[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

[Saif]

Police struggling to get back on their feet

In the beginning of the year, the police were accused of being a tool implementing “Sheikh Hasina’s engineered election”, then they became the heavy hand attempting to crush the mass uprising. Days after Hasina’s ouster, the force appeared to have disintegrated. And now, they are trying to gain...

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Police struggling to get back on their feet

In the beginning of the year, the police were accused of being a tool implementing "Sheikh Hasina's engineered election", then they became the heavy hand attempting to crush the mass uprising. Days after Hasina's ouster, the force appeared to have disintegrated. And now, they are trying to gain public trust in combating crime.

Although senior police officials refreshingly admit their shortcomings and promise better days ahead, the challenges facing the force are steep.

Many officers have been transferred for their alleged role in backing the Awami League regime.

A large number of those who replaced them have no experience in working in crime divisions, resulting in the sluggishness of the force's transition into what the people desire.

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury acknowledged this on several occasions over the last few months. He said it would take the police some time to become acquainted with the alleys of Dhaka. The police members would need time to build an intelligence network before they could become effective crime fighters.

The police are dealing with multiple problems.

Equipment deemed essential, like teargas canisters, stun grenades, transport vehicles, and walkie-talkies, which were damaged or destroyed during the uprising, have not all been replaced.

Over 450 of the country's 664 police stations were attacked and some of them were set on fire.

Abdul Malek, inspector (investigation) of the Adabor Police Station, said, "Everything was burnt, including patrol cars, furniture, case dockets, and walkie-talkies … .

"We have so far received two patrol cars, some furniture and weapons, but these are not enough ... We are trying to do the job with what we have," he said.

According to the Police Headquarters database, 5,750 police firearms and 6,51,609 bullets were looted during the uprising. The weapons and ammunition include small machine guns, light machine guns, pistols, shotguns, gas guns, teargas launchers, and tear gas shells.

Even though a joint operation launched on September 4, a total of 1,419 weapons and 2,63,153 bullets were yet to be recovered, as of December 3.

On top of this, around 700 convicts who escaped from prisons during the uprisings remain at large.

However, Adviser Jahangir recently said, "Initiatives have been taken to revive police activities. I hope everything will go well. Change takes time, I cannot alter the morale within two days. It requires patience."

UNDER PREVIOUS REGIME

In January 2024, law enforcers, including the police, were busy completing the parliamentary elections, which the BNP and Jamaat boycotted.

Badiul Alam Majumdar, secretary of Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik, said, "There is no doubt that the police played a questionable role during the last general election, but the level of their complicity varied by location. At some places they played a neutral role and at some others, they acted with vested interest."

Hasina's government faced persistent criticism for allegedly politicising and compromising the independence of the police force to consolidate power and suppress dissenting voices.

Over the years, reports have detailed how the police have been used as a tool to silence voices, restrict free speech, and maintain control over the political landscape.

These not only undermined the integrity of police, but also eroded public trust in law enforcement agencies.

The police were used for targeting the opposition parties, especially the BNP and its allies. Opposition leaders and activists were arrested frequently and charged in what the critics say were politically motivated cases.

UPRISING

At the fag-end of Hasina's rule, the police were deployed against unarmed protesters, resulting in hundreds of deaths.

Following the indiscriminate shooting and killing of protesters and the ouster of Hasina, numerous police members, including top officials, went into hiding fearing the public wrath.

For weeks after August 5, the police were not on the ground in the true sense. Various types of crimes including theft, robbery, and extortion became rampant.

Neighbourhoods were protected at night by students armed with sticks.

Despite efforts by the interim government to stabilise the force, crime statistics from the Police Headquarters (PHQ) reveal an uptick in certain offences.

At least 464 robbery cases were filed between August and November. The number was 395 in the corresponding months of 2023.

Murder cases showed a particularly striking disparity. At least 1,937 murder cases were filed during these months this year. In the same months of 2023, a total of 976 murder cases were filed.

The Chief Adviser's Press Wing, citing PHQ data, recently said the higher numbers of cases filed in September, October, and November this year was due to those being filed over previous incidents.

Tawohidul Haque, associate professor at the Dhaka University's Institute of Social Welfare and Research, explained that the police continue to have a crisis of morale due to their controversial role during the uprising.

"At the same time, criminals are taking advantage as police are hesitant to take immediate action. But this cannot be allowed to continue," he said.

Enamul Haque Sagor, assistant inspector general at the PHQ, told The Daily Star, "One of the prime challenges is restoring operational activities. Initially, we focused on relaunching 999 services and restarting police stations' work in rented buildings, as many stations were damaged. Now, the police chief is holding meetings with field officials to improve law and order and intensify operations to recover firearms."

Sagor added, "Our aim is to reduce crime, and hopefully the new year will be a good one for safety and security."

INSECURITY

Dhaka Metropolitan Police Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali, speaking at a programme on December 21, warned that mugging incidents have increased recently and that the muggers mainly target mobile phones.

At the programme, he told foreign students to exercise caution when using mobile phones. "As per the reports I have got, mugging incidents have increased recently, and muggers mainly target mobile phones," he said.

