[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

[Saif]

The police legacy of using lethal weapons has to change

Militarisation of police force cannot be accepted under any pretext

www.thedailystar.net

The police legacy of using lethal weapons has to change
Militarisation of police force cannot be accepted under any pretext

VISUAL: STAR

It is encouraging to learn that the police may cease using lethal weapons and lead pellets for crowd control. We fully support this drive as there is no justification for the police to use lethal force against ordinary citizens. Such actions, however, were rampant during the tenure of the ousted Awami League regime. During the July uprising, excessive use of lethal weapons by police and other security agencies resulted in approximately 1,500 deaths while leaving nearly 20,000 injured. It is incomprehensible that those entrusted with the duty to protect the public could commit such violence against them.

In light of these events, it is imperative that our security agencies, including police, undergo reforms to prevent such atrocities from ever occurring again. Reportedly, the Police Headquarters has already formed a committee to recommend non-lethal methods for controlling crowds and unlawful assemblies. Discussions are also underway about banning the use of long-barrel firearms. In extreme cases of necessity, it is expected that police will rely on small arms, in accordance with practices in developed countries and aligned with UN guidelines, to which Bangladesh is a signatory.

Following the successful July uprising, The Daily Star analysed the injury patterns of 204 individuals who had died as of August 1. Nearly 95 percent of these victims were killed by bullets, including live rounds and shotgun pellets. Of these, 113 were shot in the head, chest, stomach, or abdomen—clearly indicating an intent to kill. Additionally, an analysis by the Lawyers for Energy, Environment and Development (LEED) revealed that lethal weapons such as 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles, submachine guns, BD08 assault rifles, Taurus 9mm revolvers, and Type 54 pistols were used during attacks on protesters.

As highlighted in a report by this daily, the militarisation of the police under the previous regime began in 2012-2013. In an October 2014 meeting, a decision was made to procure lethal firearms, including 7.62mm rifles. From that point onward, the regime increasingly pressured the police to use such deadly weapons to suppress dissent. Procurement records available on the Bangladesh Police website show that 7.62 sniper rifles and 7.62mm bullets have been in use for years, with their acquisition often coinciding with the farcical elections held under the regime, the latest being the January 2024 general elections.

Former Home Affairs Adviser M Sakhawat Hossain has rightly questioned the rationale for giving such "military-grade" weapons to the police. The answer is clear—they were introduced to enable the fascist regime to maintain power by silencing dissent and oppressing citizens. Therefore, comprehensive reforms in our security agencies, particularly the police, are critical. These reforms must also include establishing thorough, independent mechanisms to investigate errant police officers and hold them accountable.​

 

[Saif]

A police system for people

THE July uprising marked a significant turning point in Bangladesh’s history. It was driven primarily by the youth, especially students, who demanded a systemic change. This uprising was not merely a protest. It represented a collective yearning for a reformed governance structure that would...

www.newagebd.net

A police system for people
Muhammad Tanbirul Islam 26 November, 2024, 00:00

New Age

THE July uprising marked a significant turning point in Bangladesh’s history. It was driven primarily by the youth, especially students, who demanded a systemic change. This uprising was not merely a protest. It represented a collective yearning for a reformed governance structure that would prioritise democracy and the protection of rights. Central to this movement is the urgent call for police reforms as the police have for long been marred by corruption, inefficiency and political manipulation. The challenge lies in redefining what policing should look like and determining how to build a law enforcement system that serves the public.

Memories of police brutality are deeply embedded in the national consciousness with numerous instances of violence and injustice perpetrated by law enforcers. The acts are symptomatic of a larger systemic failure rather than the result of individual malice. It is essential to recognise that while accountability for wrongdoing is necessary, a wholesale condemnation of the police force is neither fair nor constructive. Such an approach risks undermining law and order further and emboldening criminal elements. Instead, we must understand how the police became what they are today, acknowledging that they have often been used as instruments of political power rather than as protectors of people.

The roots of the current state of policing can be traced back to the colonial past, when the police were established to serve the interests of the British rulers rather than those of the people. This legacy has persisted through successive governments that have exploited law enforcement to their own gains, leading to an erosion of public trust and increasing instances of corruption and excessive force. The outdated training systems and inadequate resources have left the police ill equipped to tackle modern challenges such as cybercrime and terrorism. Consequently, reforming the institution is not just an ethical obligation but an urgent necessity for sustainable governance.

