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[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Television

[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Television
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G Bangladesh Defense

Modernising Bangladesh's television economy for the digital era

Tariq Alam

Published :
May 12, 2026 21:43
Updated :
May 12, 2026 21:43

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Bangladesh's television industry is entering a period of significant transition. Broadcasters are correct to recognise that conventional television economics are under growing pressure. Advertising markets are evolving, digital platforms are fragmenting viewership, and the industry is increasingly confronting deeper questions about TRP measurement, digitisation, and the future economics of television distribution.

Recent discussions surrounding possible retransmission or carriage fee arrangements between broadcasters and Pay-TV operators have therefore triggered an important debate about how Bangladesh's television ecosystem should evolve in the years ahead. However, before redesigning carriage economics, the industry should first prioritise modernisation of TRP measurement, digitisation, and subscriber transparency.

Historically, free-to-air (FTA) broadcasting operated on a simple principle: broadcasters maximised reach while revenues came primarily from advertising. Cable and distribution platforms expanded audience access, and broadcasters benefited from nationwide visibility and scale. Under this model, the broadcaster's incentive was clear: invest in content, grow audiences, strengthen advertiser confidence, and command higher advertising rates. Mandatory per-subscriber payments from operators would fundamentally alter that relationship by transforming FTA channels into "dual-revenue broadcasters," monetising simultaneously through both advertising and distribution fees. While such arrangements may appear commercially attractive in the short term, they also risk weakening the traditional incentive structure of FTA broadcasting, where long-term success depends primarily on maximising audience reach, strengthening advertiser confidence, and investing in content differentiation. However, international experience demonstrates that such a transition carries important trade-offs.

The United States is often cited in debates around retransmission consent, where broadcasters charge Pay-TV operators while remaining free-to-air via antenna. However, the American model evolved under very different market conditions: near-universal digitisation, fully addressable systems, audited subscriber bases, mature audience measurement, and strong legal and contractual frameworks. Even within that environment, the system remains contentious. Retransmission disputes have periodically resulted in channel blackouts and difficult commercial negotiations between broadcasters and operators. More importantly, American broadcasters accepted a critical trade-off: once channels became commercial carriage products, carriage itself became subject to negotiation rather than universally guaranteed distribution. Broadcasters choosing retransmission consent in the US are therefore not automatically guaranteed carriage. Operators may reject terms, channels may be dropped, and negotiations may fail altogether. This distinction is important for Bangladesh.

If broadcasters wish to move toward retransmission-style economics, several corresponding questions naturally arise: Will channels continue to enjoy mandatory carriage protections? Will operators have the right to negotiate or reject carriage? Could audience reach decline if universal carriage protections weaken? And will consumers ultimately bear higher costs? These are not secondary issues. They are central to the economics of the model being proposed.

India's television sector expanded alongside a transition toward a more measurable and addressable ecosystem. Digitisation, addressable set-top boxes, increasingly credible TRP systems, and growing advertiser confidence allowed broadcasters to monetise audiences more effectively and command stronger advertising rates. Importantly, India maintained a relatively clear distinction between FTA and Pay channels. Traditionally, FTA channels compete primarily on reach, audience engagement, content quality, and advertising value, while Pay channels compete on subscription value. Blurring these categories without corresponding regulatory reform risks creating confusion and distortion.

A sustainable television economy depends on trusted TRP and audience measurement systems. Advertisers do not pay premium rates merely because channels exist. They invest when audience reach, engagement, and targeting can be measured with confidence. Global advertising markets increasingly rely on hybrid audience measurement systems combining traditional TRP methodologies with broader digital audience analytics. This is one reason digital platforms have captured a growing share of advertising expenditure: they provide measurable impressions, audience segmentation, and campaign analytics that traditional television still struggles to offer consistently.

Bangladesh's television market currently lacks much of the infrastructure required for sophisticated audience measurement. Some recent proposals have suggested incorporating audience measurement directly within set-top box ecosystems. However, large-scale deployment of two-way addressable boxes is not commercially viable in such a highly price-sensitive market. Sophisticated audience analytics typically depend on addressable digital environments capable of generating reliable and verifiable viewing data at scale. Many price-sensitive television markets have historically relied on more affordable one-way distribution systems designed primarily for content delivery rather than advanced audience analytics. Even highly digitised television markets are still gradually evolving toward hybrid measurement systems combining traditional ratings panels with broader digital engagement data.

