[🇧🇩] Banning Awami League, Chhatra League and Jubo League

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[🇧🇩] Banning Awami League, Chhatra League and Jubo League
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G Bangladesh Defense

No support for ‘refined’ Awami League, party in wait-and-see mode

Anowar Hossain
Dhaka
Published: 25 May 2026, 14: 47

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Central office of Awami League, the party ousted from power during the July uprising, is in a severely dilapidated condition. Prothom Alo

Awami League’s top leadership remains firm in its old stance, with no visible sign of changes either in leadership or in the party’s longstanding political position.

Within the party, however, there has been some discussion around the idea of a “refined” or “reformed” Awami League. Some see it as the most viable path for the party to survive politically and eventually return to active politics. But the party’s top leadership, particularly Sheikh Hasina, appears completely averse to the idea.

As a result, many leaders and activists remain uncertain about how the party can make a political comeback. Frustration is growing among some. Others believe Awami League’s opportunity could re-emerge if the current government makes major mistakes or becomes unpopular.

According to responsible party sources, ahead of the 13th parliamentary election held in February, the idea of bringing comparatively less controversial figures into leadership through a “refined” or reform process had been conveyed to Sheikh Hasina by friendly countries and well-wishers. The matter reportedly remained under discussion even after the election.

However, Sheikh Hasina is unwilling to step down as party president. At most, she had indicated the possibility of appointing one or more leaders as spokespersons in place of the general secretary. Even then, she preferred selecting figures from among leaders currently abroad and personally trusted by her, a proposal that reportedly failed to satisfy the party’s well-wishers.

As a result, most insiders now believe all reform initiatives are effectively “dead” for the time being.

Awami League’s recent activities and online discussions also offer insight into the party’s current direction. According to informed sources, since the fall of the Awami League government on 5 August 2024, the party’s more controversial and hardline elements have become the most active.

These figures, sources say, are unwilling to acknowledge mistakes or express remorse over past actions. Instead, they favour creating pressure and rebuilding organisational strength through sudden processions, isolated rally with slogans and provocative political activity inside the country. They are also reportedly trying to strengthen anti-government sentiment within the administration.

Under such circumstances, those within the party who had hoped for a “refined” Awami League or a fresh political beginning have largely fallen silent.

According to multiple relevant sources, Sheikh Hasina herself continues to determine the party’s political direction, with members of her family also involved in the process.

Within the party structure, presidium member Jahangir Kabir Nanak and joint general secretary AFM Bahauddin Nasim are said to be playing the most active role in organising leaders and activists inside the country and those remaining in hiding.

Meanwhile, coordination with party-aligned officials still working within different state institutions is reportedly being handled by a former influential minister now based in Kolkata.

Beyond that, a number of leaders, including former state minister for information Mohammad A Arafat and office secretary Biplob Barua — are involved in relatively “soft” activities such as maintaining contact with foreign entities and exchanging correspondence. Others are mainly participating in online discussions with the party chief and senior leaders.

A section of Awami League leaders believes that friendly countries and international well-wishers are somewhat dissatisfied with the party leadership’s unwillingness to pursue reform.

They do not believe any foreign power in the current global order will actively intervene to restore the Awami League to power. At the same time, they think a BNP-led government, if elected, may not be as strict toward the Awami League as the interim administration has been — but it would never allow the old Awami League under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership to return.

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Former prime minister Sheikh Hasina File photo

In that case, one possible route would be waiting for another mass uprising — an idea many within the party themselves see as unrealistic. Another possibility being discussed is the emergence of deep divisions between a future BNP government and opposition forces such as Jamaat and the NCP. But so far, even that scenario appears to lack a strong basis.

As a result, some leaders feel the Awami League’s current politics has become largely directionless.

Under such circumstances, some within the party believe many Awami League leaders at the local level may switch to other political parties in order to survive politically ahead of local government elections.

Discussions with several Awami League leaders through different channels suggest that after the 13th parliamentary election in February, Sheikh Hasina repeatedly told party leaders and activists that those who wanted to continue in politics should return to the country — meaning they should face arrest, lawsuits and imprisonment if necessary.

So far, however, no one has responded to that call.

Party leaders say there is no guarantee of getting bail after returning and being jailed. Nor is there any sign of an understanding or initiative from the government that would provide any concession to the Awami League.