Looking beyond Bangladesh, there are valuable lessons to be learnt from international policing models that prioritise community engagement and trust-building. Countries such as Japan have successfully implemented community-based policing systems that embed officers within neighbourhoods, fostering collaboration between law enforcement and citizens. Similarly, initiatives in the United Kingdom and the United States emphasise proactive crime prevention through strong relationships with local communities. Adopting such models could enable Bangladesh to envision a future where police officers are seen not as enforcers of fear but as partners in creating safer environments.

To achieve meaningful reform, several key measures must be prioritised. Establishing an independent oversight commission to monitor police conduct is crucial for ensuring accountability and transparency. This body would allow citizens to report misconduct without fear and ensure that investigation of abuses is conducted impartially. Additionally, implementing merit-based recruitment and promotion practices will help to restore public confidence in law enforcement by ensuring that officers are selected based on their skills rather than political connections. Comprehensive training programmes focused on rights and ethical policing must also become mandatory.

Community policing should be at the forefront of this transformation, encouraging partnerships between law enforcement and local organisations to address issues such as drug abuse and domestic violence at grass roots. Regular community engagement initiatives can help to rebuild mutual trust between citizens and police officers, reinforcing their role as allies in fostering safe neighbourhoods.​

 

[Saif]

Why would those we shot days ago trust us now, asks IGP Baharul

Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam believes it will be a “very difficult task” to mobilise his force on the ground after firing on and killing people in July-August uprising. He said, “We opened fire and killed people just a few days back. Now it is a Herculean task to make

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Why would those we shot days ago trust us now, asks IGP Baharul
bdnews24.com
Published :
Dec 05, 2024 21:29
Updated :
Dec 05, 2024 22:51

Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam believes it will be a “very difficult task” to mobilise his force on the ground after firing on and killing people in July-August uprising.

He said, “We opened fire and killed people just a few days back. Now it is a Herculean task to make a 360-degree turnover from that place and become people-friendly.”

The IGP said many police officers cannot avoid responsibility and some officers have been charged in cases for various reasons.

No action is being taken against the police officers only if they are accused in the complaint like others, he said.

While speaking at a media briefing at Police Headquarters on Thursday, Baharul said: “Police no longer want to be used politically. This is my number one demand like all others.”

Referring to his recent visit to the National Institute of Traumatology and Orthopaedic Rehabilitation, popularly known as Pongu Hospital, he said: “I went to NITOR that day. One of the injured asked me ‘why did you shoot me? I am a poor driver.’ I didn’t have an answer. I said I have no answer, I came here just to apologise.”

Many police officers have been accused of using excessive force during the Anti-discrimination Student Movement.

Among them, the names of half a dozen police officers, including former SB head Monirul Islam, DMP commissioners Habibur Rahman, Biplob Kumar Sarkar, Proloy Kumar Joarder, and Harunor Rashid are being frequently heard.

Several cases have been initiated against them. Where are they located now?

Asked whether they would be declared missing by the authorities, the IGP said: “We have received information from the media about the names that were mentioned. An investigation is under way at our end.”

“They will be arrested if they are in the country and if we can identify their location. And if they are outside the country, there is also a legal process for that.”​

 

[Saif]

Police should put in more efforts to arrest jailbreakers

ABOUT 700 prisoners who escaped jails during the time of turmoil around the fall of the Awami League government, toppled on August 5 in a mass uprising that resulted from student protests spanning July, still being at large is worrying. The prisons directorate at a press conference in Dhaka on...

www.newagebd.net

Police should put in more efforts to arrest jailbreakers
06 December, 2024, 00:00

ABOUT 700 prisoners who escaped jails during the time of turmoil around the fall of the Awami League government, toppled on August 5 in a mass uprising that resulted from student protests spanning July, still being at large is worrying. The prisons directorate at a press conference in Dhaka on December 4, highlighting the directorate’s activities of the past three months, said that more than 2,200 people escaped from five jails; and 1,500 of them have so far either surrendered or have been arrested by the law enforcement agencies. In the Narsingdi jailbreak that took place on July 19, 826 prisoners and others detained escaped; 596 prisoners escaped the Satkhira jail and 518 prisoners escaped the Sherpur jail on August 5; 201 prisoners escaped the Kashimpur jail on August 6 and close to a hundred prisoners escaped the Kushita jail on August 7. What is further worrying, as the inspector general of prisons has said, is that some of the people who escaped are death-row convicts and many, especially in the Narsingdi jailbreak, have escaped with looted firearms. This makes the situation alarming. The inspector general seeks to say the jailer concerned has been suspended after the incident and necessary action has been taken against all others responsible. But this does not lessen the gravity of the situation at all.

