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[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

G Bangladesh Defense
[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion
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INDEPENDENT POLICE COMMISSION: A bleak prospect
Md Motiar Rahman 24 February, 2025, 00:00

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A policeman detains a student during a rally seeking reforms in civil service job reservations in July 2024 in Dhaka. | Agence France-Presse/Abu Sufian Jewel

THE establishment of an independent police commission as an oversight body in Bangladesh is crucial for ensuring accountability, transparency, and efficiency in law enforcement. While the police play a vital role in maintaining law and order, allegations of corruption, political influence, and human rights violations have raised serious concerns about their role in enforcing law and order. A well-structured commission could address these issues by monitoring police activities and enforcing legal and ethical standards.

However, its formation faces significant challenges, including political interference, institutional resistance, financial constraints, and public scepticism. Politicians, bureaucrats, and law enforcement agencies often resist such reforms due to fears of losing control, disrupting existing power structures, and facing greater accountability. The absence of a strong legal framework further complicates efforts to establish a truly independent oversight mechanism.

Since the police administrative reforms commission has recommended its creation, it is essential to analyse the political, administrative, and systemic challenges that hinder its establishment. Interestingly, the report of the reforms commission highlighted that only the young student representative of the police reform committee, speaking on behalf of the youth, advocated for the establishment of an independent police commission to ensure a fair, transparent, and legally accountable police system. In response, the Bangladesh Police headquarters submitted a comprehensive framework for the proposed commission.

However, the ministry of home affairs disagreed and put forward a different version, highlighting conflicting perspectives on the formation of an independent police commission. Despite these developments, the police reforms commission unanimously recommended the formation of an independent and accountable police commission. However, instead of taking a decisive stance, it deferred the decision on whether the commission should be a statutory or constitutional body to expert opinion, thereby delaying the process. This cautious approach appears to be a strategic move to avoid immediate action, given the complexities involved in its formation.

Bangladesh now lacks a comprehensive legal framework for establishing and operating an independent police oversight body. While some existing laws address police accountability, they are often inadequate or poorly enforced, making it difficult for a police commission to function effectively or hold law enforcement officers accountable. Additionally, most existing laws, such as the Police Act 1861, do not provide for independent oversight, necessitating new legislation. In this context, institutional reform in Bangladesh is often hindered by bureaucratic inefficiencies and slow policy implementation.

Even if the government decides to establish a police commission, delays in policy formulation, approval, and execution could significantly obstruct its creation and effectiveness. However, the current interim government presents a unique opportunity to introduce such reforms without facing resistance from political parties. Since the president has the authority to promulgate ordinances without requiring parliamentary approval, this is an opportune moment to establish a legal framework as a statutory body for a police commission, laying the foundation for greater accountability and transparency in law enforcement.

However, creating it as a constitutional entity is impossible due to the absence of a functioning parliament. While immediate reform within the existing legal framework remains feasible, it requires strong political will from the elected government in the future. Notably, the proposal for forming the commission came solely from the young student representative, while other committee members — including civil bureaucrats, police officers, educationists, human rights activists, and a woman professor — might have tacit consent.

This lack of collective support raises concerns about institutional resistance or a preference for maintaining the status quo. Given the legal and political landscape, establishing a police commission under the interim government is possible, but without decisive action, the prospect of forming it under a future political government appears bleak—perhaps nothing more than a forlorn hope.

Political influence poses a significant challenge to the establishment of a police commission in Bangladesh, as law enforcement agencies often face pressure from political leaders, compromising their impartiality and decision-making. If a police commission were to be formed, there is a substantial risk that political interests would undermine its independence and effectiveness. Ensuring the commission remains free from political control is a major concern, given that politicians frequently use the police to suppress opposition, manipulate elections, and maintain control over dissenting voices. They exert influence over police appointments, transfers, and promotions, aligning law enforcement with their interests rather than allowing it to function autonomously. Establishing an independent Police Commission within a robust legal framework would help mitigate such interference, making it more difficult for politicians to manipulate law enforcement for personal or partisan agendas.

Additionally, many politicians rely on law enforcement to harass, intimidate, or arrest opposition leaders and activists, with reports from human rights organisations highlighting the misuse of the police for politically motivated cases and arbitrary arrests. Electoral manipulation is another major concern, as ruling parties often use law enforcement agencies to influence voter turnout, intimidate opposition supporters, or overlook electoral violations committed by their members. A police commission with strong oversight powers could help ensure police neutrality during elections, thereby preventing political interference in democratic processes. This potential loss of control over law enforcement makes many politicians hesitant to support the creation of such an institution.