On December 15, Home Adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury also said muggings have increased in the city and that such incidents occurred mainly in the early hours.

The fear of such crimes has had an impact on businesses.

An owner of a coffee shop in Gulshan blamed the poor presence of police on the streets for him losing half of his customers. "People are not coming out of their homes after sun down as they used to.

"Usually, we close the shop after midnight, but many of our customers have complained about theft from their cars parked on the streets near the shop," the owner said.

The owner of a confectionery chain with 25 outlets reported a 35 percent drop in sales, particularly in the evenings.

On police not being seen on the streets at night, Assistant Inspector General Sagor said, "We may be able to provide a proper answer if a specific area is mentioned, but it cannot be said that there are no police at night.

"We are currently gathering equipment and providing necessary support to police units to conduct operations and ensure services. The procurement of equipment is an ongoing process."​

 

[Saif]

65 senior police officers, including DIGs and SPs, transferred

Among them, three are deputy inspector general of police, 14 are additional DIGs, and 48 are superintendent of police (SP)

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65 senior police officers, including DIGs and SPs, transferred

A total of 65 high-ranking officers of the Bangladesh Police have been transferred.

Among them, three are deputy inspector general of police, 14 are additional DIGs, and 48 are superintendent of police (SP).

Yesterday, two separate notifications were issued by the Police-1 branch of the Public Security Division under the Ministry of Home Affairs regarding their transfers.

The notifications were signed by Deputy Secretary Abu Sayeed on behalf of the president.

According to the notifications, officers have been transferred from various departments, including the Police Headquarters, Highway Police, range DIG Offices, DMP, In-Service Training Center, River Police, PBI, CID, and SB.​

 

[Saif]

Three additional IGPs sent on forced retirement

The government has sent three officers of the rank of additional inspector general of the Bangladesh Police to compulsory retirement...

www.newagebd.net

Three additional IGPs sent on forced retirement
Staff Correspondent 01 January, 2025, 20:44

The government has sent three officers of the rank of additional inspector general of the Bangladesh Police to compulsory retirement.

The officers are YM Belalur Rahman, additional IGP at Police Telecom, Selim Md Jahangir, additional IGP at the police headquarters and Mallick Faqrul Islam, rector (additional IGP) at Police Staff College Bangladesh.

The Public Security Division of the home ministry issued three separate notifications in this regard on Tuesday.

They were sent into forced retirement for public interest, according to the ministry notifications signed by senior secretary Nasimul Ghani.

The officers were sent into retirement under Section 45 of the Public Service Act 2018, according to the notifications.​

 

[Saif]

Public trust and policing crisis

DURING the previous regime of 15 years, the people of the country faced deep-rooted grievances and deprivation, aggravated by pervasive and systematic repression. Misgovernance, rampant corruption, unchecked arbitrariness, and the abuse of power fuelled widespread anger and antagonism among the...

www.newagebd.net

Public trust and policing crisis
Md Motiar Rahman 02 January, 2025, 00:00

DURING the previous regime of 15 years, the people of the country faced deep-rooted grievances and deprivation, aggravated by pervasive and systematic repression. Misgovernance, rampant corruption, unchecked arbitrariness, and the abuse of power fuelled widespread anger and antagonism among the populace. Amid this volatile backdrop, the Bangladesh police, serving as the government’s executive apparatus, transformed into an instrument of repression, ruthlessly suppressing dissent through indiscriminate use of lethal force and extrajudicial tactics, further widening the divide between the state and its citizens.

Over the years, numerous reports have highlighted how the police have been utilised to suppress dissent, curtail free speech, and maintain political control, actions that have not only compromised the integrity of the police force but also eroded public trust in law enforcement agencies. The opposition, particularly the BNP and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, was frequently targeted, with leaders and activists subjected to arrests and charges that critics argue were politically motivated. Harrowing tales of enforced disappearances and crossfire incidents have resonated far beyond national borders.

A significant turning point came with the student movement for reforms to the quota system in the recruitment of public services. This movement, catalysed by long-standing frustration, suppressed resentment, and deep-rooted discontent, rapidly evolved into a broader call for the government’s ousting. In their bid to crush the movement, the police resorted to excessive force, resulting in the deaths of numerous students and demonstrators. This tragic response ignited unprecedented public fury, making the police the primary target of the people’s wrath and vengeance.

When Sheikh Hasina stepped down and left the country, the accumulated and pent-up public anger erupted like wildfire. People defied curfews, took to the streets in overwhelming numbers, and vented their fury on police stations, outposts, and other police establishments. Enraged people attacked, looted, and ransacked these institutions, compelling police personnel to abandon their posts and flee. Shockingly, 44 police officers of various ranks were also lynched, and many others were injured. Weapons, ammunition, and official documents were looted in the turmoil, marking an unprecedented event in the history of the Bangladesh Police. Even during the Liberation War in 1971, operational units, especially police stations, were never entirely abandoned or rendered nonfunctional for days as during this turmoil. It appeared as though the police had reached a breaking point. In the days following August 5, the country experienced a complete absence of both government authority and a visible police presence, leading to a widespread security vacuum.

