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[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

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[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion
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Police reform commission chief says force must honour human rights
Sadiqur Rahman 04 January, 2025, 00:44

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Safar Raj Hossain

The Police Reform Commission in Bangladesh is set to propose significant changes aimed at improving policing standards and ensuring the protection of human rights.

Key recommendations of the commission include, among others, imposing strict restrictions on the use of lethal weapons during encounters with violent protesters. It would also recommend implementation of the Supreme Court directives on Section 54 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, CrPC in short, that had often been abused to harass innocent people.

The reform commission, formed on October 3, 2024 by the incumbent interim government, set the United Nations Police manuals, particularly those applied in Kosovo to promote community-based, citizen-focused policing, as the standard reference for bringing reforms in the police force in Bangladesh.

‘We will strongly recommend that the police give priority to citizen’s human rights,’ Safar Raj Hossain, the chief of the Police Reform Commission, said at an interview with New Age.

According to him, the reform commission has also prioritised the modernisation of outdated laws from the British colonial era, including a revision of Section 54 of the CrPC. This section has faced widespread allegations of abuse as it enables arrests without warrants.

The reform commission emphasised the need for strict implementation of the 2016 Supreme Court directives that include 10 guidelines for law enforcement agencies and nine for judicial authorities.

During his interview, former secretary Safar Raj Hossain highlighted the importance of adhering to these guidelines to curb misuse of power. He underscored that the commission’s recommendations would focus on protecting human rights and fostering collaboration between the police and communities.

Additionally, to shield the police from political interference, the commission would propose the creation of an independent complaint commission which would be considered as a buffer space. The responsibility for establishing this body, however, would rest with the next parliament, he said.

Safar Raj observed that had democracy with a vibrant parliamentary system with effective participation of opposition parties functioned in the country, the ruling quarters could not have misused the police force in political campaigns.

He stressed the critical role of political will in implementing reforms, noting that political misuse of the police had undermined its effectiveness and led to public trust erosion. He called for structural changes to transform the police into a service-oriented and community-focused agency.

‘Political influence in the police was created by politicians. Again it’s the politicians who have to materialise the reform of the police,’ he said.

Having remarked that rescuing the police from the force’s deviated position was a challenging task, he said that the reform commission, however, would come up with recommendations, including modernisation of the police administration along with some other laws under which the force operates.

The reform commission was not assigned to draft laws for the force, he said. ‘It would be done by the related ministry and the interim government as there is no parliament at present,’ Safar Raj Hossain added.

The commission also intends to recommend recruiting physically challenged individuals into the police force, a move inspired by the need to rehabilitate the protesters who got maimed during the July uprising.

Other proposed reforms include modernising the force’s accommodation infrastructure, addressing excessive workload by expanding the workforce and ensuring regular recreation leave to improve work-family life balance. To incentivise participation in training programmes, the commission plans to suggest linking training success to promotion.

The commission chief further said that their recommendations would also highlight the necessity for budget allocations for investigation as investigation officers often lamented that they had to bear the investigation costs, including tips for the informers and communication with witnesses.​
 

Seeking police services: 38% faced harassment, 31% paid bribes
According to study conducted by Dhaka University's Department of Development Studies

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Forty percent of 2,040 university-level students who participated in a recent survey reported paying bribes or facing harassment while seeking police services, while only 10.5 percent experienced smooth service.

The study, conducted by Dhaka University's Department of Development Studies found that 37.9 percent of respondents faced harassment, 9 percent relied on government officials' recommendations, 31.2 percent used bribes, gifts, or political influence, and 11.2 percent reported never receiving any service.

Respondents alleged that police often avoid accepting complaints against powerful political leaders or government officials.

Conducted by the Centre on Budget and Policy Research Group on Governance and Public Policy, the study employed a mixed-method approach, including 20 focus group discussions with 250 participants from nine institutions.

Of the total 2,040 respondents, 1,038 were students from public universities, 395 from private universities, 508 from colleges affiliated with the National University or other public universities, and 99 from Fazil and Kamil madrasas.

Among the respondents, 35.7 percent were aged 22–23, 30.2 percent were 20–21, 22 percent were 24–25, 5.1 percent were 25 or older, and 7 percent were under 19.

