[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

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Crowd control operations: Police seek to restrict use of lethal arms

A special committee of the Police Headquarters recommends replacing 50 percent of the long barrel firearms with short-barrel ones in order to lower casualties during crowd control operations.

www.thedailystar.net

Crowd control operations: Police seek to restrict use of lethal arms

A special committee of the Police Headquarters recommends replacing 50 percent of the long barrel firearms with short-barrel ones in order to lower casualties during crowd control operations.

The short-barrel weapons are recommended because they have shorter ranges, according to the Arms and Ammunition Entitlement Committee.

It also proposes a ban on the use of revolvers, 7.62mm bullets, and lead pellets in shotguns.

If approved, the 7.62mm calibre pistols will be replaced by 9mm ones, which have a shorter range, said senior police officers who drafted the recommendations.

In the tumultuous days of the July uprising, law enforcers' use of long-barrel rifles, 7.62mm pistols, and lead pellets contributed significantly to the large number of casualties, the committee found in its initial analysis.

According to the health ministry data, 826 people were killed and 11,306 others were injured during the uprising. The ministry periodically updates the numbers.

Contacted on December 29, Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam said he was yet to review the report.

"It will be sent to the home ministry and then to the Armed Forces Division. After receiving their opinions, the arms policy will be finalised," he said.

For crowd control and stopping violence, tear gas and batons will be used, he said.

"I personally advocate zero use of lethal weapons. Nowadays, advanced weapons are used to control crowds and subdue violence effectively. Somebody hit by a bullet from such a weapon will remain unconscious for a few minutes," the IGP added.

Requesting anonymity, a member of the arms entitlement committee said, "It will take four to five years to replace the munitions. The surplus will be given to the army."

Deputy Inspector General Abdul Kuddus Chowdhury is the chief of the committee formed on August 22. He has prior experience of serving as a member of a UN committee on the use of force.

A senior police officer involved in drafting the PHQ committee's recommendations said sniper rifles were used on protesters during the mass uprising, which was completely illegal.

The long-barrel firearms have an effective range of over 400 metres, while short barrel ones have a 50-metre range. The use of the latter will reduce the risk of unintended casualties, said the member.

The replacement of 7.62mm calibre pistols (100 metres range) with 9mm pistols (25 metres) will further limit casualties, he added.

In the days of the mass uprising in July, members of the police, Rab, Border Guard Bangladesh and other forces opened fire on protesters. Over 400 lost sight in lead pellet injuries. Many others suffered life-changing injuries.

The Daily Star analysed the pattern of injuries of 204 people who died as of August 1 and found that almost 95 percent of them were shot dead by live rounds or shotgun pellets. Of them, 113 were shot in the head, chest, and stomach.

The committee also mentions in the proposal that revolvers should be phased out because these are difficult to handle and prone to misfires.

Citing security concerns, officers refused to divulge how many firearms should be replaced or phased out.

While police have pistols, submachine guns, rifles, light machine guns, shotguns and teargas launchers, Rab, SWAT, and the counterterrorism unit of police have sniper rifles and machine guns, officers said.

Police had SMG and LMG for many years to protect police stations in war-like situations or other emergencies.

However, the use of weapons for crowd control began on a limited scale in 2012 and increased gradually, several officers said.

The decision to procure 7.62mm rifles and other lethal firearms was made in October 2014 at a meeting attended by representatives from the home ministry and Police Headquarters.

An officer who was at the meeting told this correspondent that the rationale presented for the decision were "difficult-to-control" demonstrations by Hefajat-e-Islam at Shapla Chattar on May 5, 2013 and by Jamaat-Shibir men at different times against the trial of war criminals.

The first shipment of weapons arrived in 2015 from Italy.

Procurement data on Bangladesh Police's website shows police have long been using 7.62 sniper rifles and 7.62mm bullets.

In March 2024, the Police Headquarters invited bidders to procure 50 (7.62mm) sniper rifles. In March 2023, it purchased 30 such sniper rifles.

Besides, police procured 15,000 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles in September 2019 and August 2018, according to the website of Bangladesh Public Procurement Authority.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The committee recommends that each 30-member platoon will be primarily armed with non-lethal weapons, and only two of the officers in the platoon will carry 9mm pistols for use in extreme cases.