Although the police force is primarily a law enforcement agency, it is often controlled by civil bureaucrats, particularly through the ministry of home affairs and senior government officials. The establishment of a police commission would introduce an independent oversight body, reducing bureaucratic influence over law enforcement decisions. This shift in authority is likely to be strongly resisted by civil bureaucrats, as it would limit their ability to manage police operations and enforce administrative control.

A police commission would also challenge the existing patronage system, where senior officials reward loyal officers and punish those who do not comply with their directives. Through control over transfers, promotions, and disciplinary actions, many officers build patron-client relationships with bureaucrats, securing career benefits and protection from accountability. An independent commission enforcing merit-based promotions and disciplinary measures would disrupt this system, significantly weakening bureaucratic control over the police.

The bureaucratic system in many developing countries, including Bangladesh, has been widely criticised for corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of transparency. Some civil bureaucrats use their authority over law enforcement agencies to protect personal interests, silence whistleblowers, or shield themselves from corruption investigations. With independent investigative powers, a police commission could expose such misconduct, increasing accountability and reducing opportunities for abuse. This potential threat to bureaucratic authority makes many officials reluctant to support the establishment of a truly autonomous oversight body, as it could limit their ability to manipulate law enforcement for personal or political gain.

If a police commission is established but its members are appointed directly by the political government, there is a significant risk that it will not function as an independent body. Politicians may strategically appoint individuals who are loyal to the ruling party or those who have a history of complying with political directives rather than upholding justice and accountability.

This would compromise the commission’s ability to act impartially, as members may hesitate to investigate misconduct or take actions that could go against the interests of those who appointed them. Without a transparent and independent selection process, the commission could become a rubber-stamp institution, serving political interests rather than ensuring genuine oversight of law enforcement.

For the commission to function effectively and maintain public trust, its appointment process must be transparent, merit-based, and free from political influence. This requires clear and objective selection criteria, a diverse representation of experts, and the involvement of independent oversight bodies. To prevent undue interference from political parties or government officials, safeguards such as fixed terms for commission members, restrictions on their political affiliations, and strong accountability mechanisms should be in place. By prioritising neutrality, the commission can uphold its integrity and avoid becoming another politically motivated entity that serves partisan interests rather than the public good.

Resistance from within law enforcement agencies poses a significant challenge to the establishment of a police commission. Some members of the police force may view the commission as a threat to their authority, fearing increased scrutiny, restrictions on discretionary power, and potential disciplinary actions. As a result, they may resist its interventions, creating obstacles in its operations.

Additionally, there could be a lack of cooperation in providing essential documents, evidence, and reports necessary for investigations, either due to institutional reluctance or deliberate attempts to conceal misconduct. Overcoming this resistance requires strong legal mandates, clear enforcement mechanisms, and a cultural shift within law enforcement that encourages accountability and transparency. Training programmes, awareness campaigns, and collaboration with independent oversight bodies could help bridge the gap and foster a more cooperative relationship between the police and the commission.

Moreover, the rigid structure of service rules and departmental regulations known as ‘blue bastion’ shapes the mindset of police officers, making them largely resistant to reform. Police leadership tends to maintain the status quo in daily operations, rarely initiating change unless faced with pressing challenges. Instead of proactively seeking reforms, officers often raise concerns with higher authorities, and only when a crisis of significant magnitude arises do the leadership consider corrective measures, which may eventually lead to future reform initiatives.

As a government-appointed position, the IGP serves at the discretion of the ruling party, reinforcing a system where the police act in alignment with political interests. This politicisation, coupled with job insecurity, creates a precarious environment for police officers, making them reluctant to support reform efforts, as doing so could jeopardise their positions and career stability.

Public trust in law enforcement agencies in Bangladesh is relatively low due to past incidents of police misconduct, extrajudicial killings, and widespread allegations of bribery and corruption. Many citizens view the police as being influenced by political and financial interests rather than serving the public impartially. For a police commission to be effective, it must not only function independently but also earn the confidence of the people. If the public perceives the commission as merely another bureaucratic institution and commissions lacking real power or the will to enforce accountability, it risks becoming ineffective.

Transparency in its operations, active community engagement, and visible action against misconduct are crucial in shaping public perception. Additionally, educating citizens about the role, powers, and responsibilities of the commission, as well as ensuring public participation in the oversight process, will be essential in fostering trust and legitimacy.