The findings, presented yesterday at the Muzaffar Ahmed Chowdhury Auditorium of Dhaka University, were shared by Professor Kazi Maruful Islam at a seminar titled "Building a People-Friendly, Accountable and Professional Policing System in Bangladesh 2.0: Students' Expectations and Reform Proposals."

Students highlighted police officers' tendency to favour individuals based on social and economic status, with many respondents accusing police of being a political tool for the ruling party.

Around 70 percent of respondents recommended enacting and implementing laws to ensure police remain free from political interference.

Another 63.09 percent emphasised the importance of police ethics training, focusing on responsibility, political neutrality, and good practices.

Additionally, 68.5 percent suggested establishing anonymous public complaint centres, while 8 percent advocated increasing police manpower.

Nearly 70 percent urged the publication of weekly updates on complaint and investigation progress on police station websites. About 25 percent suggested arranging monthly public hearings at police stations to improve accountability.

A significant 80 percent of respondents called for a politics-free, independent police commission, while 50 percent proposed establishing such a commission to oversee recruitment processes.

Respondents recommended the commission manage recruitment exams, handle human resources issues, and ensure police accountability.

Moreover, 42.79 percent advocated conducting recruitment exams through the Public Service Commission, while 40.93 percent called for regular salary increases, especially for lower-ranked officers.

To modernise police services, 31 percent of participants suggested installing body cameras on uniforms, while 30 percent advised digitising services. Community policing initiatives were backed by 11.23 percent.

Further suggestions included publishing progress updates on complaints (71.27 percent) and ensuring access to information (59.71 percent).

Participants also stressed the need for public engagement, with 32.21 percent recommending increased police interaction with citizens and 25.15 percent advocating monthly public hearings.

Jan-Hinrik Meyer-Sahling, professor of Political Science at the University of Nottingham, along with professors Taiabur Rahman and Asif Mohammad Shahan, and assistant professor Abul Bashar Md Omor Faruque, spoke at the seminar.

They said the colonial-era Police Act of 1861 should be reformed to meet the needs of modern-day Bangladesh, ensuring a professional and accountable policing system.​
 

A clarion call for police reform

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The relationship between the police and public deteriorated significantly during the July uprising in Bangladesh, as many viewed the police as enforcers of political repression rather than protectors of public safety. This troubling dynamic has created a deep mistrust that complicates any attempts at meaningful engagement between law enforcement and the communities they serve.

A recent survey conducted by Dhaka University's Department of Development Studies revealed that 40% of university-level students reported experiencing bribery or harassment while seeking police services. These statistics underscore a pressing issue within the nation's policing system, characterised by a lack of accountability and rampant corruption.

The study, which included over 2,000 respondents, paints a troubling picture of a police force perceived more as a political tool than a public service. With only 10.5% of participants indicating they received smooth police services; it becomes clear that trust in law enforcement is severely compromised. The report highlights that 37.9% of students faced harassment, while 31.2% resorted to bribes or political influence to obtain necessary services. Such revelations not only question the integrity of the police force but also illuminate a system in dire need of reform.

Students have accused the police of often neglecting complaints against powerful political figures, further reinforcing the belief that law enforcement operates under political influence rather than adhering to principles of justice and fairness. This situation calls for urgent reforms to restore faith in the police and ensure they operate independently of political pressures.

According to the report titled, "Seeking police services: 38% faced harassment, 31% paid bribes" (published on January 13), participants voiced their concerns and proposed actionable reforms. Approximately 70% of respondents advocated for establishing laws to protect police from political interference. This sentiment reflects a growing desire among citizens for a policing system prioritising accountability and professionalism over political loyalty.

Moreover, a significant 80% of respondents called for the creation of an independent police commission tasked with overseeing recruitment processes and ensuring that police conduct aligns with ethical standards. This proposal indicates a recognition of the need for systemic changes in how police officers are selected, trained, and held accountable.

The recommendations from this study also highlight the importance of transparency and community engagement. Calls for anonymous complaint centers, regular updates on investigations, and increased police interaction with citizens suggest a shift towards a more participatory policing model. This approach could help bridge the gap between law enforcement and the communities they serve.

The students' voices, as reflected in this study, are a clarion call for change that cannot be ignored. It is time for the authorities to act decisively and implement the reforms needed to ensure a just and equitable policing system.