The armed forces stepped in during this period to bridge the gap and maintain order. Since then, the army has been actively deployed to protect key installations and facilities, working tirelessly and with steadfast commitment to restore stability and maintain law and order throughout the country. By this time, commissioned officers of the Bangladesh Army have been entrusted with executive magistracy powers, empowering them to conduct searches and, in the presence of designated officials, issue search warrants at any location. This authority was formally conferred through a notification, which specifies that army officers granted magistracy powers may address offences under various provisions of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. These include Sections 64, 65, 83, 84, 86, 95(2), 100, 105, 107, 109, 110, 126, 127, 128, 130, 133, and 142.

Through the interim government’s efforts, police personnel gradually resumed their duties and operations. However, the aftermath of the August 5 incident left a deep scar. Many police members remain mentally distressed, traumatised, and unable to perform their duties with full force and vigour. Field-level officers, who bore the brunt of the public outrage, suffered not only physical losses but also psychological trauma, social stigma, and professional disrepute. This has created an atmosphere of mistrust, accusations, and weakened command integrity within the police hierarchy. Furthermore, field officers accused senior officials of abandoning them during the turmoil of an asymmetric war, fleeing without providing prior notice or support to those left behind to face the onslaught. This led to resentment and minor discontent within certain police units, particularly at the Rajarbag Police Lines. However, the interim government swiftly took measures to restore the esprit de corps within the police force. Additionally, fear of departmental actions, dismissal, forced retirement, or legal implications for their actions during the student movement has left many officers in a state of panic.

Members of the Rapid Action Battalion are in disarray, grappling with significantly low morale amid the looming threat of dissolution driven by intense national and international pressure over allegations of involvement in extrajudicial killings. These accusations have not only tarnished the force’s reputation but also plunged it into a state of uncertainty and operational stagnation, leaving it demoralised and seemingly moribund.

For long, the police themselves often resorted to short-term measures and quick fixes, engaging in extra-departmental activities rather than addressing systemic issues or prioritising sustainable law enforcement strategies. These practices not only diverted attention from core policing functions but also weakened the institutional framework necessary for maintaining public trust and upholding the rule of law.

In addition to struggling with low morale and a significant deficit in public trust, the police face numerous operational challenges that hinder their effectiveness and their day-to-day operations. A substantial loss of vehicles has severely impacted their mobility, while essential equipment such as tear gas canisters, stun grenades, transport vehicles, and walkie-talkies damaged or destroyed during the revolution remains unreplenished. Adding to the crisis, police headquarters report that 5,750 firearms and 651,609 rounds of ammunition were looted during the unrest, with approximately 1,500 firearms still unrecovered. The most alarming concern is likely to be the potential use of these arms by vigilante groups to commit crimes and targeted killings during the transition to a political government. Compounding these challenges is the escape of approximately 700 convicts during the uprisings, who remain at large.

Security experts emphasise that effective policing in any society requires both covert and overt support from intelligence agencies to ensure the success of its operational activities. However, during successive regimes, intelligence organisations were frequently utilised for tasks that extended beyond their mandated jurisdictions, often to serve political agendas. This misuse came at the expense of their professional development and operational excellence.

The fall of the Awami League regime has heightened tensions, creating an opportunity for disruptive forces to exploit the situation and attempt to establish their political authority. Vested interest groups, possibly with external backing, may incite unrest, provoke violence, or destabilise the nation’s social and political fabric. Acts of sabotage and subversion could include targeted attacks, spreading misinformation, and fomenting divisions within society to erode public trust in institutions and hinder the transition to a stable political order. The involvement of foreign elements exacerbates these threats, as external actors may exploit internal vulnerabilities to advance their strategic interests, jeopardising Bangladesh’s sovereignty and security.

In the four and a half months since the fall of the previous regime, several significant incidents, such as the intrusion of Ansar and VDP members into the government secretariat, student demands for automatic passes in certain HSC subjects leading to the seizure of the education ministry, and labour unrest in the garment sector, stemmed from long-standing unmet grievances. While the interim government has been striving to address these issues following the public euphoria of August 5, lynching, street snatchings, house robberies, and dacoities in various areas have heightened concerns over public safety. These crimes have reinforced perceptions of an unsatisfactory law and order situation, further eroding public trust in the police.

The socio-political fabric of Bangladesh has undergone a seismic shift in recent months, marked by the dramatic fall of the previous regime, leaving a legacy of public distrust, institutional dysfunction, and social instability, with the Bangladesh police at the centre of the turmoil. Once a cornerstone of governance, the force now grapples with a fractured reputation, operational inefficiency, and internal discord. Standing at a crossroads, the Bangladesh police face the dual challenges of addressing internal dysfunction and rebuilding public trust. Recovery requires a delicate balance between accountability and rehabilitation, addressing past wrongs while fostering an environment conducive to restoring integrity and functionality. In this context, the recent statement by the police chief — acknowledging that the police ‘have no magic’ to restore order instantaneously — highlights both the complexities of policing in a shifting political landscape and the urgent need for patience and understanding as the institution seeks to rebuild itself.