Establishing and maintaining an independent police commission in Bangladesh requires substantial financial and administrative resources, but budgetary constraints could limit its effectiveness. Insufficient funding may lead to inadequate staffing, outdated infrastructure, and restricted investigative capacity, weakening its oversight role. Additionally, recruiting qualified personnel who can impartially oversee police activities is challenging due to political and bureaucratic influences on hiring decisions. Politicians or officials opposed to strong police oversight may deliberately undermine the commission by restricting its budget, limiting access to police records, or refusing to implement its recommendations.

To function independently, the commission must have a sustainable funding mechanism, legislative protections, and institutional autonomy. Adequate financial support is essential for recruiting skilled personnel, investing in modern forensic tools, and conducting thorough investigations. Without sufficient resources, it may struggle to implement reforms, monitor law enforcement agencies, or enforce accountability. Ensuring financial autonomy through a dedicated budget, external funding mechanisms, or legal safeguards is crucial to prevent political interference and operational limitations. A well-resourced commission will be better equipped to fulfil its mandate, strengthen law enforcement accountability, and build public trust in the justice system.

The creation of a police commission raises critical questions about the balance of power between the ministry of home affairs and the police. While the government must retain a degree of control to ensure national security and policy alignment, excessive interference can compromise operational efficiency and fairness. Striking the right balance is crucial. The ministry should retain its authority over broad policy directives, budget allocation, and legislative oversight.

However, operational decisions — such as criminal investigations, deployment, and disciplinary actions — should be left to the police commission to ensure impartiality. The commission must have the authority to oversee police appointments, promotions, and disciplinary actions without political interference. It should also have the power to initiate enquiries into misconduct, ensuring that accountability mechanisms remain independent of government control.

To ensure the commission’s effectiveness, its legal framework must clearly define its powers, functions, and limitations. If structured as a constitutional body, its independence would be more robust. If placed within the constitutional framework but under parliamentary oversight, safeguards must be established to prevent political manipulation. Additionally, the commission should operate transparently, engaging with civil society, human rights organisations, and the judiciary. Public reporting on police performance and accountability measures would help maintain oversight and prevent abuse of power.

The establishment of an independent police commission in Bangladesh is a crucial step toward ensuring accountability, transparency, and efficiency in law enforcement. However, numerous challenges — including political interference, bureaucratic resistance, financial constraints, and legal loopholes — pose significant obstacles to its creation and effectiveness. Without strong legal safeguards, financial autonomy, and a transparent appointment process, the commission risks becoming a politically influenced entity rather than an independent oversight body.

Addressing these challenges requires a firm commitment from policymakers, civil society, and the public to push for meaningful reforms. With the right framework, adequate resources, and institutional independence, a well-functioning police commission can enhance public trust, ensure fair policing practices, and uphold the rule of law in Bangladesh.

Md Motiar Rahman, a retired deputy inspector general of police, works at Anjuman Mufidul Islam.​
 

82 police officers made OSD
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Feb 25, 2025 22:39
Updated :
Feb 25, 2025 22:39

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Eighty-two police officers who served in elections during the Awami League government have been made Officers on Special Duty, or OSD.

OSDs are usually political victims, having no work to do either in the policymaking or the implementation process of the government.

The home ministry issued three notifications on Tuesday with this information, reports bdnews24.com.

Of the 82 officers, one holds the rank of additional inspector general, while 15 are superintendents of police.

The rest are deputy inspector generals, or DIGs, and additional DIGs.

Earlier, the government had withdrawn the medals of 103 officers who served in police and RAB in the 10th parliamentary elections.

The list also includes the names of former inspector generals Benazir Ahmed, Chowdhury Abdullah Al Mamun, former Dhaka Metropolitan Police commissioner Asaduzzaman Mia, and some army officers who once served in RAB.

During the tenure of the ousted Awami League government, its main rivals, the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, along with other like-minded parties boycotted the 10th and 12th national elections in 2014.

However, in 2018, although they participated in the polls, there were allegations that the Awami League won the elections by sealing and stuffing the ballot boxes the night before.

After the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on Aug 5, 2024, in a mass uprising, the interim government is taking action against the officers who served in those elections.

In addition to withdrawing the medals of police officers and making them OSDs, 33 deputy commissioners who served as returning officers in the 11th parliamentary elections have been made OSDs.