The jailbreaks appear to have happened at a time when law and order was not in shape amidst the political turmoil and mostly after August 5, when law enforcement was very weak. The army, which promised to attend to issues of law and order and security, appears to have left the prisons inadequately attended. The prisons authorities also appear to have taken no proper precautions to protect the prisons, especially at a time when law enforcement was clearly declining or declined. The jailbreaks in Kashimpur, Satkhira, Kushtia and Sherpur are reported to have happened after demonstrations by some prisoners and in some cases attacks by the cohorts and relatives of the prisoners from outside the jails. In the Kashimpur jailbreak that happened on August 7, at least six prisoners are reported to have been killed when prison guards shot at them. A similar incident also happened in the Sirajganj jail on August 7, but the prison guards, aided by the army, could foil the jailbreak attempt. All this having happened, the inspector general of prisons at the press conference at hand has said that 17 out of the 69 jails were in a rickety condition. A situation like this warrants that the authorities should immediately attend to the physical condition of the prisons so that such jailbreaks do not recur. There should be no lapses in the security of prisons to stop such events from recurring.

Whilst the authorities should take early steps to prevent the recurrence of any jailbreak, they should also put in more efforts to find out and arrest the people who broke the prions and are still at large because they continue to pose security risks.​

 

[Saif]

BNP for RAB’s abolition

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party recommended the abolition of the Rapid Action Battalion, citing allegations of human rights violations and extrajudicial killings...

www.newagebd.net

BNP for RAB’s abolition
Staff Correspondent 11 December, 2024, 00:21

New Age photo

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party recommended the abolition of the Rapid Action Battalion, citing allegations of human rights violations and extrajudicial killings.

It made the recommendation to the Police Reform Committee the interim government has recently formed.

BNP standing committee member retired major Hafizuddin Ahmed came up with the recommendation at a press conference on Tuesday at the party chairperson’s office at Gulshan in the capital.

Mentioning that the force already faced harsh criticism at home and abroad, he said that the RAB became a ‘monster’ in the eyes of the country’s people.

‘We recommend the RAB’s abolition for their involvement in extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances and we believe that its abolition would send a positive message to people,’ he added.

Hafiz also said that necessary measures could be taken to enable the police force along with its specialised forces, including the Armed Police Battalion, to carry out the responsibilities of the Rapid Action Battalion.

He further said that both local and international human rights organisations, the United Nations, most political parties, and the public blamed the RAB for most of the incidents of enforced disappearances, killings, torture and repression.

Hafiz at the briefing also referred to the United States’ sanctioning of the force over allegations of human rights violation.

The Rapid Action Battalion was founded on March 26, 2004 during the BNP-led four-party alliance government to curb organised crimes and terrorism.

Since its very establishment the force had remained under intense scrutiny, facing serious allegations of human rights violations.

The party also gave other reform recommendations, including forming a police commission, to the Police Reform Commission.

It has suggested formation of an eight-member Police Commission headed by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs chairman to properly guide, advise and support the police force.

One of its recommendations is to form a citizen committee in every upazila or police station jurisdiction to support the police in combating crimes at the local level, improving public-police relations, and giving advice on maintaining law and order.

The chair of the committee would be an eminent person of the respective area and the officer-in-charge of the police station concerned would be its member secretary, the BNP suggested as the possible structure of its proposed citizen committees.

They also recommended strengthening of community policing, saying that community policing would reduce various crimes and social unrest, help bridge the gap between the police and the public, and increase public awareness.

Hafiz further said that after the fall of the Awami League regime on August 5, a total of 488 police officers took shelter at the cantonment who he said were involved with enforced disappearances, killings and corruption.

The army did not do the right thing by giving them shelter as they were offenders, the retired serviceman said.

Enforced disappearances, killings and repression of the opposition people perpetrated by the Awami regime turned the country into a ‘police state’, he added.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh's elite force RAB, sanctioned by US, seeks public apology for misdeeds

The Rapid Action Battalion on Thursday in an unprecedented gesture sought public apology for the extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and all other misdeeds it had perpetrated since its establishment till date.

www.newagebd.net

Bangladesh's elite force RAB, sanctioned by US, seeks public apology for misdeeds
Tanzil Rahaman and Prattayee Chakma 12 December, 2024, 16:28

The Rapid Action Battalion on Thursday sought public apology for the extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and all other misdeeds it had perpetrated since its establishment till date.

