party to sustain itself, ethical leadership must be its foundation. It cannot afford to mimic the same patterns of opacity and exclusion that have long defined Bangladeshi politics. Ensuring internal democracy, where decision-making is transparent and leadership roles are fairly distributed, will not only strengthen its credibility but also attract a broader base of support. The party must also recognise that governance is not a battle waged solely against the old establishment but a process that requires negotiation, adaptability, and the ability to build alliances without compromising core values. If it remains confined to student circles and urban activism without engaging rural populations, labour groups, business communities, and experienced political figures, its reach will be limited, and its influence in policy-making will remain marginal. Broadening its base to include professionals, grassroots organisers, and senior citizens who have long been disillusioned with mainstream politics could strengthen its credibility and expand its appeal beyond university campuses.

As the National Citizens’ Party prepares for its first electoral test, it faces a crucial strategic choice. Unlike traditional opposition parties, it has to avoid alliances, at least for now, in an effort to maintain ideological purity. This approach is both pragmatic and risky — pragmatic in the sense that it allows the party to test its manifesto without external influences, but risky in that it limits its immediate electoral prospects. It may secure only a handful of seats, but if its message resonates, it could establish itself as a credible alternative in future elections. However, ideological rigidity alone will not be enough to sustain long-term success. Political movements that fail to adapt often find themselves sidelined, unable to exert meaningful influence where it matters most.

However, there is an unexpected concern that the emergence of a student-led party could further fragment the opposition and inadvertently strengthen the prevailing establishment. While this concern is valid, it overlooks the potential for new political forces to drive necessary change. Even if the party does not immediately gain power, its presence could compel mainstream parties to reassess their policies, implement reforms, and respond more effectively to public demands. The risk of fragmentation exists, but so does the opportunity to revitalise a political landscape long dominated by entrenched interests.

To mitigate these risks, the National Citizens’ Party must actively find ways to compensate for its lack of political experience. Forming a robust advisory body consisting of experienced policymakers, professionals, academicians, intellectuals, economists, grassroots organisers, and legal experts could offer valuable guidance without compromising its youthful origins. Drawing lessons from successful political movements worldwide, it should also prioritise long-term institutional development over short-term electoral gains. Internal cohesion, strategic expansion beyond student networks, and a commitment to ethical governance will determine whether it remains a fleeting experiment or a lasting force for change.

The emergence of the National Citizens’ Party is more than just another attempt at political reformation — it is a test of whether youthful idealism can be institutionalised into meaningful governance. By embracing both the passion of its movement and the wisdom required for long-term political engagement, it has the opportunity to reshape Bangladesh’s future. Yet the road ahead is uncertain. Will this initiative redefine political ethics in Bangladesh, or will it fall victim to the same patterns it seeks to break? The coming months will determine whether this is a passing moment of defiance or the beginning of a new chapter in the nation’s democracy.

Kazi ASM Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy in the University of Dhaka.​

 

[Bilal9]

@Saif bhai, we should consider ourselves lucky in Bangladesh that we are at least ten years ahead of the rest of South Asia in having escaped the normal corrupt leaderships for a different new generation revolutionary political leadership more intensely connected with popular political mandate.

Don't know about Pakistan, but India's time will come as well (and not soon enough).

Modi and cohorts are shaking in their chappals.

They know what awaits them in the very near future.

If not for the lack of political awareness, verve and mojo of the middle class in India, it'd have happened there already.

 

[Saif]

@Saif bhai, we should consider ourselves lucky in Bangladesh that we are at least ten years ahead of the rest of South Asia in having escaped the normal corrupt leaderships for a different new generation revolutionary political leadership more intensely connected with popular political mandate.

Don't know about Pakistan, but India's time will come as well (and not soon enough).

Modi and cohorts are shaking in their chappals.

They know what awaits them in the very near future.

If not for the lack of political awareness, verve and mojo of the middle class in India, it'd have happened there already.

Bilal bhai, these students are our only hope. If they fail then the whole nation will be doomed and cannot recover for a long long time. Let's pray for their success.

 

[Sharma Ji]

BD will now be free of ALL corruption !

 

[Saif]

BD will now be free of ALL corruption !

Who is the guy in the picture?

 

[Sharma Ji]

Who is the guy in the picture?

Indian politician, got famous for being anti -corruption

now in jail for corruption.

 

[Saif]

Indian politician, got famous for being anti -corruption

now in jail for corruption.

When will you guys put Modi in the jail for corruption? Rahul Gandhi said, "Chowkidar (Modi) chor hain".