Multiple sources also said party leaders do not believe there is any international pressure on the government to rehabilitate the Awami League politically.

In this situation, leaders currently abroad are not considering returning home. Some, in fact, have moved to other countries after spending long periods in India, partly to avoid pressure to return to Bangladesh.

According to party sources, one influential former MP has moved to Malaysia, while another has gone to Cyprus. They fear that if relations between India and a future BNP government improve, India may no longer remain a safe option for them.

The Awami League remained in power for more than 15 and a half years before being ousted during the 2024 student-led mass uprising. Since then, party chief Sheikh Hasina and many senior leaders have gone into hiding abroad, while a significant number of leaders and activists inside the country remain in jail.

The interim government banned the party’s activities, and the BNP government has not lifted that ban. As a result, the Awami League has not only lost state power, but also much of its organisational strength, political standing and control over the streets.

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Young people who were active during the July uprising have been vocal in opposing Awami League’s return to politics. Prothom Alo

‘Refined Awami League’ seen as an alternative path

It is in this political reality that the idea of a “refined” or “reformed” Awami League emerged. The concept essentially refers to rebuilding the party by bringing forward comparatively acceptable, less controversial and “clean-image” leaders instead of figures accused of wrongdoing or burdened by political controversy.

The logic behind the idea is that the allegations, controversies and political liabilities surrounding the current leadership make a direct return to politics difficult. Many believe that if the party wants to regain acceptability — both internationally and among a significant section of the domestic public — it would need to send a visible message of change.

There is also the question of leadership succession. Awami League president Sheikh Hasina is now over 80 and has led the party for more than four decades. Political analysts believe her return to active politics is increasingly unlikely. As a result, changing the leadership is being seen by some as a possible way to reorganise the party for the future.

The idea of a “refined Awami League” first gained public attention in March last year, during the tenure of the interim government. Hasnat Abdullah, chief organiser (southern region) of the National Citizen Party (NCP) and now a member of parliament, made a Facebook post referring to a meeting with senior army officers.

In the post, he alleged that a new conspiracy was underway to bring back a “Refined Awami League.” According to him, the plan was entirely backed by India and involved bringing forward figures such as Saber Hossain Chowdhury, Shirin Sharmin Chaudhury and Fazle Noor Taposh.

The issue was widely discussed on social media for some time afterward. It resurfaced again after the BNP formed the government. This time, however, the discussion was more prominent in several India-based online media platforms and on social media.

The central message in those discussions was that Sheikh Hasina had no interest in the idea of a “refined Awami League” and that efforts in that direction were failing to gain traction.

Many disheartened by the uncertain future

Leaders staying abroad remain in frequent contact over the phone with party leaders, activists and journalists in Bangladesh. But when asked how they are doing, many respond with a sigh: “How can anyone be well in this situation?”

Whether in Delhi, Kolkata, London, New York, Brussels, Dubai, Singapore or Kuala Lumpur, most answers sound more or less the same.

This correspondent recently spoke with two central Awami League leaders now based in India and Europe. They said that when one is detached from politics, neither immense wealth nor a luxurious life brings real happiness.

Researcher and political analyst Altaf Parvez believes that if the Awami League wants to return to politics, it must publicly acknowledge and answer for its politics and governance during its more than 15 years in power.

According to them, the situation has become such that many do not even feel comfortable going outside freely. At the same time, not everyone living abroad is financially well off. Some leaders said many party figures staying in Kolkata and other Indian cities are facing financial difficulties.

According to multiple relevant sources, some former MPs with businesses in Bangladesh, leaders whose families live abroad and several senior politicians have privately told close associates that they may gradually withdraw from active politics. Former MPs and business-linked leaders are also considering returning home if they can receive assurances of bail after returning.

At one stage, discussions both at home and abroad suggested that a “refined” Awami League could emerge under figures such as former president Md Abdul Hamid, former minister Saber Hossain Chowdhury and former Narayanganj mayor Selina Hayat Ivy.

After the BNP government took office, former speaker Shirin Sharmin Chaudhury was arrested on 7 April. However, she was released on bail five days later, on 12 April. Her name, too, began circulating in speculation surrounding a possible reorganisation of the Awami League.

Taken together, some leaders had started to see a degree of hope in these developments — believing they might eventually create an opportunity for the party’s return to politics.