The police will first try to de-escalate situations through communication. If crowds block roads or engage in other unlawful activities, police will give warning. If they throw brick chips, cause injuries, or detonate bombs, police will use water cannons, tear gas, and stun grenades.

Firearms will be used only in life-threatening situations, and officers will be instructed to target lower-body areas to reduce the risk of fatalities.

Striking forces with lethal weapons will be kept ready if a large crowd turns unruly and the first responders fail to control the situation.

Future policies will determine the number and type of arms a unit will have.

The committee also plans to focus on developing new training guidelines for officers.

"Our ultimate goal is to avoid another tragedy like the one we witnessed during the July-August protests," said the committee member.​

 

[Saif]

Police must stop using lethal weapons

There are many better ways to control crowds

www.thedailystar.net

Police must stop using lethal weapons
There are many better ways to control crowds

The proposal to restrict the use of lethal weapons by the police while controlling crowds is a timely and welcome step. According to a report published in The Daily Star, a special committee in the Police Headquarters made such recommendations in its arms policy, which will be sent to the home ministry and Armed Forces Division for approval.

The recommendations include a ban on the use of revolvers and lead pellets in shotguns, replacing 7.62mm calibre pistols with 9mm ones that have a shorter range, and replacing 50 percent of long-barrel firearms with short-barrel ones to lower casualties. Many of these ammunitions were used during the July uprising, killing more than 800 and injuring over 11,000 people, according to the health ministry data. Lead pellet injuries alone took away the eyesight of more than 400 protesters. This daily's analysis of 204 fatalities showed that 95 percent of people were shot with live rounds or shotgun pellets, mostly in the head, chest, and stomach. The committee also recommended that only two officers in a 30-member platoon will carry lethal weapons for use in extreme cases and officers will be instructed to target lower body areas to reduce fatality risks.

The police force has been increasingly militarised over the last 15 years. In fact, as this daily reported, the use of lethal weapons for crowd control began in 2012 and gradually increased with time. Police became a political tool to intimidate the opposition and squash dissent rather than a public agency that is responsible for protecting and serving the people and upholding the law. While the unnecessary use of force by police during the July uprising was unprecedented in our history, the gradual militarisation of this law enforcement agency has given it an aggressive outlook. In the past one and half decades, the force has engaged in widespread human rights violations during numerous protests and movements.

The first response of police in controlling unruly crowds should be de-escalation, followed by warning. Even the use of non-lethal weapons should be limited while lethal ones should be the very last resort—only to be used in life-threatening situations. However, we have not seen our force practise such restraints.

While the recommendations police made are positive, a mechanism should be in place to review police actions during any crowd-controlling operations. An independent body should be formed to assess whether the use of lethal weapons by an officer or even non-lethal ones was justified—with persons responsible for unnecessary use being held to account. Since the Police Reform Commission also made similar recommendations restricting the use of lethal weapons, we hope that the de-militarisation of the police force will take place soon. In Bangladesh, no more lives should be lost or maimed at the hands of police for protesting wrongs or demanding justice.​

 

[Saif]

New police settlement and guidance

THE police, initially established as ‘stick forces’ in monarchies to serve as instruments of control for kings, have in modern times been redefined as protectors of society, entrusted with keeping law and order...

www.newagebd.net

New police settlement and guidance
by Arbachin Abdullah 06 January, 2025, 00:00

New Age

THE police, initially established as ‘stick forces’ in monarchies to serve as instruments of control for kings, have in modern times been redefined as protectors of society, entrusted with keeping law and order, safeguarding lives and property and preventing crimes. This transformation is evident in developed nations, where the police are typically neutral and adhere to democratic principles. In contrast, in many developing or underdeveloped nations, police forces often function as partisan tools, prioritising government interests over public welfare. In Bangladesh, 53 years after independence, the police have been mired in allegations of corruption and abuse. Their involvement in extortion, bribery, custodial torture, extrajudicial killings and other rights violations are frequently reported. While some essential policing tasks are performed, the abuses overshadow their legitimate functions.