They were last seen performing various duties as joint secretaries.​
 

Police must prove their worth
SYED MUHAMMED SHOWAIB
Published :
Feb 26, 2025 22:36
Updated :
Feb 26, 2025 22:36

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There is a growing sense of unease over the perceived decline in law and order situation across the nation. Near my house, the local branch of retail chain Shwapno sends its female employees home before nightfall due to safety concerns, resulting in understaffing at night. Last night a friend's daughter fell ill but he refused to take her to the hospital. He was more fearful of the supposed muggers than the illness itself. If this is the reality in our capital where security measures are supposedly the strictest, imagine the vulnerability felt in smaller towns and rural areas.

How did we get here? How did it come to the point where a cornered home affairs adviser had to arrange a midnight press briefing just to give the semblance of hope in maintaining law and order?

It has been over six months since the mass uprising when the people's wrath forced the former prime minister to flee the country. People became cheerfully optimistic as Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was appointed Chief Advisor. The sight of students directing traffic became symbols of a new dawn.

However, six months later, the euphoria has faded, and hope has shifted to mounting concerns over security. Six months later, incidents of muggings and robberies now dominate our media coverage.

We are a nation defined by family bonds. Our deepest anxieties stem from the safety of our loved ones. When parents hesitate to seek healthcare at night or retailers restrict women's work hours, the state's authority erodes. We have a large police force that is responsible for safeguarding our streets. If this police force fails to conduct street patrols and guarantee public safety, people will soon start questioning its very purpose.

On Wednesday, Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman rightly stated that the army alone does not have the capacity to maintain law and order. He was on point when he emphasized that deploying 30,000 soldiers cannot be a substitute for 200,000 police personnel. Needless to say, our citizens should not have to fear walking at night when a 200,000-strong force is paid to keep them safe and maintain order.

Something has clearly gone wrong. Our police have forgotten their duty. Some among them - loyalists of the ousted government - are deliberately neglecting their responsibilities. Many have been transferred from one district to another in the hope of a change in attitude. But it is unreasonable to expect that motivation will magically reappear with a change of scenery.

Then there are those who have simply lost the nerve to enforce the law. They are still traumatized after witnessing angry mobs torch police stations as a tit-for-tat for police brutality during the student-public uprising. These are the police members who shy away from confrontations. Stopping rickshaw pullers driving opposite the traffic flow now terrifies them. Some even fear going home at night unless accompanied by their informants for protection.

Every police member I know - regardless of rank - are engaged in groupthink. They see the world through a lens that makes sense to them but appears absurd to others. When you speak of corruption and wrongdoing within the police force-and there are bad actors in every profession-they take offense, reacting as if the criticism applies to all of them. This is why, as corrupt officers feel insecure, so do the honest ones. And as those are driven by political interests to neglect their duties, so too do those without any political agenda.

This mindset must change. Individual police members must understand that if a colleague is punished for wrongdoing, it is not a personal attack on them.

Police has to look like police and act like police if the government intends to control the rise in mugging. Our army can patrol the streets, but it is the police who must secure the alleyways where most crimes occur. The government must act decisively to restore law and order or it risks betraying the very revolution that brought it to power.​
 

Crime, moral policing: ‘Ensure safety or step down’
Protesters burn effigy of home adviser

Protesters burned an effigy of Home Affairs Adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury yesterday, demanding his removal from office over his failure to curb crime.

They accused him of incompetence as incidents of murder, rape, repression, mob violence, and moral policing continue to rise across the country.

The demonstration, organised by Bangladesh Against Rape and Abuse, took place at Lalmatia, Asadgate, featuring women from various sectors.

It followed a recent mob attack on two women in Lalmatia, which sparked widespread public outrage.

Protesters argued that despite repeated outcries, the law-and-order situation is deteriorating, with little to no action taken against perpetrators.

They specifically condemned the inaction against local extortionist Rinku, reportedly affiliated with the Jubo League, who allegedly incited the Lalmatia mob incident.

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Protesters burn the effigy of Home Affairs Adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury near the Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban yesterday demanding that he be removed. Photo: Amran Hossain

The protesters carried placards with slogans such as "Stop *&*&*&*&-Shaming!" "Law for Women, But Where is the Law for Men?" and "Ensure Safety or Step Down!"

Addressing the crowd, Adrita Roy, a student of Jahangirnagar University, said, "Two days ago, two female students were attacked by a mob in Lalmatia. Even after the formation of the interim government and changing the home affairs adviser, incidents of rape, torture, and abuse of women have only increased. We fought at the frontline during the July uprising, but those in power are failing to ensure our safety."

She said, "We protested against the ongoing rape and repression and marched towards the home ministry. Yet, the police -- who fail to arrest rapists, control mobs, or catch thieves -- obstructed our precession. Some of our protesters were injured as a result. We later organised a torch procession, giving the home adviser a 24-hour ultimatum to resign and apologise. He has failed to do so. Now, he must be removed."