At the same time, however, a strong opinion persists within the party that no new organisational structure would be sustainable without Sheikh Hasina’s approval. A large section of grassroots leaders and activists still regard her leadership as final and unquestionable.

Now that it has become clear Sheikh Hasina has little interest in such initiatives, many within the party say they no longer see much reason for optimism.

BNP’s rise to power: Between hope and disappointment

Many within the Awami League had hoped that if the BNP came to power, the ban on the party’s political activities would eventually be lifted. There were also expectations that jailed leaders would secure bail, paving the way for those in hiding abroad to return home.

But after three months of BNP rule, much of that optimism has faded among Awami League leaders.

A section of the party had also hoped that pro-Awami League lawyers would participate in the Supreme Court Bar Association election and perform well enough to boost morale among party activists. However, nomination papers of Awami League-backed candidates were reportedly cancelled.

Many leaders now believe party activists and leaders may not even be allowed to participate meaningfully in future local government elections. As a result, the hope that the Awami League might gradually return to politics after the BNP assumed power has increasingly given way to disappointment.

Several senior Awami League leaders, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the political reality is that it would be difficult for the BNP to take the risk of easing restrictions on the Awami League at this stage.

According to them, although the ruling BNP and opposition forces such as Jamaat and the NCP differ on many political issues, their positions on the Awami League remain largely aligned.

Under such circumstances, party leaders say the Awami League has few options other than waiting to see whether the BNP government eventually comes under significant political pressure. In the meantime, they believe the party will have to continue trying to reorganise itself.

Although the Awami League made efforts through different channels to participate in the 13th parliamentary election, those attempts were unsuccessful. As a result, the election ultimately became a contest largely between the BNP alliance and the Jamaat-led bloc.

According to party sources, a strategic calculation had emerged within the Awami League at the time — that Jamaat should not be allowed to come to power.

From that perspective, the party quietly adopted a strategy of tacit support for the BNP-led alliance, sources said.

Some Awami League leaders now believe that, compared with the interim government period, the current political situation is relatively better. They argue that conditions could have become even harsher had Jamaat come to power.

Taken together, the Awami League’s current politics has largely turned into a politics of waiting. But there is no clear timeline to that wait. Discussions continue within the party about eventually returning to politics, yet no one appears to know what the path back actually looks like.

Researcher and political analyst Altaf Parvez believes that if the Awami League wants to return to politics, it must publicly acknowledge and answer for its politics and governance during its more than 15 years in power. According to him, the party will also have to confront allegations of criminal wrongdoing linked to the student-led mass uprising.

“No government can pardon criminal offences,” he said, adding that the Awami League does not appear prepared for any of these steps.

Speaking to Prothom Alo, Altaf Parvez said it appears that if the Awami League attempts to return through force or political muscle, then the BNP, Jamaat and the NCP would likely confront the party jointly.

“Such thinking would be harmful for the Awami League and disastrous for the country. It would bring back a confrontational situation,” he said.

Altaf Parvez also said he did not consider the interim government’s executive order banning Awami League activities to be the right decision. In his view, the BNP later repeated the same mistake.

Instead, he argued, the Awami League could have been politically exposed before the public. He pointed to Nepal as an example, saying that after the mass uprising there, no political party was banned. Former ruling parties were allowed to contest elections, and the public ultimately rejected them.

According to him, by banning the party’s activities, the Awami League has now gained space to portray itself as a victim.​
 

Activity-banned AL holds rally in the capital, 4 detained

Special Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 18 Jun 2026, 21: 37

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A surprise procession by leaders and activists of the Awami League (whose activities now banned) and its allied organisations in Mohakhali, 18 June. Collected

In the capital's Mohakhali, leaders and activists of the Awami League and its allied organisations ( whose activities now banned) have held a surprise procession today, Thursday.

During this time, there were also incidents of cocktail explosions. In connection with this incident, Tejgaon Industrial Area police detained four people.

According to eyewitnesses and police sources, around 9 AM today, leaders and activists of the Awami League, as well as the banned Chhatra League and Jubo League, gathered in front of ICDDRB (International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh) in Mohakhali.

They then started marching towards the Mohakhali bus terminal. Upon reaching the terminal area, a few members of the Mohila League joined in. During this time, there were several cocktail explosions.