The police may not possess any magic, but the true magic lay with the people, particularly the students, who, without ties to any political platform, stood against the police and other security forces, ultimately toppling the Sheikh Hasina government. This remarkable event marks an unprecedented chapter in the political history of Bangladesh. Initially, students took the initiative to manage traffic in Dhaka city voluntarily. However, the authorities failed to capitalise on this opportunity to harness the students’ potential for fostering engagement between the police and the public, which could have significantly contributed to restoring law and order across the country. A promising pathway for reconciliation lies in involving the student community — whose anti-discrimination movement became a driving force for change — in local initiatives. By engaging students, it is possible to bridge the divide between the police and the public, reduce tensions, and cultivate meaningful collaboration.

Public engagement and support are essential for effective policing, and rebuilding trust requires sincerity, transparency, and accountability. The recent upheaval has left deep scars, challenging the ethos of policing in Bangladesh for the foreseeable future. However, with focused efforts, the police can emerge stronger, more compassionate, and better equipped to serve the public. Revitalising community policing, a proven strategy for preventing social crimes in the western world, could be pivotal in this transformation. Unfortunately, in Bangladesh, community policing has often been undermined by unscrupulous practices, turning it into a tool for extortion and coercion. Reforming and depersonalising this concept is vital to restoring its original purpose: preventing crime and fostering genuine community engagement. Crime control, especially during a political transition, cannot rely solely on policing but requires a concerted effort from all sectors of society, grounded in trust, collaboration, and a commitment to addressing the socioeconomic roots of unrest. As Bangladesh moves toward a new chapter of governance, fostering strong community relationships and adopting a holistic approach to law enforcement will be essential for breaking the cycle of crime and ensuring a safer, more just society for all.

In an effort to revamp the police department, the government implemented a series of transfers and postings to various assignments. Officers who had long been overlooked and deprived for promotion were finally elevated to important positions. Among the most significant actions of the interim government was the appointment of two key positions on a contractual basis: the Inspector General of Police and the Police Commissioner of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police. These roles are regarded as pivotal within the police organisation, as they hold substantial authority over police personnel. The law and order situation in Dhaka serves as a barometer for the overall security situation across the country.

Additionally, former inspector general of police Md Khoda Baksh Chowdhury was appointed special assistant to the chief adviser with the status of the state minister in the ministry of home affairs to oversee the police affairs. This appointment brings a wealth of expertise, drawing on his extensive experience in national and international policing, including serving as a senior police adviser with the United Nations in post-conflict regions like Afghanistan and holding a commanding role in the former Yugoslavia. Additionally, home adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, a distinguished and highly accomplished army general, has been steering the leadership of the ministry of home affairs.

This demonstrates the government’s commitment, vision, and determination to enhance the law and order situation. All organisations, civil society, and political parties must urgently and resolutely support this transformation of the interim government to create a secure environment. Failure to act decisively risks plunging the nation into further instability and jeopardising the aspirations for which the people and students have struggled. The time to act is now, ensuring the police can reclaim their role as protectors of law and order rather than instruments of repression.

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.​

 

[Saif]

Crowd control operations: Police seek to restrict use of lethal arms

A special committee of the Police Headquarters recommends replacing 50 percent of the long barrel firearms with short-barrel ones in order to lower casualties during crowd control operations.

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Crowd control operations: Police seek to restrict use of lethal arms

A special committee of the Police Headquarters recommends replacing 50 percent of the long barrel firearms with short-barrel ones in order to lower casualties during crowd control operations.

The short-barrel weapons are recommended because they have shorter ranges, according to the Arms and Ammunition Entitlement Committee.

It also proposes a ban on the use of revolvers, 7.62mm bullets, and lead pellets in shotguns.

If approved, the 7.62mm calibre pistols will be replaced by 9mm ones, which have a shorter range, said senior police officers who drafted the recommendations.

In the tumultuous days of the July uprising, law enforcers' use of long-barrel rifles, 7.62mm pistols, and lead pellets contributed significantly to the large number of casualties, the committee found in its initial analysis.

According to the health ministry data, 826 people were killed and 11,306 others were injured during the uprising. The ministry periodically updates the numbers.

Contacted on December 29, Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam said he was yet to review the report.

"It will be sent to the home ministry and then to the Armed Forces Division. After receiving their opinions, the arms policy will be finalised," he said.

For crowd control and stopping violence, tear gas and batons will be used, he said.

"I personally advocate zero use of lethal weapons. Nowadays, advanced weapons are used to control crowds and subdue violence effectively. Somebody hit by a bullet from such a weapon will remain unconscious for a few minutes," the IGP added.

Requesting anonymity, a member of the arms entitlement committee said, "It will take four to five years to replace the munitions. The surplus will be given to the army."

Deputy Inspector General Abdul Kuddus Chowdhury is the chief of the committee formed on August 22. He has prior experience of serving as a member of a UN committee on the use of force.