Lamia Islam, a student of Prime University, echoed these demands, accusing the home adviser of "inciting the mob" with his remarks.

"Smoking in public is a civil offence at best. But physical assault is a criminal offence. How can a home adviser justify such a crime?" she asked.

Following the rally, protesters marched through Lalmatia before gathering near the National Parliament building, where they set fire to an effigy of the home adviser.​
 

We do need a separate police commission
Home ministry’s refusal to acknowledge this is baffling

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VISUAL: STAR

We are baffled by the position taken by the Ministry of Home Affairs regarding the formation of an independent commission to ensure transparency and accountability in police conduct. According to a report by this daily, the ministry claimed there was no need for such a commission as it already performs this role. Given the police's track records over the past years—especially during Awami League's 15-plus-year rule, and particularly during the July mass uprising—we fail to understand what made the ministry so confident about its own oversight role or capacity.

The proposal to establish this independent body was put forth in January by the Police Reform Commission—one of many extensive measures proposed to the interim government to overhaul the police force. These measures also include regulating police use of force against civilians in line with UN peacekeepers' rules of engagement, combating custodial torture, extortion, legal harassment, arbitrary arrests, and enforced disappearances through modern and technologically advanced means, and amending existing police laws. The goal is to make the force pro-people, accountable, and neutral—not to mention freeing it from the undue influence wielded by the government of the day. Such influence never bodes well, as we know from our experience under the previous regime, when the force was blatantly misused to serve its political interests.

Why, then, is the ministry opposed to independent oversight when one of the interim administration's core goals is to introduce reforms that eliminate past failures in governance, law enforcement, and justice? Why—when the government claims to be establishing a just, modern system—does the ministry insist on retaining the Police Act, formulated in 1861, or the Code of Criminal Procedure, enacted in 1898? Why is it refusing to acknowledge that drastic—rather than cosmetic—measures are necessary to restore police image and credibility?

We fail to see the logic behind the home ministry's position. Most of the reform measures, including the establishment of an independent police commission, were suggested not just by the Police Reform Commission, but also by experts over time and even by the UN. More importantly, the people demand a complete overhaul of the force. So we urge the home ministry to reassess its position and make decisions that align with public interests, which, in this instance, lie in the formation of an independent police commission.​
 

Police alone cannot take on violent mobs
Leaders and influencers too have a responsibility to restore rule of law

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VISUAL: STAR

For any crime or breakdown in law and order, law enforcement is naturally the first to be held accountable. It falls upon police and other security forces now active on the ground to prevent and bring to book those involved in mugging, robbery, rape, extortion, etc. Curbing mob violence is also their responsibility. That such violence has reached an alarming level of late—with at least 119 people killed and 74 injured in 114 mob incidents since August, according to the Human Rights Support Society—is largely due to weak policing. However, placing sole focus or responsibility on security forces risks overlooking the role played by other influential actors in the surge of crimes.

Those getting involved in mob violence, often fuelled by righteous indignation, are partly enabled by the support they receive from a section of social media influencers, the relative silence of political, social, and religious leaders, and the general instability in the country. If we analyse the pattern of some recent incidents—such as the hostile mobilisation at the Shahbagh police station demanding the release of an alleged sexual harasser, or the fallout of alleged public smoking by two women at Lalmatia—the prevailing mentality seems to support, strange as it may seem, both rule of law and frequent exceptions to it, provided they align with the notion of justice held by a certain majoritarian group in society. That the home adviser has survived the metaphorical guillotine (calls for his resignation) after his controversial remark on the Lalmatia incident is likely due to the right-wing support behind such incidents. This situation is further exacerbated by the lack of legal consequences for those taking the law into their own hands.

Of course, righteous indignation or frustration with inadequate judicial mechanisms is not the only motivation behind the formation of mobs. While previously the key reasons included suspicions of theft, robbery, or mugging, after the political changeover on August 5, there have been reports of many opportunistic or politically vengeful mobilisations as well. Think of the mob that stormed a Gulshan flat allegedly linked to Awami League leader HT Imam over a rumour of a secret stash inside, or the two Iranians allegedly robbed of cash and mobile phones in Bashundhara Residential Area. More often than not, such mobilisations led to tragic consequences. Along with deaths in the most brutal fashion, mob beatings have often made for horrifying headlines—the eyes of a victim being gouged out in Bhola, two individuals being beaten and hung upside down in Dhaka's Uttara. The list goes on.