Its director general AKM Shahidur Rahman sought the apology on behalf of the force while responding to questions at a press conference held at its Media Centre in the capital’s Karwan Bazar.

‘I apologise to the victims and their families who were tortured and harmed by RAB members since its establishment. I also apologise to people and the families of those, including the seven men murdered in Narayanganj, who were killed by the RAB,’ said Shahidur, also an additional inspector general of police.

He said that only bringing the perpetrators of these crimes to justice through fair investigations could redeem the RAB as an institution from such allegations.

He also assured that the force would not involve in such acts on anyone’s order in the future.

Total 3,973 people were killed in reported crossfire allegedly during encounters with members of law enforcement and security agencies and also died in their custody between January 2004 and June 2024, according to rights organisation Ain O Salish Kendra.

Of them, 1,286 people were killed during the gunfights with the RAB and while held in their custody, as reported by the elite force, the ASK data shows. It also shows that the RAB and police are jointly accused of 94 killings in the timeframe.

The Rapid Action Battalion was founded in 2004 as an elite force with members from the police, army, navy, air force and Border Guard Bangladesh aimed at improving the volatile law and order situation.

On December 10, 2021, the United States Treasury Department imposed sanctions on the RAB for human rights abuse.

RAB chief Shahidur at the press conference said that the Commission for Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances was investigating into the all allegations of the enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and secret detention centre, popularly known as Aynaghar.

Acknowledging the existence of the force’s secret detention centres, Shahidur said that they had kept their detention centres, popularly known as Aynaghar, as they were in the past following the directives of the inquiry commission for the enforced disappearances not to make any changes to their structures.

On November 5, the Commission for Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances said that it had received complaints of enforced disappearance of over 1,600 victims, the incidents of which occurred during the immediate past 15-year rule of the now ousted Awami League.

About 200 victims of enforced disappearances remain still traceless.

BRAC University teacher Nabila Idris, also the commission’s member, told New Age that they had found many secret detention centres of the RAB.

‘The RAB DG also admitted the matter about the secret detention centres. We are not doing investigation into extrajudicial killings, but many incidents of enforced disappearance have ended in perpetration of extrajudicial killings,’ said Nabila.

The families of seven people, who were abducted on April 27, 2014 and killed by some RAB members in Narayanganj, are still waiting for justice to be finally delivered.

Three days later, on April 30, 2014, the bodies of local Awami League leader and Narayanganj City Corporation councillor Nazrul Islam, his associates Tazul Islam Rassel, Liton, and Swapan and his driver Jahangir, and Narayanganj court lawyer Chandan Sarker and his driver Ibrahim were found afloat in the Sitalakhya River. The discovery of the bodies led to a lengthy battle for justice that has yet to end.

The long wait for justice has left the victims’ families deeply frustrated as appeals filed by death-row convicts, including then Awami League leader Noor Hossain and then RAB commanding officer Lieutenant Colonel Tarek Sayeed Mohammad, has remained pending with the Appellate Division for more than five years now.

According to court officials, the appeals of 20 out of the total 35 convicts have remained pending with the Appellate Division.

Teknaf municipal councillor Ekramul Haque, who was a member of the then ruling Awami League, was killed in a reported gunfight with the RAB at Noakhalipara on Teknaf Marine Drive Road in Cox’s Bazar on the night of May 26, 2018.

The killing sparked an outcry after a mobile phone conversation between Ekramul and his daughter went viral on social media.

At the Thursday’s press conference, when asked about the calls for abolishing the RAB, force chief Shahidur said that the decision would depend on the government.

‘If the government abolishes the organisation, we will accept it,’ he said.

Shahidur gave the commitment that the force would operate with transparency and integrity to restore public trust in the organisation under him.

Replying to a query, he said that 16 RAB members were arrested for crimes, including extortions, drug-related offences and robberies, after the regime change on August 5.

‘Criminal cases were also filed against them. If anyone gets involved in such activities in the future, criminal and departmental actions will be taken against them,’ he added.

The chief of the Rapid Action Battalion revealed that since the force’s inception, 58 officers and 4,235 members had faced disciplinary actions for various offences.

The force has also failed to submit the charge-sheet of much-talked about journalist couple Sagar Sarowar and Meherun Runi to the court for 114th times till October 15 this year.

On September 30, the High Court ordered the formation of a task force to probe the case that remained unsolved for 12 years.