Hasan Meer is a journalist at The Daily Star​
 

Golam Rasul appointed new Special Branch chief
Published :
Jan 13, 2025 22:47
Updated :
Jan 13, 2025 23:59

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Additional Inspector General Golam Rasul, who has been standing in for the chief of the Special Branch (SB) of police has been elevated as the chief.

The home ministry issued a notification to this effect on Monday, reports bdnews24.com.

The government has given new responsibilities to 74 officers with the rank of superintendent of police (SP) in three separate notifications on the same day.

Most of them are officers appointed through the 28th BCS exams, along with some from the 27th and 29th BCS batches, as well as those promoted from within the department.

Although they were promoted as supernumerary SPs during the Sheikh Hasina government, they have been working in the equivalent position of additional SP until now.

During the Hasina government, the controversial Additional IG (Grade-1) Monirul Islam served as the SB chief.

Following the change in power, he went into hiding and was later sent on compulsory retirement.

Several cases, including murder, were filed against him.

After the interim government took office in August, DIG Shah Alam was appointed as SB chief.

He was promoted to additional IG on Oct 2 and retired on the same day.

Meanwhile, Gazipur Metropolitan Police Commissioner (DIG) Khondoker Rafiqul Islam was promoted to the rank of additional IG and replaced him.

On Dec 18, Rafiqul was appointed as the head of police's anti-terrorism unit.

After that, Rasul was placed as the acting head of SB as DIG from Dec 19.

A notification was issued on Monday promoting him to Additional IG and assigning him as the current head of the SB.

The service tenure of this officer from the 12th BCS exams will end on Aug 31 of this year.​
 

Criminals must be brought to justice: DB Chief
BSS
Published :
Jan 14, 2025 21:13
Updated :
Jan 14, 2025 21:13

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The chief of the Detective Branch (DB) of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Rezaul Karim Mallick on Tuesday that criminals, including extortionists and robbers would be exposed to justice to maintain peace in the society.

“Anyone who is an extortionist, a robber, a drug dealer or does any illegal activity will definitely be brought to book. We have been working to provide the people with a stable and comfortable law and order situation,” he said.

He made the remarks at a press briefing on the arrest of robbers, identified extortionists and drug dealers and recovery of illegal weapons at the DMP Media Center in Dhaka on Tuesday.

Mentioning that taking advantage of the current situation, identified terrorists, extortionists and robbers are becoming active, Mallick said the DB continues to take a tough stance against illegal hoarders, identified terrorists, extortionists, robbers and drug dealers.

“We are determined to bring the criminals under the law with our utmost efforts to restore peace among the people,” he said.

Mallick said they will try to maintain peace and order in Dhaka Metropolitan City as well as throughout Bangladesh.

He personally feels that he is not afraid of anyone’s red eyes when arresting an accused.

The DB chief said that their activities have been strengthened across the country in recent times.

As a result, the DB has arrested 27 criminals by conducting raids in different places in Dhaka city in the last 24 hours, he said.

The DB today arrested two people named Md. Nasir Uddin and Md. Imran Hossain from a secret hideout in Khilgaon along with a 7.62 mm Chinese pistol, a magazine, six round of bullet of 9 mm pistol, nine round of bullet of 7.62 mm Chinese rifle and six ramda (sharp local weapons), he said.

Members of the DB today also detained six extortionists including notorious extortionist Shakil, Md. Babu of Jatrabari area and identified extortionist Md. Ratul Islam of Hazaribagh area.

“All of them are professionally identified extortionists,” he said.

Apart from them, DB personnel also arrested five people with 24 mobile phones from Mirpur area, two from Lalbagh, two from Motijheel and one from Uttara alongside nabbing two drug dealers with 90 kg of ganja and a covered van in a raid conducted in Rayerbagh area of Jatrabari police station, he said.

Mallick said that two cyber fraudsters named Rafi Sarkar and Masud Rana were arrested from Gaibandha and Natore districts last night in the case of cybercrime.