Confirming the incident, Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Tejgaon Industrial Area Police Station, Md Mahbubur Rahman, told Prothom Alo, "The Awami League had brought out a procession. They caused 4-5 cocktail explosions. Upon receiving the report, police carried out an operation and arrested four people from the procession. The others fled. Among the detained persons, one is a woman. Legal proceedings to file a case against them at the Tejgaon Industrial Area Police Station are ongoing. "​
 

Court will decide whether Awami League will be banned: Zahed Ur Rahman

Special Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 23 Jun 2026, 15: 58

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Zahed Ur Rahman, Information and Broadcasting adviser to Prime Minister Tarique Rahman. On 23 June 2026 at a regular press briefing held at the Secretariat Prothom Alo

Zahed Ur Rahman, Information and Broadcasting adviser to Prime Minister Tarique Rahman, has said that the government does not believe the Awami League, whose activities are currently banned, will be able to do “very much”.

He added that while the party's activities remain banned at present, the court will determine whether the party itself will ultimately be banned.

Zahed Ur Rahman made the remarks on Tuesday while responding to journalists' questions at a regular press briefing held at the Secretariat.

During the briefing, he also highlighted various government activities, including Prime Minister Tarique Rahman's visits to Malaysia and China.

A journalist asked about the deployment of the Army in three cities and three districts surrounding the anniversary of the Awami League, the presence of activists from various political parties in the field, and the government's measures and position on the issue.

In response, Zahed Ur Rahman said that he believed political parties had taken to the field for a “symbolic” reason.

Explaining his position, he said, “It is a banned organisation. Actually, calling it a banned organisation is not entirely accurate. Technically speaking, if we refer to Awami League by name, it is important to clarify whether the party itself will be banned. That determination will be made by the court, by the ICT (International Crimes Tribunal). Following the trial, it will be determined whether they (Awami League) were involved in crimes against humanity. What has happened so far is that, while they remain under trial, their activities will remain prohibited under the Anti-Terrorism Act 2009.

Therefore, their programmes are prohibited. If this party now seeks to take to the streets with any programme, it is engaging in an unlawful act. Naturally, the government will take action in such circumstances. Political parties actually have nothing to do here. They may be present symbolically because the Awami League is claiming that it will be able to do many things.”

The adviser continued, “Regarding the deployment of the Army, I would say that this does not mean they (the Awami League) are capable of doing very much. Personally, I do not believe the Awami League possesses that level of moral courage. At the very least, one needs a certain degree of moral courage. We have a saying, “The guilty ones protest too loudly.” For the Awami League to speak loudly before us, we need to lose our memory first. Everyone would have to suffer from dementia. Only then could the Awami League ever speak boldly in front of us. Before that, I do not think so. Therefore, they do not possess that moral courage. And if there is no moral courage, looters, mafias and thieves generally do not possess much moral courage either.”

Zahed Ur Rahman further said, “People had stood in front of guns during July 2024 because they possessed moral courage. They were not opportunists. They loved the country. They wanted to improve this nation. Despite so many bullets and so many deaths, people returned the next day and stood there again. Therefore, there is no reason to believe they (the Awami League) can achieve anything significant. Nevertheless, the government must do what is necessary. In those districts where it considered the risk to be somewhat higher—because they may still have the capacity to carry out limited acts of sabotage, and because they have substantial financial resources that could potentially be used for such activities—the Army has been deployed in areas considered more vulnerable in the interest of public safety. This does not mean that the government believes the Awami League is capable of doing a great deal. I certainly do not believe that.”

Also present at the press briefing were Sayed Abdal Ahmed, principal information officer of the Press Information Department, and Md Yasin, additional secretary of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.​
 

What is the political future of Awami League?

Flash rallies, campaigns on social media, and discussions on television talk shows, brought one question back into focus: can Awami League, whose activities remain banned, return to Bangladesh's political arena?

Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikder

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Flag of Awami League

Flash rallies, campaigns on social media, and discussions on television talk shows, brought one question back into focus: can Awami League, whose activities remain banned, return to Bangladesh's political arena? Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikder explores the answer to that question.