The situation from 2009 to August 5, 2024, is particularly concerning. According to the Capital Punishment Justice Project in Australia, the police in Bangladesh were involved in at least 2,596 extrajudicial killings and 600 enforced disappearances in 2009–2022. The period marked a dark chapter for the rule of law. The violence peaked between July 16, 2024 and August 5, 2024, when police action caused the death of a high number of students and a brutal crackdown on political opposition. The atrocities caused widespread outrage and remain a grim reminder to the perils of the unchecked state power. Such acts are incompatible with the role of a modern police force and are indefensible by any rational or ethical standard.

After the 2024 mass uprising, the call for police reforms gained a significant momentum. The police stand out as a key agency of the state in dire need of reforms. It is impossible to erase the brutality of the police that took place in the July–August uprising. Before reforming the police, it is important to identify some issues and move forward — firstly, identifying main problems of the police; secondly, rooting out causes of the problems; and thirdly, finding practical and effective solutions to the problems and implementing them. It is foolish to expect any results with nominal reforms if the problems are not solved along the lines.

If the problems of the police are listed, the first that will come up would be the politicisation of the police, lack of professionalism, lack of public involvement, public distrust in the police, rights violations and inefficient human resources. The police in Bangladesh are heavily politicised. Every government since independence has attempted to get some members of the ruling party into the police force. Such appointment always involves some form of party influence. These politically appointed officers are loyal to the government from the outset, making it easy for the government to manipulate the law and order in partisan interests. From 2009 to 2024, the police force underwent a process of ‘Awamification’, transforming it into a de facto force of the Awami League. This transformation turned the police into an enforcer of a fascist regime, leaving the people sandwiched between an authoritarian government, on one side, and its partisan police, on the other.

This politicisation wiped out any scope for accountability. The fascist government used the police as a weapon to secure its grip on power while in return, the police indulged in their own personal agenda by abandoning professionalism altogether. This alliance allowed the police to plunge into criminal activities such as extortion, looting and corruption. Such a corrupt and unchecked system gave rise to infamous figures in the police, where officers prioritised party and personal interests above the welfare of the people. The individuals amassed wealth, symbolising the rot within a force that should have stood for justice and integrity. This era of compromised law enforcement is a glaring example of how political influence can erode the foundations of a nation’s police force, turning it into a tool of oppression rather than protection.

The outdated laws governing the police prevent them from fulfilling their role as protectors of people. Many of the laws, rooted in the British and Pakistani eras, were designed to serve the ruling class by using the police as tools of oppression. Significant examples include the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 and the Police Regulations, Bengal 1943, which still serve as the backbone of police operation. The outdated regulations grant the police unchecked powers, enabling them to justify and legalise almost any crime under the guise of authority.

This imbalance of power, coupled with the repressive intent of the laws, isolates the police from the people they are meant to serve. As a result, heinous practices such as arbitrary arrests, unwarranted searches and covert extrajudicial killings, sugar-coated as ‘crossfires’, have become normalised. The actions, which are blatant violations of rights, are justified by the police as necessary measures. The deeply ingrained culture of repression, fostered by the outdated laws, has desensitised the police to the gravity of their action. Instead of serving as a bridge between the state and its citizens, the police have turned into instruments of control, perpetuating fear and distrust.

There are also many problems in the internal structure of the police. — lack of transparency in recruitment and promotion, insufficient personnel compared with the demand, lack of salaries and allowances and facilities, timeless duty, inadequate technology facilities, etc. The number of police personnel in Bangladesh is inadequate compared with the population. A minimum of 200 personnel per 100,000 people is required as an ideal ratio of population to police. Bangladesh has only 127 personnel per 100,000 people, which is much less than the demand. Because of the insufficient number of personnel, the workload is high and there is no time limit for police duty for which, the police personnel go through mental torture.

The influence of incompetent people on the police is seen most of the time because of which a severe crisis of professionalism can be noticed in the police. Police personnel always go through financial crises because of low salary and many are forced to engage in economic malfeasance. The salary of the lower level police members is very low. In the current economic situation, it is difficult to support family with such a salary. That is why it is seen that the lower level police members are involved in bribery and extortion and at a point, such crimes of the personnel are no longer considered crimes by the police. Moreover, when new recruits join the police force, they need to associate with other corrupt personnel because of internal pressure.