DMP Joint Police Commissioner (Detective-North) Mohammad Rabiul Hossain Bhuiyan, Joint Police Commissioner (Cyber Security and Support Center-South) Syed Harun Or Rashid, along with the concerned Deputy Police Commissioners and journalists from various electronic and print media were present at the press briefing.​
 

Public trust and policing crisis
Md Motiar Rahman 02 January, 2025, 00:00

DURING the previous regime of 15 years, the people of the country faced deep-rooted grievances and deprivation, aggravated by pervasive and systematic repression. Misgovernance, rampant corruption, unchecked arbitrariness, and the abuse of power fuelled widespread anger and antagonism among the populace. Amid this volatile backdrop, the Bangladesh police, serving as the government’s executive apparatus, transformed into an instrument of repression, ruthlessly suppressing dissent through indiscriminate use of lethal force and extrajudicial tactics, further widening the divide between the state and its citizens.

Over the years, numerous reports have highlighted how the police have been utilised to suppress dissent, curtail free speech, and maintain political control, actions that have not only compromised the integrity of the police force but also eroded public trust in law enforcement agencies. The opposition, particularly the BNP and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, was frequently targeted, with leaders and activists subjected to arrests and charges that critics argue were politically motivated. Harrowing tales of enforced disappearances and crossfire incidents have resonated far beyond national borders.

A significant turning point came with the student movement for reforms to the quota system in the recruitment of public services. This movement, catalysed by long-standing frustration, suppressed resentment, and deep-rooted discontent, rapidly evolved into a broader call for the government’s ousting. In their bid to crush the movement, the police resorted to excessive force, resulting in the deaths of numerous students and demonstrators. This tragic response ignited unprecedented public fury, making the police the primary target of the people’s wrath and vengeance.

When Sheikh Hasina stepped down and left the country, the accumulated and pent-up public anger erupted like wildfire. People defied curfews, took to the streets in overwhelming numbers, and vented their fury on police stations, outposts, and other police establishments. Enraged people attacked, looted, and ransacked these institutions, compelling police personnel to abandon their posts and flee. Shockingly, 44 police officers of various ranks were also lynched, and many others were injured. Weapons, ammunition, and official documents were looted in the turmoil, marking an unprecedented event in the history of the Bangladesh Police. Even during the Liberation War in 1971, operational units, especially police stations, were never entirely abandoned or rendered nonfunctional for days as during this turmoil. It appeared as though the police had reached a breaking point. In the days following August 5, the country experienced a complete absence of both government authority and a visible police presence, leading to a widespread security vacuum.

The armed forces stepped in during this period to bridge the gap and maintain order. Since then, the army has been actively deployed to protect key installations and facilities, working tirelessly and with steadfast commitment to restore stability and maintain law and order throughout the country. By this time, commissioned officers of the Bangladesh Army have been entrusted with executive magistracy powers, empowering them to conduct searches and, in the presence of designated officials, issue search warrants at any location. This authority was formally conferred through a notification, which specifies that army officers granted magistracy powers may address offences under various provisions of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. These include Sections 64, 65, 83, 84, 86, 95(2), 100, 105, 107, 109, 110, 126, 127, 128, 130, 133, and 142.

Through the interim government’s efforts, police personnel gradually resumed their duties and operations. However, the aftermath of the August 5 incident left a deep scar. Many police members remain mentally distressed, traumatised, and unable to perform their duties with full force and vigour. Field-level officers, who bore the brunt of the public outrage, suffered not only physical losses but also psychological trauma, social stigma, and professional disrepute. This has created an atmosphere of mistrust, accusations, and weakened command integrity within the police hierarchy. Furthermore, field officers accused senior officials of abandoning them during the turmoil of an asymmetric war, fleeing without providing prior notice or support to those left behind to face the onslaught. This led to resentment and minor discontent within certain police units, particularly at the Rajarbag Police Lines. However, the interim government swiftly took measures to restore the esprit de corps within the police force. Additionally, fear of departmental actions, dismissal, forced retirement, or legal implications for their actions during the student movement has left many officers in a state of panic.

Members of the Rapid Action Battalion are in disarray, grappling with significantly low morale amid the looming threat of dissolution driven by intense national and international pressure over allegations of involvement in extrajudicial killings. These accusations have not only tarnished the force’s reputation but also plunged it into a state of uncertainty and operational stagnation, leaving it demoralised and seemingly moribund.

For long, the police themselves often resorted to short-term measures and quick fixes, engaging in extra-departmental activities rather than addressing systemic issues or prioritising sustainable law enforcement strategies. These practices not only diverted attention from core policing functions but also weakened the institutional framework necessary for maintaining public trust and upholding the rule of law.