A senior police officer involved in drafting the PHQ committee's recommendations said sniper rifles were used on protesters during the mass uprising, which was completely illegal.

The long-barrel firearms have an effective range of over 400 metres, while short barrel ones have a 50-metre range. The use of the latter will reduce the risk of unintended casualties, said the member.

The replacement of 7.62mm calibre pistols (100 metres range) with 9mm pistols (25 metres) will further limit casualties, he added.

In the days of the mass uprising in July, members of the police, Rab, Border Guard Bangladesh and other forces opened fire on protesters. Over 400 lost sight in lead pellet injuries. Many others suffered life-changing injuries.

The Daily Star analysed the pattern of injuries of 204 people who died as of August 1 and found that almost 95 percent of them were shot dead by live rounds or shotgun pellets. Of them, 113 were shot in the head, chest, and stomach.

The committee also mentions in the proposal that revolvers should be phased out because these are difficult to handle and prone to misfires.

Citing security concerns, officers refused to divulge how many firearms should be replaced or phased out.

While police have pistols, submachine guns, rifles, light machine guns, shotguns and teargas launchers, Rab, SWAT, and the counterterrorism unit of police have sniper rifles and machine guns, officers said.

Police had SMG and LMG for many years to protect police stations in war-like situations or other emergencies.

However, the use of weapons for crowd control began on a limited scale in 2012 and increased gradually, several officers said.

The decision to procure 7.62mm rifles and other lethal firearms was made in October 2014 at a meeting attended by representatives from the home ministry and Police Headquarters.

An officer who was at the meeting told this correspondent that the rationale presented for the decision were "difficult-to-control" demonstrations by Hefajat-e-Islam at Shapla Chattar on May 5, 2013 and by Jamaat-Shibir men at different times against the trial of war criminals.

The first shipment of weapons arrived in 2015 from Italy.

Procurement data on Bangladesh Police's website shows police have long been using 7.62 sniper rifles and 7.62mm bullets.

In March 2024, the Police Headquarters invited bidders to procure 50 (7.62mm) sniper rifles. In March 2023, it purchased 30 such sniper rifles.

Besides, police procured 15,000 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles in September 2019 and August 2018, according to the website of Bangladesh Public Procurement Authority.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The committee recommends that each 30-member platoon will be primarily armed with non-lethal weapons, and only two of the officers in the platoon will carry 9mm pistols for use in extreme cases.

The police will first try to de-escalate situations through communication. If crowds block roads or engage in other unlawful activities, police will give warning. If they throw brick chips, cause injuries, or detonate bombs, police will use water cannons, tear gas, and stun grenades.

Firearms will be used only in life-threatening situations, and officers will be instructed to target lower-body areas to reduce the risk of fatalities.

Striking forces with lethal weapons will be kept ready if a large crowd turns unruly and the first responders fail to control the situation.

Future policies will determine the number and type of arms a unit will have.

The committee also plans to focus on developing new training guidelines for officers.

"Our ultimate goal is to avoid another tragedy like the one we witnessed during the July-August protests," said the committee member.​

 

[Saif]

Police must stop using lethal weapons

There are many better ways to control crowds

www.thedailystar.net

Police must stop using lethal weapons
There are many better ways to control crowds

The proposal to restrict the use of lethal weapons by the police while controlling crowds is a timely and welcome step. According to a report published in The Daily Star, a special committee in the Police Headquarters made such recommendations in its arms policy, which will be sent to the home ministry and Armed Forces Division for approval.

The recommendations include a ban on the use of revolvers and lead pellets in shotguns, replacing 7.62mm calibre pistols with 9mm ones that have a shorter range, and replacing 50 percent of long-barrel firearms with short-barrel ones to lower casualties. Many of these ammunitions were used during the July uprising, killing more than 800 and injuring over 11,000 people, according to the health ministry data. Lead pellet injuries alone took away the eyesight of more than 400 protesters. This daily's analysis of 204 fatalities showed that 95 percent of people were shot with live rounds or shotgun pellets, mostly in the head, chest, and stomach. The committee also recommended that only two officers in a 30-member platoon will carry lethal weapons for use in extreme cases and officers will be instructed to target lower body areas to reduce fatality risks.

The police force has been increasingly militarised over the last 15 years. In fact, as this daily reported, the use of lethal weapons for crowd control began in 2012 and gradually increased with time. Police became a political tool to intimidate the opposition and squash dissent rather than a public agency that is responsible for protecting and serving the people and upholding the law. While the unnecessary use of force by police during the July uprising was unprecedented in our history, the gradual militarisation of this law enforcement agency has given it an aggressive outlook. In the past one and half decades, the force has engaged in widespread human rights violations during numerous protests and movements.

The first response of police in controlling unruly crowds should be de-escalation, followed by warning. Even the use of non-lethal weapons should be limited while lethal ones should be the very last resort—only to be used in life-threatening situations. However, we have not seen our force practise such restraints.