On 24 May 2025, I wrote a column in Prothom Alo on how likely is the return of the deposed autocrat. Drawing on the study ''The Post-Exile Fate of Leaders: A New Dataset'' by Osaka University researchers Masanori Kubota, Kaoru Hidaka, and Taku Yukawa, I sought to show that among the 91 autocratic leaders who went into exile between 1970 and 2014, only 19 per cent managed to return to their countries and become heads of state again. Those who did return had spent an average of 6.6 years in exile.

A year later, that discussion has resurfaced in Bangladesh. This time, however, the issue is not centered on a single individual but on the political future of the Awami League. Supporters' flash rallies in different places, new campaigns on social media, and discussions on television talk shows have all brought the same question back into focus: Can Awami League, whose activities remain banned, return to Bangladesh's political arena?
Is the interim government's failure enough?

Comparative political research clearly shows that a deposed political party is less likely to return to power through its own strength than through the weaknesses of the governments that succeed it.

Following the mass uprising of 2024, the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus assumed office. At the time, public expectations were high. People hoped that law and order would improve quickly, the administration would begin functioning normally, the economy would stabilise, and the prolonged political crisis would come to an end.

The reality, however, proved far more difficult. Protests over a range of issues, some well-founded, others less so, along with attacks on and vandalism of various institutions, mob violence, administrative weakness, economic uncertainty, and allegations of abuse of power all contributed to growing public disappointment. It was in this context that some people began saying, "Things were better before."

Recent comparative political research describes this phenomenon as "political nostalgia." In other words, when a new government fails to meet public expectations, many people begin to view the previous government more favourably than the current one.

This is where some observers make a significant mistake. They assume that once people start expressing such sentiments, the return of Awami League becomes only a matter of time. The research findings, however, negate such perceptions.

Canadian political scientists James Loxton and Scott Mainwaring, in their book ''Life After Dictatorship: Authoritarian Successor Parties Worldwide,'' argue that while the failure of a new government can create an opportunity for a deposed ruling party, it never guarantees that party''s return to power.

If a segment of the Bangladeshi public has become disillusioned during the tenure of the interim government, that is part of the country''s political reality. But does such disappointment automatically translate into support for Awami League?

Is Sheikh Hasina bigger than Awami League?

Some believe that if Sheikh Hasina returns to Bangladesh, Awami League will regain its strength. Same say the party has no future without her. International research, however, suggests that the issue is not so straightforward. According to political scientists James Loxton and Scott Mainwaring, no political party can endure over the long term by relying solely on a single leader. To regain public trust, a party must learn from its past mistakes, present a new message, and convince voters that it has genuinely changed.

In Bangladesh's case, however, one important point must be kept in mind. It would be mistaken to assume that the political experiences of Europe, Africa, or Latin America apply directly to Bangladesh. Politics in South Asia is shaped to a considerable extent by personalities, political families, and emotional loyalties. In countries such as India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh, political dynasties have played significant roles for decades. As a result, Bangladesh's political landscape cannot be fully explained through Western political theories alone.

It is also true that no political party can sustain itself over the long term solely on the basis of a family legacy or the popularity of a single leader. India's National Congress is a prime example. Despite the legacy of the Nehru-Gandhi family, the party has not been able to regain its former position.

Similarly, the return of the Marcos family in the Philippines was not due to family name alone. It also depended on rebuilding the party organisation, adopting new political strategies, and making a concerted effort to regain public trust.

Political science research reaches the same conclusion. In ''Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America,'' political scientists Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully argue that a political party's long-term success depends less on the popularity of a single leader than on the degree to which the party is institutionally strong and well institutionalised.

The same question applies to Bangladesh. The issue is not simply about Sheikh Hasina. The real question is whether Awami League can adapt to the country's new political realities. Can it learn from its past mistakes and develop a new generation of leadership? Or will it continue to rely primarily on memories of its past popularity? The answers to these questions will determine the party's future.

Are there permanent enemies in politics?

Any discussion of Awami League's future also raises another question: under the current political circumstances, could Awami League one day reach an understanding or accommodation with any of its present-day rivals?

To many, the question may seem unrealistic. Yet political history has repeatedly produced outcomes that once appeared unimaginable.

Bangladesh's own political history provides a striking example. After independence, relations between the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) and Awami League were marked by intense conflict. JSD's role in the political developments of 1975 remains the subject of debate to this day. Yet in later years, a faction of JSD (now JASAD) forged a political understanding with Awami League, joined it in political movements, and even became part of the government.