In addition to struggling with low morale and a significant deficit in public trust, the police face numerous operational challenges that hinder their effectiveness and their day-to-day operations. A substantial loss of vehicles has severely impacted their mobility, while essential equipment such as tear gas canisters, stun grenades, transport vehicles, and walkie-talkies damaged or destroyed during the revolution remains unreplenished. Adding to the crisis, police headquarters report that 5,750 firearms and 651,609 rounds of ammunition were looted during the unrest, with approximately 1,500 firearms still unrecovered. The most alarming concern is likely to be the potential use of these arms by vigilante groups to commit crimes and targeted killings during the transition to a political government. Compounding these challenges is the escape of approximately 700 convicts during the uprisings, who remain at large.

Security experts emphasise that effective policing in any society requires both covert and overt support from intelligence agencies to ensure the success of its operational activities. However, during successive regimes, intelligence organisations were frequently utilised for tasks that extended beyond their mandated jurisdictions, often to serve political agendas. This misuse came at the expense of their professional development and operational excellence.

The fall of the Awami League regime has heightened tensions, creating an opportunity for disruptive forces to exploit the situation and attempt to establish their political authority. Vested interest groups, possibly with external backing, may incite unrest, provoke violence, or destabilise the nation’s social and political fabric. Acts of sabotage and subversion could include targeted attacks, spreading misinformation, and fomenting divisions within society to erode public trust in institutions and hinder the transition to a stable political order. The involvement of foreign elements exacerbates these threats, as external actors may exploit internal vulnerabilities to advance their strategic interests, jeopardising Bangladesh’s sovereignty and security.

In the four and a half months since the fall of the previous regime, several significant incidents, such as the intrusion of Ansar and VDP members into the government secretariat, student demands for automatic passes in certain HSC subjects leading to the seizure of the education ministry, and labour unrest in the garment sector, stemmed from long-standing unmet grievances. While the interim government has been striving to address these issues following the public euphoria of August 5, lynching, street snatchings, house robberies, and dacoities in various areas have heightened concerns over public safety. These crimes have reinforced perceptions of an unsatisfactory law and order situation, further eroding public trust in the police.

The socio-political fabric of Bangladesh has undergone a seismic shift in recent months, marked by the dramatic fall of the previous regime, leaving a legacy of public distrust, institutional dysfunction, and social instability, with the Bangladesh police at the centre of the turmoil. Once a cornerstone of governance, the force now grapples with a fractured reputation, operational inefficiency, and internal discord. Standing at a crossroads, the Bangladesh police face the dual challenges of addressing internal dysfunction and rebuilding public trust. Recovery requires a delicate balance between accountability and rehabilitation, addressing past wrongs while fostering an environment conducive to restoring integrity and functionality. In this context, the recent statement by the police chief — acknowledging that the police ‘have no magic’ to restore order instantaneously — highlights both the complexities of policing in a shifting political landscape and the urgent need for patience and understanding as the institution seeks to rebuild itself.

The police may not possess any magic, but the true magic lay with the people, particularly the students, who, without ties to any political platform, stood against the police and other security forces, ultimately toppling the Sheikh Hasina government. This remarkable event marks an unprecedented chapter in the political history of Bangladesh. Initially, students took the initiative to manage traffic in Dhaka city voluntarily. However, the authorities failed to capitalise on this opportunity to harness the students’ potential for fostering engagement between the police and the public, which could have significantly contributed to restoring law and order across the country. A promising pathway for reconciliation lies in involving the student community — whose anti-discrimination movement became a driving force for change — in local initiatives. By engaging students, it is possible to bridge the divide between the police and the public, reduce tensions, and cultivate meaningful collaboration.

Public engagement and support are essential for effective policing, and rebuilding trust requires sincerity, transparency, and accountability. The recent upheaval has left deep scars, challenging the ethos of policing in Bangladesh for the foreseeable future. However, with focused efforts, the police can emerge stronger, more compassionate, and better equipped to serve the public. Revitalising community policing, a proven strategy for preventing social crimes in the western world, could be pivotal in this transformation. Unfortunately, in Bangladesh, community policing has often been undermined by unscrupulous practices, turning it into a tool for extortion and coercion. Reforming and depersonalising this concept is vital to restoring its original purpose: preventing crime and fostering genuine community engagement. Crime control, especially during a political transition, cannot rely solely on policing but requires a concerted effort from all sectors of society, grounded in trust, collaboration, and a commitment to addressing the socioeconomic roots of unrest. As Bangladesh moves toward a new chapter of governance, fostering strong community relationships and adopting a holistic approach to law enforcement will be essential for breaking the cycle of crime and ensuring a safer, more just society for all.