Technological facilities are also poor for the force — inadequate number of vehicles, inadequacy in crime analysis and crime mapping software, inadequacy of investigation centres, absence of a central digital database of crimes and criminals, etc. Technologies are fundamental to the police, without which policing is often difficult. Because of the inadequacy of vehicles, the police cannot respond quickly to crime spots and it is also important to have adequate number of vehicles for regular paroling, which is essential for crime prevention and remediation. Crime analysis and crime mapping software help to accurately identify crime trends and hotspots so that the police can easily identify crime-prone areas and take appropriate action.

The weapons currently deployed in the police force blatantly violate international police codes of conduct. These are not tools of law enforcement but rather battlefield-grade lethal weapons. This alarming trend began after the controversial 10th national parliament election in 2014. Under the guise of ‘police modernisation’, the Awami League government introduced high-powered armaments into the police arsenal. The weapons, designed for war zones, have no place in a civilian police force.

Internationally, police forces are equipped with non-lethal weapons, rubber bullets, electric tasers, batons and tear gas shells to ensure the safety of civilians and in keeping order. Yet, in Bangladesh, the misuse of such lethal weapons has led to harrowing displays of police brutality since 2014, leaving a trail of fear and distrust among the public. It is imperative to urgently remove these weapons and replace them with non-lethal alternatives. Doing so would not only align with international standards but also help to rebuild public confidence in law enforcement by reducing the potential for excessive violence. The path to a just and humane police force begins with disarming them of tools that belong on battlefields.

For the police, meaningful reform requires a blend of short- and long-term strategies. Short-term measures include the enacting laws and framing regulations to create a balance of power, ensuring transparency in recruitment and promotion, replacing lethal weapons with non-lethal ones and improving salaries and benefits for police personnel. The actions can be implemented swiftly, setting the stage for an immediate impact.

Extensive research has already identified the flaws in police laws and regulations along with alternative approaches. By incorporating insights from police officers, experts and state stakeholders, Bangladesh can introduce people-centric police laws that prioritise public welfare over power consolidation. Such reforms will pave the way for a transformation from a power-driven police force to one that genuinely serves people with integrity and accountability.

Long-term reform must focus on re-imagining its structure and policies, transitioning from outdated traditional policing to more modern and effective community policing and democratic policing. This transformation involves digitising the police force, equipping it with essential tools, building a skilled and motivated work force and increasing recruitment to meet growing demands. When policy reforms are implemented, structural changes in the organisation will naturally follow.

The current policing model is outdated and ineffective. It is time to embrace alternatives such as community policing and democratic policing. The philosophy of community policing is simple yet powerful: the police are the people and the people are the police. Democratic policing emphasises transparency, accountability and responsibility within the force. These two approaches complement each other and can be implemented together as they share a common foundation — people-centred and community-driven policing.

Moreover, given the limitations of the economy, community policing offers a practical, cost-effective solution. By actively involving citizens in keeping law and order, this approach fosters meaningful interaction between the police and the public, building trust and reducing the financial burden on the state. Community participation not only bridges the gap between law enforcement and society but also creates a dynamic partnership that enhances efficiency and ensures a safer, more harmonious community.

Digitising the police force is no longer optional; it is imperative. Establishing a dedicated digital data centre for the police is essential to store comprehensive information on crimes and criminals. With this system, police officers, from any corner, should be able to access a suspect’s criminal record, crime-prone area data or crime statistics with just a single click. Additionally, all internal police information would be centralised, significantly streamlining operations and enhancing the ability to prevent crime effectively. The labs should be strategically allocated, with one serving four districts, to ensure investigations are conducted swiftly and efficiently. Moreover, skilled personnel must be recruited to combat digital and cybercrimes, ensuring expertise in tackling modern challenges.

A people-centric police force is the cornerstone of a nation with strong law and order. When the police earn public trust, citizens naturally develop greater respect for the law. For a state aspiring to build a welfare-oriented society, the first and foremost step should be to establish a model police force that embodies professionalism, accountability and commitment to public service.

Arbachin Abdullah is a researcher.​