While the government insists that there is no room for mob justice or moral policing in the country, the fact is, its relative inaction has only served to embolden such acts. The effect has transcended mob violence—with clashes, political repression, harassment of women and children, suppression of freedom of expression, and all sorts of crimes being reported across the country. Under these charged circumstances, we urge all stakeholders in post-uprising Bangladesh to help restore the rule of law. That means everyone doing their part as they should—police taking prompt and stern action, political parties disciplining their unruly members, community/religious leaders preventing mob formations, and social media influencers promoting unity rather than division. Leaders and influencers, in particular, must refrain from bellicose rhetoric that only destabilises our society.​
 

DMP ramps up security measures
667 patrol teams deployed, 71 checkpoints set up in city

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Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) has significantly boosted security measures and operations in the capital in the last 24 hours to improve law and order.

According to a press release issued by DMP's media wing, 667 patrol teams were deployed and 71 checkpoints were set up in the city to tackle crimes.

During the intensified drive, law enforcers also arrested 239 individuals for various crimes, including robbery, extortion, drug dealing, and theft, it reads.

According to the DMP's Crime Command and Control Centre, the patrol teams operated in two shifts, with 340 teams active at night and 327 during the day. These included 479 mobile patrol teams, 73 foot patrol teams, and 115 motorcycle patrol teams. Additionally, 71 strategic checkpoints were set up at key locations.

Different law enforcement units, including the Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC) unit, the Anti-Terrorism Unit (ATU), and the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), were also deployed alongside regular police forces. The Armed Police Battalion (APBn) operated 20 additional checkpoints to bolster security measures.

During the special operation, law enforcers recovered various weapons, including two metal rods, a hammer, a machete, a cleaver, five knives, ten switchblades, a metal knuckle duster, and two crude bombs.

Additionally, a significant amount of illegal drugs was seized, including 41.65 kg of cannabis, 307 yaba pills, 36 grams of heroin, and 33 bottles of locally brewed liquor.

Among those arrested, seven were identified as robbers, 20 as professional muggers, four as extortionists, 10 as thieves, and 17 as known drug dealers. Twenty-three individuals with warrants issued against their names were also apprehended.

DMP filed 73 cases in connection with the arrests and assured that legal action was being taken against the arrestees.

"The safety and security of Dhaka's residents remain our top priority. We will continue our operations to ensure a crime-free city," said Deputy Police Commissioner Muhammad Talebur Rahman PPM, from DMP's Media and Public Relations Division.

DMP has urged citizens to remain vigilant and cooperate with law enforcement to maintain peace and order in the capital.​
 

Auxiliary police force: DMP appoints 500 security guards
Experts emphasise supervision

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) has appointed around 500 security personnel working in various residential areas, markets, and shopping centres across the capital as members of the "Auxiliary Police Force".

The appointments were given under Section 10 of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police Ordinance, 1976, by DMP Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali.

The ordinance, under its "Constitution and Organisation of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police" section, empowers the police commissioner to appoint auxiliary officers to assist law enforcement when additional support is required.

Subsection (2)(b) of Section 10 further stipulates that auxiliary officers, upon appointment, shall have the same powers, immunities, duties, and authority as regular police officers.

The designated auxiliary members will be legally protected, similar to regular police officers.

"If anyone obstructs an auxiliary member from performing their duties or attacks them, legal action will be taken against the offender," SN Nazrul Islam, additional commissioner (crime and operations) of DMP, told The Daily Star.

The auxiliary members will be able to make arrests: they will hand over detainees to the designated police patrol team or the nearest police station, and the police will then investigate the complaint, and after a preliminary inquiry, lawful action will be taken based on the findings.

Asked about the selection process, Nazrul said the DMP has identified malls and markets that already have private security guards.

"We appointed the team leaders of these security guards as auxiliary force members," he said.

In residential areas, the DMP focused on localities and alleys where security guards lock the gates after a specific time. "We have chosen these guards as members of the auxiliary police force."

When asked whether the auxiliary officers would receive training, Nazrul said the initiative is temporary.

"We will not provide any training. They will only wear a band labelled 'Auxiliary Police Force' on their arms."

Addressing concerns of misuse of power, Nazrul assured that strict monitoring mechanisms are in place.

"Our patrol teams and local police stations will supervise the activities of auxiliary members round the clock. If any member is found abusing their authority, their appointment will be terminated immediately."

Nazrul said the move aims to bring a large number of security guards working in malls and residential areas under greater accountability.