While the recommendations police made are positive, a mechanism should be in place to review police actions during any crowd-controlling operations. An independent body should be formed to assess whether the use of lethal weapons by an officer or even non-lethal ones was justified—with persons responsible for unnecessary use being held to account. Since the Police Reform Commission also made similar recommendations restricting the use of lethal weapons, we hope that the de-militarisation of the police force will take place soon. In Bangladesh, no more lives should be lost or maimed at the hands of police for protesting wrongs or demanding justice.​

 

[Saif]

New police settlement and guidance

THE police, initially established as ‘stick forces’ in monarchies to serve as instruments of control for kings, have in modern times been redefined as protectors of society, entrusted with keeping law and order...

www.newagebd.net

New police settlement and guidance
by Arbachin Abdullah 06 January, 2025, 00:00

New Age

THE police, initially established as ‘stick forces’ in monarchies to serve as instruments of control for kings, have in modern times been redefined as protectors of society, entrusted with keeping law and order, safeguarding lives and property and preventing crimes. This transformation is evident in developed nations, where the police are typically neutral and adhere to democratic principles. In contrast, in many developing or underdeveloped nations, police forces often function as partisan tools, prioritising government interests over public welfare. In Bangladesh, 53 years after independence, the police have been mired in allegations of corruption and abuse. Their involvement in extortion, bribery, custodial torture, extrajudicial killings and other rights violations are frequently reported. While some essential policing tasks are performed, the abuses overshadow their legitimate functions.

The situation from 2009 to August 5, 2024, is particularly concerning. According to the Capital Punishment Justice Project in Australia, the police in Bangladesh were involved in at least 2,596 extrajudicial killings and 600 enforced disappearances in 2009–2022. The period marked a dark chapter for the rule of law. The violence peaked between July 16, 2024 and August 5, 2024, when police action caused the death of a high number of students and a brutal crackdown on political opposition. The atrocities caused widespread outrage and remain a grim reminder to the perils of the unchecked state power. Such acts are incompatible with the role of a modern police force and are indefensible by any rational or ethical standard.

After the 2024 mass uprising, the call for police reforms gained a significant momentum. The police stand out as a key agency of the state in dire need of reforms. It is impossible to erase the brutality of the police that took place in the July–August uprising. Before reforming the police, it is important to identify some issues and move forward — firstly, identifying main problems of the police; secondly, rooting out causes of the problems; and thirdly, finding practical and effective solutions to the problems and implementing them. It is foolish to expect any results with nominal reforms if the problems are not solved along the lines.

If the problems of the police are listed, the first that will come up would be the politicisation of the police, lack of professionalism, lack of public involvement, public distrust in the police, rights violations and inefficient human resources. The police in Bangladesh are heavily politicised. Every government since independence has attempted to get some members of the ruling party into the police force. Such appointment always involves some form of party influence. These politically appointed officers are loyal to the government from the outset, making it easy for the government to manipulate the law and order in partisan interests. From 2009 to 2024, the police force underwent a process of ‘Awamification’, transforming it into a de facto force of the Awami League. This transformation turned the police into an enforcer of a fascist regime, leaving the people sandwiched between an authoritarian government, on one side, and its partisan police, on the other.

This politicisation wiped out any scope for accountability. The fascist government used the police as a weapon to secure its grip on power while in return, the police indulged in their own personal agenda by abandoning professionalism altogether. This alliance allowed the police to plunge into criminal activities such as extortion, looting and corruption. Such a corrupt and unchecked system gave rise to infamous figures in the police, where officers prioritised party and personal interests above the welfare of the people. The individuals amassed wealth, symbolising the rot within a force that should have stood for justice and integrity. This era of compromised law enforcement is a glaring example of how political influence can erode the foundations of a nation’s police force, turning it into a tool of oppression rather than protection.

The outdated laws governing the police prevent them from fulfilling their role as protectors of people. Many of the laws, rooted in the British and Pakistani eras, were designed to serve the ruling class by using the police as tools of oppression. Significant examples include the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 and the Police Regulations, Bengal 1943, which still serve as the backbone of police operation. The outdated regulations grant the police unchecked powers, enabling them to justify and legalise almost any crime under the guise of authority.

This imbalance of power, coupled with the repressive intent of the laws, isolates the police from the people they are meant to serve. As a result, heinous practices such as arbitrary arrests, unwarranted searches and covert extrajudicial killings, sugar-coated as ‘crossfires’, have become normalised. The actions, which are blatant violations of rights, are justified by the police as necessary measures. The deeply ingrained culture of repression, fostered by the outdated laws, has desensitised the police to the gravity of their action. Instead of serving as a bridge between the state and its citizens, the police have turned into instruments of control, perpetuating fear and distrust.

There are also many problems in the internal structure of the police. — lack of transparency in recruitment and promotion, insufficient personnel compared with the demand, lack of salaries and allowances and facilities, timeless duty, inadequate technology facilities, etc. The number of police personnel in Bangladesh is inadequate compared with the population. A minimum of 200 personnel per 100,000 people is required as an ideal ratio of population to police. Bangladesh has only 127 personnel per 100,000 people, which is much less than the demand. Because of the insufficient number of personnel, the workload is high and there is no time limit for police duty for which, the police personnel go through mental torture.