Bangladesh's transition toward more sophisticated TRP measurement is therefore likely to be gradual, requiring phased digitisation, stronger data governance, improved subscriber transparency, and greater measurement credibility over time. In a predominantly analogue environment, significant operational limitations persist: subscriber counts remain difficult to independently verify, audience behaviour remains opaque, and accurate monetisation remains challenging.

There is also an important question of fairness during the digitisation transition itself. In a partially digitised market, mandatory per-subscriber carriage fees could create uneven regulatory and commercial treatment between operators with differing levels of subscriber transparency and digitisation. Policymakers must therefore consider at what stage of digitisation such mechanisms can be introduced fairly across the industry. Under such conditions, mandatory carriage fees risk becoming less a digitisation strategy and more a transfer of additional costs across the distribution ecosystem and ultimately toward consumers.

Without trusted TRP data, broadcasters struggle to demonstrate audience value and advertisers buy conservatively. As a result, the overall television advertising market remains underdeveloped. The industry should therefore be careful not to mistake revenue redistribution for modernisation. Rather than focusing first on carriage payments, the priority should be to build a modern TRP framework through independent measurement, transparent auditing, phased digitisation, improved subscriber transparency, stronger data governance, and gradual integration of broader audience engagement insights over time.

The long-term strength of Bangladesh's television industry will depend less on mandated carriage payments and more on the ability to build trusted audiences, measurable engagement, stronger advertiser confidence, and sustainable content investment. Ultimately, television will belong to the broadcasters and platforms that can best build audience trust, demonstrate measurable engagement, and create sustainable value for both advertisers and viewers.

Tariq Alam PhD is a strategic consultant across technology, media and infrastructure industries​
 
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Firsts for Bangladesh/Pakistan in the Television era in South Asia.

1. Television is one of the most popular forms of media and information in Bangladesh. It was one of the first countries in South Asia to introduce terrestrial full-time broadcast television on 25 December 1950, in the then East Pakistan under the state-owned television network Pakistan Television Corporation in its capital, Dhaka. Pakistan Television established a television station in Dacca, the first after Lahore, and broadcast from the DIT Bhaban on a four-hour basis nightly. NEC equipment was used, and remote locational broadcast vans using Electronic News Gathering (ENG) equipment and cameras were being used then, connected via microwave links.

2. Bangladesh Television was the first television station in the region of South Asia to commence full-time color broadcasts on 16 December 1980, as inaugurated by then Bangladesh President Ziaur Rahman, followed by Pakistan Television of Pakistan and Doordarshan of India in 1982.

The family of yours truly were proud owners of Black and White Philips Television (starting in 1962) and Sony Trinitron Color Television (starting in 1978, partial nightly BTV color broadcasts, Dhaka only). This converted to full-time color broadcasts in Dhaka by 1980.

Doordarshan did not start full time (four/five hours a night) B/W TV broadcasts until 1959, and that was limited to Delhi only. Full time Color TV broadcasts in India came much later, in the later 1980's.

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Presenter Masuma Khatun in Pakistan Television's studios in Dhaka (Dacca) presenting reported election results, 1970
 
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Kazi Jesin appointed to head Bangladesh Television for one year


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Journalist and news presenter Kazi Jesin has been appointed director general of Bangladesh Television (BTV) for a one-year term.

The public administration ministry issued a notification on Thursday confirming the appointment.

Under the Bangladesh Television Authority Act 2001, Jesin will serve as a Grade-1 director general from the date she joins, subject to giving up any other profession, business or employment.

Other terms of the appointment will be set out in his contract, the notification said.

Born in Gaibandha, Jesin is a poet and journalist. She holds a Master’s degree in sustainable development and leadership from the University of Cumbria in the UK.

Over a long career, she has worked for leading media organisations including Daily Amar Desh, NTV, Channel One, Ekushey Television, Banglavision and Jamuna TV.