In an effort to revamp the police department, the government implemented a series of transfers and postings to various assignments. Officers who had long been overlooked and deprived for promotion were finally elevated to important positions. Among the most significant actions of the interim government was the appointment of two key positions on a contractual basis: the Inspector General of Police and the Police Commissioner of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police. These roles are regarded as pivotal within the police organisation, as they hold substantial authority over police personnel. The law and order situation in Dhaka serves as a barometer for the overall security situation across the country.

Additionally, former inspector general of police Md Khoda Baksh Chowdhury was appointed special assistant to the chief adviser with the status of the state minister in the ministry of home affairs to oversee the police affairs. This appointment brings a wealth of expertise, drawing on his extensive experience in national and international policing, including serving as a senior police adviser with the United Nations in post-conflict regions like Afghanistan and holding a commanding role in the former Yugoslavia. Additionally, home adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, a distinguished and highly accomplished army general, has been steering the leadership of the ministry of home affairs.

This demonstrates the government’s commitment, vision, and determination to enhance the law and order situation. All organisations, civil society, and political parties must urgently and resolutely support this transformation of the interim government to create a secure environment. Failure to act decisively risks plunging the nation into further instability and jeopardising the aspirations for which the people and students have struggled. The time to act is now, ensuring the police can reclaim their role as protectors of law and order rather than instruments of repression.

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.​

The first order of business is to change that logo which smacks of Awami League boat symbol.

The second is to purge diehard Awami leaguers from the ranks of both organizations.
 
The first order of business is to change that logo which smacks of Awami League boat symbol.

The second is to purge diehard Awami leaguers from the ranks of both organizations.
Will take long time to purge Awami leaguers from the police force because they are great in numbers. All chatra leaguers and Jubo leaguers need to be kicked out of the force steadily but surely.
 

POLICE REFORM: Commission for NHRC to probe rights violation by law enforcers
Staff Correspondent 16 January, 2025, 00:37

The police reform commission in its report recommended giving all power to the National Human Rights Commission to investigate human rights violations by members of law enforcement agencies.

If any human rights violation allegation against the law enforcement agencies or their incitement arises, the organisation chief can direct for investigation, the report said, adding that the law enforcing agencies’ headquarters must have a human rights cell in such cases.

Police must have to keep an executive magistrate or local government representative or an eminent person of the locality to search any house, said the commission report submitted to the interim government’s chief adviser, Muhamamd Yunus, on Wednesday.

It also recommended making some necessary changes in the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 for the use of force and the protection of human rights.

Make necessary changes in the Police Act, 1861 or formulate a new act to make police public friendly and accountable, it suggested, adding that Police Regulations, Bengal (PRB) 1943 could be changed or replaced for building an accountable police force.

‘We have identified 22 laws which require amendment and replacement. We have said in details regarding our objections to the sections of the laws,’ reform commission chairman Safar Raz Hossain, also a former home secretary, said while presenting the report to the chief adviser at the CA office in Dhaka.

The commission agreed on the point in principle for forming a neutral police commission for creating an influence-free and accountable police force.

It said that it would be decided later whether the police commission would be included in the law or be a constitutional body.

The formation of a police commission, its terms of reference, constitutional obligations need to be examined properly.

Police verification has to be completed within one month for job issues or can be extended for 15 days, it said, adding that enquiry on permanent address following the national identification card could be stalled for job seekers.

Launching an emergency call service if police officials are unable to show identity cards or search warrants was proposed.

The commission also recommended recording general diary to be made compulsory and rejection of filing GD to be prohibited.

There must not be any delay in recording first information report, it recommended.

Police have to refrain from filing cases against unnamed people, the report said, adding that if any police member willingly harasses anyone in framing such a case, legal actions would be taken against the member.

Legal officers’ cell has to be formed in all districts and metropolitan cities and legal experts would have to be appointed, it said, adding that allocation for special allowances to be provided for performing duties more than eight hours.​
 

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