The influence of incompetent people on the police is seen most of the time because of which a severe crisis of professionalism can be noticed in the police. Police personnel always go through financial crises because of low salary and many are forced to engage in economic malfeasance. The salary of the lower level police members is very low. In the current economic situation, it is difficult to support family with such a salary. That is why it is seen that the lower level police members are involved in bribery and extortion and at a point, such crimes of the personnel are no longer considered crimes by the police. Moreover, when new recruits join the police force, they need to associate with other corrupt personnel because of internal pressure.

Technological facilities are also poor for the force — inadequate number of vehicles, inadequacy in crime analysis and crime mapping software, inadequacy of investigation centres, absence of a central digital database of crimes and criminals, etc. Technologies are fundamental to the police, without which policing is often difficult. Because of the inadequacy of vehicles, the police cannot respond quickly to crime spots and it is also important to have adequate number of vehicles for regular paroling, which is essential for crime prevention and remediation. Crime analysis and crime mapping software help to accurately identify crime trends and hotspots so that the police can easily identify crime-prone areas and take appropriate action.

The weapons currently deployed in the police force blatantly violate international police codes of conduct. These are not tools of law enforcement but rather battlefield-grade lethal weapons. This alarming trend began after the controversial 10th national parliament election in 2014. Under the guise of ‘police modernisation’, the Awami League government introduced high-powered armaments into the police arsenal. The weapons, designed for war zones, have no place in a civilian police force.

Internationally, police forces are equipped with non-lethal weapons, rubber bullets, electric tasers, batons and tear gas shells to ensure the safety of civilians and in keeping order. Yet, in Bangladesh, the misuse of such lethal weapons has led to harrowing displays of police brutality since 2014, leaving a trail of fear and distrust among the public. It is imperative to urgently remove these weapons and replace them with non-lethal alternatives. Doing so would not only align with international standards but also help to rebuild public confidence in law enforcement by reducing the potential for excessive violence. The path to a just and humane police force begins with disarming them of tools that belong on battlefields.

For the police, meaningful reform requires a blend of short- and long-term strategies. Short-term measures include the enacting laws and framing regulations to create a balance of power, ensuring transparency in recruitment and promotion, replacing lethal weapons with non-lethal ones and improving salaries and benefits for police personnel. The actions can be implemented swiftly, setting the stage for an immediate impact.

Extensive research has already identified the flaws in police laws and regulations along with alternative approaches. By incorporating insights from police officers, experts and state stakeholders, Bangladesh can introduce people-centric police laws that prioritise public welfare over power consolidation. Such reforms will pave the way for a transformation from a power-driven police force to one that genuinely serves people with integrity and accountability.

Long-term reform must focus on re-imagining its structure and policies, transitioning from outdated traditional policing to more modern and effective community policing and democratic policing. This transformation involves digitising the police force, equipping it with essential tools, building a skilled and motivated work force and increasing recruitment to meet growing demands. When policy reforms are implemented, structural changes in the organisation will naturally follow.

The current policing model is outdated and ineffective. It is time to embrace alternatives such as community policing and democratic policing. The philosophy of community policing is simple yet powerful: the police are the people and the people are the police. Democratic policing emphasises transparency, accountability and responsibility within the force. These two approaches complement each other and can be implemented together as they share a common foundation — people-centred and community-driven policing.

Moreover, given the limitations of the economy, community policing offers a practical, cost-effective solution. By actively involving citizens in keeping law and order, this approach fosters meaningful interaction between the police and the public, building trust and reducing the financial burden on the state. Community participation not only bridges the gap between law enforcement and society but also creates a dynamic partnership that enhances efficiency and ensures a safer, more harmonious community.

Digitising the police force is no longer optional; it is imperative. Establishing a dedicated digital data centre for the police is essential to store comprehensive information on crimes and criminals. With this system, police officers, from any corner, should be able to access a suspect’s criminal record, crime-prone area data or crime statistics with just a single click. Additionally, all internal police information would be centralised, significantly streamlining operations and enhancing the ability to prevent crime effectively. The labs should be strategically allocated, with one serving four districts, to ensure investigations are conducted swiftly and efficiently. Moreover, skilled personnel must be recruited to combat digital and cybercrimes, ensuring expertise in tackling modern challenges.

A people-centric police force is the cornerstone of a nation with strong law and order. When the police earn public trust, citizens naturally develop greater respect for the law. For a state aspiring to build a welfare-oriented society, the first and foremost step should be to establish a model police force that embodies professionalism, accountability and commitment to public service.

Arbachin Abdullah is a researcher.​

 

[Saif]

Transforming police-citizen relations in Bangladesh

Bangladesh's police force has had a history marked by violence, oppression, and a lack of trust.

www.thedailystar.net

Transforming police-citizen relations in Bangladesh

Building a better relationship between police and citizens is not just something institutions should do—it's a shared responsibility. FILE PHOTO: PRABIR DAS

Over 190 years ago, then British Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel articulated a profound insight regarding the police force's relationship with the public, "The ability of the police to perform their duties is dependent upon public approval of police existence, actions, behaviour and the ability of the police to secure and maintain public respect." As Bangladesh struggles to improve its law enforcement system, this insight is crucial. We must radically change police-citizen relations after a history of authoritarianism and governmental domination. Our survival depends on this transition.