Jesin began writing in 1997 with essays for Little Magazine. Her notable poetry collections include “Jotsnamotto Jatra” (1997) and “Tananum Tananum” (2010).​
 
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A graffito painted in the aftermath of the July uprising questioning the integrity of BTV’s programmes and news. | New Age/Sony Ramani

Policy blunders behind BTV’s fall
Anwar Islam 21 September, 2026, 00:00

TELEVISION entered the homes of Britain in 1936, when the British Broadcasting Corporation officially began regular broadcasting. But the people of the Indian subcontinent had to wait nearly three decades, until the mid-1960s, when television broadcasting began at almost the same time in Dhaka, Lahore and New Delhi.

These television services — later known as Bangladesh Television, Pakistan Television and Doordarshan of India — went on to play hugely influential roles in shaping the minds and lives of their audiences for decades.

But their dominance was eventually challenged by private television channels with the emergence of satellite broadcasting. Then came the internet. Today, streaming platforms, social media and algorithm-driven content distribution are transforming not only television but the very concept of broadcasting itself.

Yet Doordarshan and PTV have managed to retain significant institutional relevance despite these disruptions, while BTV, by comparison, appears to have fallen behind. Why did BTV fall behind? Is the problem with BTV itself, or does it lie in the policy and institutional framework within which it operates? These are fundamental questions. Unless they are addressed, meaningful progress will not be possible. There are several major issues behind BTV’s decline. One of the most revealing is its organogram and recruitment policy.

Every organisation’s performance depends to a significant extent on its organisational structure and recruitment policy. The organogram determines how authority and responsibility are distributed, while recruitment rules determine what kinds of expertise enter an institution. BTV’s existing organogram and recruitment policy were formulated in 1992, when terrestrial broadcasting was the only means of television transmission in Bangladesh. At that time, television was essentially an analogue, hardware-driven medium, and job posts were created according to the needs of that era. But television has undergone a fundamental transformation. It has moved from a predominantly hardware-based analogue system to a software-driven digital system. Programme production methods, transmission technologies, content distribution and audience behaviour have all changed. Many of the posts created in 1992 have become practically obsolete, yet they remain in the organogram.

Meanwhile, the digital broadcasting environment requires entirely new categories of expertise. Broadcasting personnel such as digital content producers, social media specialists, AI-assisted video editors, motion graphics designers, streaming-platform managers, digital archivists and audience analysts are essential today, yet were barely conceivable then.

Computer science now lies at the heart of modern television broadcasting. But in 1992, when BTV’s recruitment policy was formulated, computer science had not yet been established in Bangladesh’s academic landscape. As the recruitment policy has not been updated, BTV cannot recruit graduates in the computer science discipline for key functions related to transmission, production and content delivery. Instead, it continues to recruit mainly physics graduates because the existing policy specifies a degree in physics discipline as the required qualification.

This clearly reflects how BTV’s working practices remain rooted in a bygone broadcasting era. And it raises a fundamental question: Can an institution designed for the analogue age effectively meet the expectations of the AI-driven digital age?

BTV professionals have been demanding for years that the organogram and recruitment policy be updated. Yet their demands have remained largely unaddressed, while for nearly two decades, the institution has been mainly controlled by non-professionals from other services.

After the Awami League returned to power in 2009, officials from Bangladesh Betar, the Press Institute of Bangladesh, the Department of Films and Publications, and the Press Information Department were incorporated into BTV’s operational structure. As a result, the leadership of Bangladesh Television was, to a significant extent, handed over to officials from these institutions. That legacy continues today, with several key professional positions — including the top posts in Programme and News — still being occupied by officials from Bangladesh Betar.

This practice has severely weakened professionalism within BTV. The working environment has changed fundamentally. ‘Creative production’ has been replaced by ‘command production’, where directives and administrative control take precedence over professional judgement and creative initiative. As opportunities to develop creativity have diminished, the quality and diversity of BTV’s programmes have also suffered.

This issue deserves serious consideration because BTV is a specialised broadcasting organisation. Programme production, drama, music, documentary, news, transmission and digital content all require specialised knowledge accumulated through years of professional experience. When professional expertise is systematically subordinated to non-professional decision-making, the institution itself eventually pays the price. That is what happened to BTV.

The sidelining of BTV’s professionals has also had consequences for the organisation’s transmission strategy. Television transmission has evolved through several distinct stages. It began with terrestrial broadcasting, in which video signals were transmitted from tower to tower through a network of relay stations. Then came satellite broadcasting, through which television signals are uplinked to satellites and downlinked by dish operators.