Admitting his force’s failure to give any expected results over the investigation, the RAB director general said that the force’s inability in this regard led to the High Court directive to form a high level probe committee.

Responding to another question over the failure of submitting the charge sheet of Taqi murder case in Narayanganj, the RAB chief said, six arrests were made before August 5. Two of them gave confessional statements under Section 164.

The body of Tanwir Muhammad Taqi, an A-Level student, who went missing on March 6, 2013, was recovered some days later from River Sitalakhya.

‘We have also arrested another six people after August 5. One of them gave confessional statement,’ Shahidur Rahman added.​

 

[Saif]

A welcome admission from Rab DG

The Rab chief's apology for crimes committed must be followed by meaningful reforms.

www.thedailystar.net

A welcome admission from Rab DG
Reform of the force must accompany his apology

VISUAL: STAR

The Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), a specialised unit of Bangladesh Police, has finally admitted that much of the allegations against it—of enforced disappearances and murders in the guise of crossfires—are true. Historically, the force has constantly denied that it is involved in such activities. We welcome this rather surprising announcement, but acknowledgement is only the first step towards justice.

At a views exchange meeting on Thursday, the Rab director-general apologised to families who lost their loved ones to enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, acknowledging the existence of secret prisons. This comes 20 years after the formation of Rab, which was aimed at curbing organised crime and terrorism, but turned into a "government death squad," as per statements of many activists and critics. Over the period, the unit garnered a reputation associated with extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and torture of opposition political figures and critics of the government. As per data compiled by Ain O Salish Kendra (ASK), at least 1,200 people were killed in the so-called crossfires involving Rab from the force's inception in April 2004 till June this year.

But now, the opportunity for redress has arisen. The inquiry commission on enforced disappearances, formed on August 27 this year, is investigating around 1,600 complaints, 172 linked to Rab, and the International Crimes Tribunal has initiated relevant proceedings. The US sanction of Rab drastically brought down extrajudicial killings. Therefore, what transformed the force into a weapon of suppression, as the data implies, is the complete lack of accountability. Fortunately, Rab itself is aware of this fact, and is accordingly drafting a new law to regulate its operations, while mulling to introduce a new name, logo and uniform. We hope such actions will bear fruit and not just be for optics.

The apology should be followed by genuine attempts at reform, and the DG's pledge to never partake in such crimes is hopeful. But much remains to be done. As Mayer Daak, a platform of the families of enforced disappearance victims, has made it clear, every person forcibly disappeared must be returned to their loved ones, and families have to be informed about incidents of disappearances and deaths. While many are advocating for the disbandment of this force, if it does remain, we demand a proper legal framework for Rab to operate, one that would take the rights of citizens, including freedom of expression, into consideration. Additionally, there has to be consequences for the unit's past crimes, for which an independent body to investigate the cases is paramount. And based on the findings of the investigations, those who have been involved in these crimes must be brought to justice. If genuine changes are achieved, we are optimistic that Rab will emerge as a pro-people force.​

 

[Saif]

Reform imperatives of our police

The police reform debate seems to be attracting a wider and more serious audience.

www.thedailystar.net

Reform imperatives of our police

Bangladesh police try to disperse protesters in Dhaka during the quota reform movement. FILE PHOTO: AFP

The police reform of Bangladesh requires an in-depth examination of the police organisation, its mandate, its functional dynamics. It also highlights the need to establish effective structures to oversee police performance and ensure the realisation of the organisational mission. The reform process has to touch all ranks and be all inclusive, calling for a commitment and sense of purpose from the political executive since what is involved is basically a redetermination of the whole governance paradigm.

Every organisation, whether public or private, can perform well only if it is founded on valid organisational principles. In the case of Bangladesh police, these principles were not followed over the years, resulting in a corrupt, inefficient, and highly politicised force. Increasingly, the police were rendered agents of the political executive rather than instruments of a democratic state. The selective application of law against opponents, whether political or personal, at the behest of influential individuals, became the norm rather than the exception. People perceived the police as agents of the party in power, not as members of an organisation publicly maintained to enforce the rule of law.

The key question relevant to the reform is: what kind of organisation will the police of Bangladesh need to meet the law-and-order challenges of the 21st century? As a first step, the responsibility of maintenance of law and order will need to rest unambiguously with the police. The police hierarchy must be made responsible not only for the organisation and the internal administration of the force but also exclusively for all matters connected with maintaining law and order. In short, policing operations should no longer be subjected to general control and direction from outside the police department.

