Bangladesh: turbulent political history and the idea of "Second Republic"
Muhammad Mahmood
Published :
Mar 08, 2025 22:48
Updated :
Mar 08, 2025 22:48
An iconic scene of students' protest in Dhaka during July upspring last year that forced Hasina to step down and flee to India. Photo : FE/Files
Bangladeshi students who led last year's mass protest against the despotic government of Sheikh Hasina announced the formation of a new political party, the National Citizens Party (NCP), on Friday, February 28. Addressing the rally, leaders of the newly formed party emphasised that they would pursue the politics of national unity over division, transparency and good governance over corruption, and an independent foreign policy over servility in foreign relations. They aim to build a second republic in Bangladesh based on a new constitution.
Nahid Islam, a 26-year-old prominent student leader until recently an Adviser in the interim government, has been named as the head of the party. Nine others -- all of them student leaders who rose to prominence during the mass uprising in July and August -- have been named to hold several top positions.
People responded enthusiastically with overwhelming support to the NCP. Many Bangladeshis hope that young people who were instrumental in deposing the despotic Hasina regime will be reshaping the turbulent political landscape of the country. People are also hoping that the rebuilding exercise of the NCP will also involve doing away with the dynastic politics of decidedly undemocratic political leaders of the two major political parties - the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Both parties lack any democratic practices and processes within their parties enabling dynastic leaders and their family members perpetuating full control over the parties.
The leaders of NCP will face formidable challenges in achieving their objectives given the country's tumultuous history since independence in 1971. The country's political landscape since then has been marked by one-party rule, military coups, and a gradual erosion of democracy under dynastic civilian governments and has badly corrupted the political system as well as norms and values of the civil society in the country.
The rot reaching the point was prompted by 15 and a half years of rule, until early August last year, by a highly corrupt and repressive authoritarian regime led by Hasina. She perpetuated her rule using a sham parliamentary democracy with all the tenets of autocracy. Her rule was a celebration of dynastic authoritarianism where her family members were instrumental in running and looting the country.
The euphoria that accompanied Hasina's departure still lingers, but the harsh reality of the road ahead is becoming increasingly clear. Already in bad shape, Bangladesh's economy is limping along, having taken a further hit from more than a month of protests and the uncertainty of the transition. While challenges abound, the situation presents Bangladesh with an unprecedented opportunity to clean up the mess.
The Bangladesh economy is currently slowing down. Early in November the World Bank slashed its growth forecast for Bangladesh by 1.7 percentage points to 4 per cent for the fiscal 2024-25. Recently Moody's downgraded country's outlook from stable to negative and downgraded the credit rating from B1 to B2 citing the reason that "the negative outlook reflects downside risks to Bangladesh's growth outlook". Overall, currently there is a pessimistic outlook for growth in the country.
A recently published draft report on the State of Bangladesh Economy revealed the extent of corruption involved in the public sector development expenditures under the Annual Development Program (ADP) alone over the last 15 years. The report indicated that about 40 per cent of the allocated funds were embezzled by the politicians and public servants. What is more disturbing is that this plundered money -- US$16 billion on average -- has been transferred overseas annually during the past 15 years of Hasina's rule.
Since the birth of Bangladesh, the country also has a problematic relationship with democracy. In fact, Bangladesh's regression towards authoritarianism has started soon after independence. Starting with the rigged election of 1973, the country's founding President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 put in place the framework for a one-party state using the constitution that is now still in place, but he and his family were brutally murdered in a coup, save his two daughters who were abroad at that time.
Furthermore, since gaining independence from Pakistan in 1971, Bangladesh's political landscape has been dominated by two family dynasties - Sheikh Hasia is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding President of Bangladesh and also one of the founding leaders of the Awami League (AL); and former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, the wife of former military ruler Ziaur Rahman who founded Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), while smaller leftist and Islamic parties have struggled to gain significant voter support. The AL and the BNP have governed the country for most of the past five decades.
Since 1990, Sheikh Hasina of the AL and her fierce rival, Begum Khaleda Zia have taken turns in government. They have been accused of widespread corruption and authoritarianism as well as failing to act on issues such as systemic inequality, discrimination and social injustice. Both have manipulated state organs, twisted election rules, mobilised party thugs and built patronage networks to cling to power. But Hasina took these tactics to extremes and pushed the Bangladeshi people too far. On August 5, Hasina fled the country amid a mass popular uprising against her increasingly brutal authoritarian rule. She along with her sister Rehana had fled to India. In fact, all her immediate family members are staying out of Bangladesh and all of them hold foreign passport. The hasty departure of Hasina has sealed the collapse of a family that has been linked to power since Bangladesh's independence in 1971. She systematically undermined the independence of Bangladesh's institutions, particularly the police, judiciary and bureaucracy to hold on to power. Her rule was also marked by widespread human rights violations and regular crackdowns on her opponents, coupled with economic mismanagement, stark social inequality and worsening corruption.
Political violence in Bangladesh is not unusual, having been present since the birth of the nation in 1971. The country has continued to be rocked by sporadic periods of political violence including military coups and counter-coups until a semblance of democratic process was restored slowly in 1991. But with Sheikh Hasina coming to power in 2009, things began to take a repressive turn for the next 15 years.
Hasina's departure from the political scene is also an opportunity for renewal. Fifty-three years after gaining independence through a bloody independence war, the overthrow of Hasina on August 5 is dubbed as the "Second Independence Day". This is also an opening to put in place stronger checks and balances on future governments. The overarching goal of forthcoming reforms is to make sure the authoritarianism and cronyism of the past fifteen years must not come back.
Therefore, Bangladesh faces a profound need for political renewal. It is now the time to make a break with an unhappy past. The NCP's declaration to build a second republic to ensure democratic and economic rights for all citizens in Bangladesh based on a new constitution can be the way forward for that political renewal. Adoption of a new constitution and establishment of a new republic happened many times before, like in France and Portugal. Spain also adopted a new constitution but with a constitutional monarchy.
The Fifth Republic is the current Republican system of government in France. It was established on October 4, 1958 by Charles De Gaulle under a new constitution. The Fifth Republic emerged from the collapse of the Fourth Republic replacing the former parliamentary republic. Executive power was increased at the expense of the National Assembly in the new constitution.
Portugal adopted a new Constitution in 1976, following the Carnation Revolution which overthrew the dictatorial regime led by Salazar, marking the beginning of the Third Portuguese Republic and establishing a democratic system. This new constitution replaced the 1933 constitution implemented under Salazar's rule.
The current constitution of Bangladesh which has undergone 17 amendments. In fact, the current constitution has been used as the vehicle for justifying various degrees of authoritarian rules over the last 53 years including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's one-party rule introduced in 1975.
Therefore, there is an urgent need to frame a new constitution. The adoption of a new constitution also means a new republic. That will require the interim government to take sufficient time to organise an election to constitute a constituent assembly to draft the new constitution which has to be ratified by referendum once written.
Constitutions are foundations of democracy, the rule of law, human rights and good governance. Therefore, the new constitution must provide for institutions that draw their authority from the people directly and are accountable to the people, not only through elections, but through processes that involve transparency and interaction.
Furthermore, government decisions should, where appropriate, be made by the level of government that is closest to the people. Politics must be free from corruption in all its forms including dynastic control as well as political influence of profit-seeking entities.
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