Bangladesh's police force has had a history marked by violence, oppression, and a lack of trust. For many years, particularly during military and pseudo-democratic rule, successive regimes used law enforcement as a tool to suppress people instead of protecting their rights. People began seeing the police not as protectors but as possible threats because of this historical backdrop. This view weakened the basic elements of community safety and harmony, making citizens suspicious of the police.

Police in Bangladesh face complex challenges due to a colonial system that used to focus more on control than on serving the community. Real change means a complete shift in how the leaders of this institution think, work, and guide their team. It is important to dismantle rigid systems that block accountability and allow corruption to thrive. Following orders without question is at the root of these problems. The top-down approach forces lower-ranking police officers to follow orders without reasonable queries, which can hinder their ability to make ethical decisions. Workers who are not paid well might view bribery and corruption as ways to get by, making these issues even worse. This cycle hurts public trust and lowers police morale.

By sticking to antiquated enforcement techniques and ignoring community engagement, conflict resolution and respect for human rights, police training often exacerbates problems. Law enforcement personnel and the communities they are supposed to protect are at odds because of this military-style mentality—which was carried over from colonial times—and sees people as possible enemies rather than friends. For the contemporary police to succeed, these problems must be resolved.

The system for holding the police force accountable remains generally weak, with unclear internal disciplinary structures lacking real control. Deficient responsibility erodes public trust in law enforcement and undermines the ethics of police work. A shift from an authoritarian approach to one based on human rights would be significant, recognising past wrongdoings and envisioning a future system based on citizens' rights, privileges and respect. Rethinking the police's role from enforcing state will to protecting people's rights necessitates a strong commitment to transparency and accountability.

The disorder and confusion in the aftermath of the student-led people's uprising in July and August 2024 sparked a new push for police reform. At the head of this important effort is now a reform body, whose job is to bring new life to the correctional services. It's crucial to monitor a few key areas as the police force undergoes changes. Training programmes should shift from traditional military methods to community-based policing, incorporating in-depth human rights, dispute resolution, cultural awareness, and constitutional safeguards, thereby enhancing the effectiveness of police operations.

Independent groups can play an important role in monitoring police misconduct, but they need proper authority and clear guidelines. By providing avenues for public reporting and guaranteeing equitable disciplinary actions, we can rebuild trust. Whistleblowers can share information about wrongdoing without worrying about facing consequences. Getting involved in the community through things like town hall meetings and youth programmes can help police officers become more relatable and build better connections with citizens. These activities aim to alleviate doubt and suspicion between police and citizens, fostering a stronger relationship.

New technologies like video evidence, digital complaint systems, and accessible performance records can enhance accountability in law enforcement. These tools protect citizens from misconduct and officers from false claims, promoting a clearer system where accountability is a standard practice rather than just a goal.

A careful strategy that considers the relationships between police and residents at several levels—including institutions, culture, and individuals—is necessary to address cultural concerns. Service must come before control to respect everyone's basic humanity and rights. Officers who get psychological training may enhance their emotional intelligence and communication abilities, which are essential for fostering relationships in the community.

Reconceiving leadership within police organisations is crucial for ethical conduct and the spread of democratic ideals. Senior leaders should demonstrate ethical behaviour and focus on understanding social processes. The hiring process should focus on ethics, empathy, and a commitment to community service, in addition to skills and education, to create a more reliable and dedicated law enforcement agency. External oversight is important for maintaining checks and balances as independent groups help ensure transparency and accountability. These institutions should set clear guidelines, implement serious consequences for wrongdoing, and promote a culture of honesty in law enforcement.

Culture change in the police force requires long-term dedication and patience. Collaboration is key to improving conditions gradually, rather than relying on immediate solutions. Building trust requires a commitment to moral standards, genuine concern for community issues, and clear organisational changes. Public narratives should portray the police as essential partners in promoting social harmony, rather than distant entities. This shift requires continuous media engagement, educational initiatives, and transparent communication regarding institutional reforms.

Change takes time. Reconnecting police and citizens in Bangladesh will be difficult. Established authority, limited funding, and strong cultural attitudes will hinder reform. We need patience, dedication, and a long-term objective to make this journey successful. Small victories will progressively dispel suspicion. This allows institutions to change significantly.

Building a better relationship between police and citizens is not just something institutions should do—it's a shared responsibility. It requires everyone—law enforcement, political leaders, community members, and citizens—to come together and commit to the cause. The way ahead may be tough, but it needs bravery, understanding, and a strong faith in the possibility of positive change within our institutions.

Dr Habib Zafarullah is adjunct professor of public policy at the University of New England, Australia, and former professor of public administration at Dhaka University. He is the founding president of the South Asian Network for Public Administration (SANPA).​