"We want to boost their confidence as they act as associates of the police in ensuring security. Once their work receives legal protection, petty crimes in alleys and marketplaces are expected to decrease, enhancing overall security," he said.

Earlier on Saturday, DMP Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali said that the initiative was introduced to enhance security during Ramadan and Eid shopping, as many shopping centres will remain open late into the night.

Experts have welcomed the move but emphasised the importance of supervision, background verification, and training to ensure its effectiveness.

Many private security organisations employ retired armed forces personnel and former police officers, according to Nurul Huda, a former inspector general of police.

"A significant number of these individuals have experience in firearm handling and minor investigations. This makes them a ready force, whereas recruiting and training new personnel properly would take at least six to nine months."

Supervision is essential to ensure that those appointed are properly vetted, Huda said.

Verification must be done to confirm their background, and if there are any training gaps, they can be addressed in seven to ten days.

He acknowledged that there is added pressure due to Ramadan as security duties increase during this time.

"Shopping malls remain open late and ensuring security with standard eight-hour shifts requires three shifts per day to meet international standards."

Besides, many key police positions in the DMP are now occupied by newly appointed officers.

"Handling law enforcement in a metropolitan city like Dhaka requires extensive local knowledge and a well-established information network, which some new officials may still be developing," he said.

He remains optimistic about this initiative.

"Rather than dismissing this as a failure, it should be seen as an experiment. If it proves effective, it could be a model for future security arrangements."​
 

A questionable move by DMP
Giving security guards police power raises concerns

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VISUAL: STAR

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police's (DMP) decision to empower private security personnel with the power to detain individuals suspected of crimes has raised concerns. While its objective—to bolster security during Ramadan and Eid—seems reasonable, the delegation of such powers to untrained private guards risks creating more problems than it solves. Under this initiative, as revealed by the DMP commissioner recently, guards deployed in shopping malls, residential areas, and markets—potential crime hotspots during festival/holiday seasons—will serve as members of an "Auxiliary Police Force," wearing official bands and having the power to make arrests if necessary. Already, the appointment of around 500 such police assistants has been confirmed.

The move blurs the line between trained law enforcement officers and private security guards, whose primary role is to monitor and report incidents, not to enforce the law. Unlike police officers, private guards do not undergo the same rigorous training, ethical scrutiny or legal oversight. Granting them the authority to arrest people without proper training invites the possibility of abuse. The question is: how will the DMP prevent this scenario, especially when those will be unaccompanied by police?

The question here is not about the legality of the move—which is being taken under the DMP Ordinance, 1976—but rather its security and accountability risks. First of all, the move blurs the line between trained law enforcement officers and private security guards, whose primary role is to monitor and report incidents, not to enforce the law. Unlike police officers, private guards do not undergo the same rigorous training, ethical scrutiny or legal oversight. Granting them the authority to arrest people without proper training invites the possibility of abuse. The question is: how will the DMP prevent this scenario, especially when those will be unaccompanied by police?

The DMP commissioner has stated that auxiliary officers will be "legally protected" like police officers, but does that mean they will also be held to the same accountability standards? If an auxiliary officer makes an unjust arrest or uses excessive force, will they face the same consequences as a regular officer? There's a potential legal grey area that could lead to chaos and further insecurity. We must say that this decision reflects poorly on the DMP's capacity to do its job. The commissioner has cited the limited number of police personnel and the need to grant officers leave for Eid as justifications for the move. While we acknowledge the resource constraints amid increasing street crimes, the answer is not to outsource policing, however temporarily, to private security personnel.

The DMP should be credited for boosting security measures in the capital in recent days. According to its media wing, 667 patrol teams have been deployed and 71 checkpoints have been set up to tackle crimes. While this and other factors have likely stretched the force thin, the decision to delegate police powers to private guards is almost as troubling as the Awami League government's move to grant similar powers to Ansar shortly before the 2024 election. Similar misuse concerns also arose after the interim government granted magistracy powers to commissioned army officers in September. So, instead of hastily delegating such powers, what the DMP should do is focus on strengthening its own capacity.​
 

Hotline launched at Police HQ to prevent violence against women
UNB
Dhaka
Published: 10 Mar 2025, 18: 42

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Bangladesh Police logo

A hotline service has been launched at Police Headquarters to take swift action against women repression, aggressive gestures towards women, slander, eve teasing and sexual harassment.

If such an incidents happen anywhere in the country, complaints can be made to the hotline numbers which will be available round the clock, said a media release issued on Monday.

The hotline numbers are—01320002001, 01320002002 and 01320002222.