Likewise, during the anti-Ershad movement of the 1990s, Awami League and Jamaat-e-Islami campaigned on various issues while pursuing the same immediate political objective. Later, in the run-up to the 1996 election, political circumstances also gave rise understanding between them.

Political history, both in Bangladesh and abroad, shows that long-standing political adversaries have at times worked together out of necessity. For that reason, the possibility of some form of accommodation between Awami League and Jamaat, NCP, or BNP cannot be dismissed as impossible.

In other words, Bangladesh's history demonstrates that the notion of permanent friends or permanent enemies in politics does not always correspond to political reality.

Research in comparative politics points to the same conclusion. In ''The Theory of Political Coalitions,'' political scientist William Riker, and in ''A Behavioral Theory of Competitive Political Parties,'' political scientist Kaare Strøm, argue that political parties do not form alliances solely on the basis of ideological affinity. Prospects for future power, electoral calculations, parliamentary dynamics, and strategic necessity often play equally important roles in coalition-building.

In light of these theoretical perspectives, it is reasonable to ask whether the Awami League could ever reach some form of political understanding with Jamaat-e-Islami or the National Citizen Party (NCP). Or even with Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)?

It is impossible to answer that question at present. The outcome will depend not only on decisions made by party leaders but, perhaps more importantly, on whether such a move would be acceptable to grassroots supporters.

For Awami League, the mass uprising of 2024 was not merely a political defeat; it was also a profound psychological shock for thousands of its leaders and activists. Many party members have fled the country, gone into hiding, faced criminal cases, or found themselves socially isolated. For many, these experiences are not only political but deeply personal.
As a result, even if Awami League's top leadership were to consider a new political accommodation for strategic reasons in the future, an important question would remain: how readily would the party's grassroots members accept such a decision?

The same question applies to the other political parties as well. If NCP builds its political identity around the legacy of the 2024 mass uprising, would its leaders and activists be willing to accept an accommodation with Awami League? Jamaat-e-Islami has long been one of Awami League's fiercest political critics; would its members readily accept such an arrangement? The same questions would arise with respect to any understanding between the Awami League and BNP. At present, there is no way of knowing the answers.

Political history, both in Bangladesh and abroad, shows that long-standing political adversaries have at times worked together out of necessity. For that reason, the possibility of some form of accommodation between Awami League and Jamaat, NCP, or BNP cannot be dismissed as impossible. At the same time, it would be equally incorrect to regard such an outcome as inevitable.

Who bears the greatest responsibility?

The next question is: on whom does Awami League''s future depend most?

Many would probably answer: on Awami League itself. International research, however, suggests that the answer is not quite so simple. In ''Retrospective Voting in American National Elections,'' American political scientist Morris Fiorina argues that, in the end, voters judge not past governments but the government currently in power.

Bangladesh is no exception. If a BNP-led government argues that the country's problems are solely the fault of Awami League and the interim government, the public may accept that explanation for a time. Over time, however, people will evaluate the incumbent government on the basis of its own performance, its governance, economic management, maintenance of law and order, efforts to combat corruption, and commitment to democratic norms. Herein lies the greatest clue to Awami League's possible return.

Another important question is how Awami League should be dealt with. One principle should be kept in mind: in a democratic state, it is not the government''s role to preserve or eliminate any political party, but to uphold the rule of law. The courts are responsible for judging crimes, while the people decide the outcome of political competition. Allegations of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and other crimes committed during the Awami League's time in power must certainly be investigated and, where appropriate, prosecuted. Conflating criminal accountability with political competition ultimately puts democracy itself at risk.

For that reason, relying solely on administrative measures to suppress the Awami League's political activities could prove counterproductive in the long run. International experience suggests that when political parties are excluded from the political arena, they often seek to portray themselves as victims of persecution in order to generate public sympathy.


Finally, let us return to the central question: Can Awami League return to Bangladesh's political arena? At present, no one knows the answer. History shows, however, that no political party survives solely on its own strength, nor does it return to power merely because of its opponents' weaknesses. In the end, a party's future is determined by public support, its ability to adapt and change, its commitment to good governance, and the dynamics of democratic competition.

* Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikder is a teacher and researcher in the Department of Political Science and Sociology at North South University.​
 

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