In the digital age, the internet has become a major medium of video consumption. Television institutions around the world are consequently giving increasing priority to OTT services, social media and other internet-based platforms. Television transmission has also entered an era of algorithm-driven distribution, where video content is formatted, recommended and delivered to audiences based increasingly on data and AI-assisted systems.

But BTV’s primary focus remains heavily centred on terrestrial broadcasting. The organisation has 14 terrestrial substations in different parts of the country, with up to 51 posts allocated to a single substation. A substantial amount of operational expenditure goes towards maintaining the terrestrial system. But the reality is that BTV’s terrestrial system has long been partly dysfunctional, as it can no longer transmit signals from tower to tower in the way the original terrestrial network was designed to operate. What happens today is that the substations receive BTV’s satellite transmission and then re-transmit the signal terrestrially for audiences who do not have dish connections and still watch television through rooftop antennas — the kind that were common in households three decades ago. But how many viewers actually watch BTV through this system today? It is a question that cannot be ignored.

Many countries are reassessing the viability of terrestrial broadcasting because of declining viewership and high maintenance costs. Switzerland switched off terrestrial broadcasting in 2019. In Belgium, terrestrial broadcasting is no longer a significant national platform and has become extremely limited. Turkey has also reduced its reliance on terrestrial broadcasting.

Broadcasters around the world are making needs-based decisions about their terrestrial networks. Bangladesh, too, needs a serious cost-benefit analysis of BTV’s terrestrial infrastructure. The objective should not necessarily be to abolish the terrestrial network. Rather, every substation should be assessed according to its audience reach, operational cost, strategic importance and the availability of alternative transmission platforms.

Most television viewers in the country watch TV through cable connections, where all three BTV channels usually appear hazy or fuzzy, potentially contributing to a decline in viewership. It may seem like a technical issue, but it is actually a policy matter.

Cable operators place BTV channels on the first three positions in their channel line-ups. However, channels occupying positions one to thirteen in cable systems are generally more susceptible to picture degradation because of technical factors such as high-pass filtering, grounding or shielding problems, and frequency-related issues. If BTV channels are allocated to middle positions in cable line-ups, their picture quality could improve significantly. As BTV is the licensing authority for cable operators, addressing this problem would not be a challenge.

In television, picture quality directly affects audience retention. A channel that consistently appears hazy or fuzzy is unlikely to remain competitive with channels offering clear and attractive pictures. As digital technology has changed audience behaviour, the television screen is no longer the only way audiences consume television content. Television audiences are consuming more video through YouTube, Facebook, OTT services, websites and mobile devices. Younger audiences, in particular, may have little attachment to a traditional television schedule. This is where BTV needs to establish a strong presence. For that, a formal structure, clear career paths and a professional culture must be established to enable BTV’s digital transformation.

There are more policy issues, perhaps the most important of which is that policymakers over the past decade have failed to clearly define what BTV is supposed to be.

Bangladesh now has dozens of private television channels. Private broadcasters primarily operate within a commercial model, but a public-service broadcaster has a different responsibility. Its role is to provide reliable information, meaningful education, healthy entertainment and programming that serves the broader public interest — even when such programming is not commercially attractive. If BTV is simply expected to imitate private television channels, what benefit will the country get? In that case, BTV will be just another player in an already crowded market.

The real value of BTV lies elsewhere. In an age of misinformation, disinformation, manipulated video and algorithm-driven echo chambers, the need for a credible public-service broadcaster may actually be greater than ever. A public broadcaster can play an important role in providing verified information, meaningful educational content, cultural programming and public interest journalism.

BTV therefore should not attempt merely to compete with private television channels on their own terms. It should offer something different. In today’s world, state-run or publicly funded television institutions are no longer viewed simply as television channels. They can also function as instruments of a country’s soft power.

Public broadcasters can present a country’s culture, history, values, achievements and national perspective to both domestic and international audiences. This is particularly important for Bangladesh. The challenge now is to create a BTV that belongs to the present and is prepared for the future. BTV does not need to return to its past. It needs to reinvent itself for the future.

Anwar Islam is a former official of Bangladesh Television​
 
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