Besides, the Police Cyber Support for Women Facebook page is still operational to provide legal services and protection to the victims of cybercrimes.

Bangladesh Police follows a zero-tolerance policy to maintain law and order and prevent crime as well as prevent repression on women and children.

It also is committed to taking appropriate legal actions against the repressors of women and children, said the release.​
 

No alternative to democratic reforms of police force
13 March, 2025, 00:00

THE way the police have relied on violence to disperse an anti-rape march towards the residence of the chief adviser demanding a more decisive role in ending violence against women is a shocking reminder of the role that the police played during the July uprising. The anti-rape march was one of many protests taking place over the rape of a child in Magura, fighting for life in a hospital in Dhaka. On March 11, as the protesters reached the crossing beside the InterContinental Hotel, the police charged with truncheons, leaving at least 21 people, including a few police personnel, injured. The protesters pressed home their nine-point demand, including the removal of the home adviser for his failure to ensure women’s safety, the establishment of a speedy tribunal for rape cases and logical reforms in rape and sexual harassment laws. Protesters allege that the police not only attacked but also grabbed women by the hair and kicked and punched them in the face. Some photographs of police violence substantiate the claims. The police may need to disperse marches for law and order and there may be hostile elements within the protests, but that does not justify the police action.

Anti-rape protesters have been organising for a morally and politically just cause for several weeks. Since the interim government assumed office in August 2024, among the incidents that gained public attention are the assault on sex workers in Dhaka, attacks on woman tourists in Cox’s Bazar, violence over a girl’s football match in Jaipurhat and the harassment of two young women over smoking in public. The government has recently made a few arrests in the cases, but only after nationwide protests criticising its failure to recognise the surge in anti-women, right-wing activism. It is also concerning that the police played the role of spectators when an organised ‘mob’ held a sit-in programme at a police station to free a person accused of harassing a Dhaka University student from police custody but chose violence to disperse anti-rape protesters. Similar high-handedness was also witnessed against recommended primary schoolteachers in February. The high-handedness, therefore, suggests a certain bias on part of the police force and further contributes to their anti-people image.

The recurring incident of violent policing of protests in the changed political context, when police reforms are said to be a priority of the interim government, is deeply disappointing. The interim government should, therefore, initiate an investigation to identify how matters of pacifying peaceful protests turned into a targeted attack against certain protesters. In the long run, the government should ensure that a protocol to disperse crowds is in place and thoroughly followed.​
 

Police must abandon violence, harassment for crowd control
14 March, 2025, 00:00

DESPITE support and care from authorities, particularly the healthcare providers, the eight-year-old rape victim from Magura lost the battle for life in Combined Military Hospital in Dhaka on March 13 while anti-rape protests raged. Four accused in this case are arrested and the law minister assured a speedy trial of the case but the movement against rape continued as the government has failed to respond in other recent cases of violence against women. Protesters demand a systemic change in the legal system, which includes the removal of the home adviser for his failure to ensure women’s safety, the establishment of a speedy tribunal for rape cases and logical reforms in rape and sexual harassment laws. The government so far has taken no steps to address the systemic concerns but appeared hostile towards the protesters. The police have not only violently dispersed an anti-rape march towards the chief adviser’s residence but have also filed a case against the protesters, 12 named and 90 unnamed, for allegedly ‘attacking the police.’ The interim government has relied on the same strategy of police violence and legal harassment against protesters that the deposed Awami League used to silence people’s demand for justice.

Anti-rape movements for a systemic change and undoing patriarchal biases in state and society leading to victim blaming is more than justified given the way a harasser was recently publicly welcomed with a garland while the police appeared helpless before a ‘mob’. The police in a statement on March 12 also claimed in the case statement against the protesters that they were attacked and seven of their personnel were injured. Contrary to police claims, the protesters said that plainclothes police personnel tried to instigate violence from within the rally and became violent. On other occasions recently, the police used similar high-handedness to disperse crowds. The police on March 12 dispersed a section of non-government primary schoolteachers using water cannons and charged at them with truncheons. In January, an ordinary man fell victim to police violence as he was mistaken for a protester demanding the constitutional recognition of the ethnic minorities. Sadly, police behaviour shows a clear bias against the students and a large section of the people who made the end of the authoritarian Awami regime possible.

For the police to win public trust, they must abandon the strategy of violence and legal harassment of the deposed authoritarian regime. The interim government that claims police reforms as its priority agenda should investigate to establish how matters of pacifying a peaceful protest became a targeted attack on certain protesters. The government must also ensure that a protocol to disperse crowds is in place and thoroughly followed.​
 

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