Steps will be required for rendering the police professionally competent, operationally neutral, functionally cohesive, and organisationally responsible for all its actions. This, in turn, will lead to efficient police operations, better decision-making, improved discipline within the force, and revamped accountability mechanisms. The role, duties, and responsibilities of the police must be orientated to prioritise service function, ensuring that the prevention and detection of crime serve a social purpose. The reform strategy should seek to solicit voluntary support and cooperation of the people.

The sole purpose of the police is to enforce the laws of the land without fear or favour towards anyone. Therefore, it is crucial to render the police politically neutral. Such neutrality has been achieved in other countries by placing the police under apolitical control, thereby creating a buffer between political expediency and law enforcement. Without such a buffer, influential individuals will never allow the police to perform their mandated duties.

The police in Bangladesh still monitor all political activities without discrimination, excluding only the ruling party of the day. FILE PHOTO: STAR

Police accountability is a subject of great contemporary significance. The increasingly sophisticated range of coercive, scientific, and technical apparatus at the command of police requires stricter accountability controls. Bangladesh urgently needs statutory commission institutions like the Independent Police Complaints Authority in Britain or the Public Safety Commission system in Japan. The Independent Police Complaint authority in Britain consists of members of civil society and is mandated to inquire into serious complaints against police. One of the most important functions of Japan's Public Safety Commission System is to ensure that police operations remain uninfluenced by the party in power. The apolitical public safety commissions at national and regional levels are designed to insulate the police from the debilitating effects of political control.

Historically, policing in Bangladesh has largely been a one-sided affair, with communities having little to no say in local policing plans and strategies that affect them most. The idea that "police are the people, and people are the police" has not taken root in the region. Unfortunately, the Police Act of 1861 was silent on the issue of community consultation. Instead, it focused on the responsibility of communities to ensure order, with the entire community facing collective punishment if any member stepped out of line.

For quite some time, there has been reluctance among senior police officials to recognise the necessity of viewing police forces as organisations fundamentally similar to any other enterprise or business. The police organisation must, therefore, evolve a shared vision and understanding of a common mission increasingly focused on meeting community expectations.

The first order of business is to enact a new police act to replace the present archaic legislation enacted in 1861. This act is weak across almost all parameters that govern democratic police legislation. It has made it easier for others to abuse and misuse the police organisation. People in positions of power have been able to do so because the act grants the government authority to exercise superintendence over the police without defining the term "superintendence" or prescribing guidelines to ensure legitimate use of power. The act does not establish institutional arrangements to insulate the police from undesirable external control, pressures, and influences. It also fails to recognise the government's responsibility to establish an efficient and effective police force. Furthermore, it does not require the setting of objectives or performance standards, nor does it establish independent mechanisms to monitor and inspect police performance.

The goal should be to establish a police force subject to the rule of law rather than the whims of the party in power. The police should intervene in the lives of citizens only under limited and controlled circumstances and must be held publicly accountable.

Historically, policing in Bangladesh has largely been a one-sided affair, with communities having little to no say in local policing plans and strategies that affect them most. The idea that "police are the people, and people are the police" has not taken root in the region. Unfortunately, the Police Act of 1861 was silent on the issue of community consultation. Instead, it focused on the responsibility of communities to ensure order, with the entire community facing collective punishment if any member stepped out of line.

An inefficient and outdated administrative legacy is undermining reforms supported by numerous national and international expert missions. For too long, the basic functioning of the police has remained unchanged. What is needed is to make improving the quality of law enforcement a permanent and integral part of the national agenda.

An enlightened and determined political leadership, high levels of public support, and a motivated and well-led public sector are critical for change. Equally, if not more importantly, a civil society that demands and supports higher standards of police performance is essential for reform.

The core issue today is not what the police does, but why it does what it does. It is time to make the police work for the people.

Over the last few decades, public opinion leaders have responded to the growing policing crisis with traditional approaches. They have blamed the police officers, protested against abuses of authority and corruption, and levelled criticism at the police without showing the necessary will or support to change its design.

The police reform debate seems to be attracting a wider and more serious audience. These issues are receiving focused and sustained attention in the media. If the goal is to make quality policing a way of life, then we need to begin by restructuring the existing police framework. The police constable must be transformed into a responsible official providing essential services to the community. The existing police setup must be replaced with a system that strives to be customer-friendly. There must be a shared sense of mission and clearly understood organisational goals, as well as citizens' inclusion in police decision-making processes.

Muhammad Nurul Huda is former IGP of Bangladesh Police.​