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[🇧🇩] Corruption Watch
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ACC chairman, two commissioners resign

FE ONLINE REPORT
Published :
Mar 03, 2026 15:40
Updated :
Mar 03, 2026 17:07

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Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) Chairman Dr MA and two commissioners resigned from their posts on Tuesday.

The two commissioners are Brig Hafiz Ahsan Faridi and Mia Mohammad Ali Akbar Azizi.

Sources at the ACC said the chairman and commissioners cited personal reasons in their resignation letters.

They were appointed in October 2024 during the interim government after the July Uprising.​
 
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Asif Mahmud discloses Tk 1 million bank balance after accounts sought by BFIU

bdnews24.com
Published :
Mar 04, 2026 23:38
Updated :
Mar 04, 2026 23:38

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Former advisor Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain has revealed that he holds just under Tk 1 million in his bank accounts after authorities sought details of his financial records.

The National Citizen Party (NCP) spokesperson disclosed his own and his family members’ bank accounts at a press conference on Wednesday, alleging that various accusations were being raised to “defame” him.

Asif claimed a fresh wave of propaganda began after his name surfaced as a potential party candidate for the post of mayor of Dhaka South City Corporation (DSCC).Geographic Reference

He said one of his accounts holds Tk 978,626 and another Tk 9,930.

His father, a teacher, has Tk 547,711 across five accounts.

The Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit (BFIU), the financial sector intelligence agency, sought details of Asif’s bank accounts on Tuesday.

At the press conference, Asif said the BFIU sought bank accounts of 56 individuals.

He added that the agency sent clear messages to banks saying the information was confidential.

“But in the BFIU’s official journalists’ group, they themselves made that confidential information public. As a citizen, I believe this violates an individual’s privacy,” he claimed.

He said singling out his bank account exposes the “ill intent” behind such an inquiry, the intention being to “defame” him.

Journalists covering the Bangladesh Bank beat said there is no such group, “official” or otherwise, run by the BFIU for reporters.​
 
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Let the ACC work independently

Abrupt resignation of ACC leadership raises questions
5 March 2026, 11:00 AM
UPDATED 5 March 2026, 14:58 PM

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VISUAL: STAR

In the polite lexicon of bureaucracy, it was termed a voluntary resignation. In the harsher reality of power politics, it was allegedly a forced exit. On Tuesday, Mohammad Abdul Momen, chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission, and his two fellow commissioners abruptly vacated their posts just 15 months into their five-year terms. Momen wryly observed that a new political government “will naturally want to work according to its own manifesto.” This sudden exit is still a worrying signal about the trajectory of the new administration, as it raises the possibility of partisan influences.

Under Momen’s brief leadership, the ACC was uncharacteristically active. Installed by the interim government in December 2024 to clean up the rot left behind by the ousted Awami League regime, the commission moved with unusual resolve. It targeted a sprawling nexus of oligarchs, politicians, and phantom corporations that had long treated the national exchequer as a private slush fund. The scale of its actions was striking. In 2025 alone, the ACC froze or attached assets worth over Tk 29,300 crore (roughly $2.5 billion), compared with a paltry Tk 11 crore the year before. It impounded nearly 7,000 acres of land, locked down 1,360 bank accounts holding highly liquid cash, and froze shares in 105 companies worth Tk 8,000 crore. These actions amounted to a systemic dismantling of complex financial laundering operations.

More importantly, the commission pursued figures long considered untouchable. It filed sweeping charges against Mohammed Saiful Alam of S Alam Group for the alleged multi-billion-dollar plundering of Islamic banks. It also pursued former ministers and power-brokers such as Salman F Rahman, uncovering ghost exports and fictitious development funds. For a country whose banking sector has been chronically hollowed out by non-performing loans and crony capitalism, the ACC was performing a form of economic triage.

Momen’s departure carries an irony of its own. He was forced into early retirement by the Awami League in 2013 precisely because of his past association with the late BNP leader Khaleda Zia. More than a decade later, he has again been pushed aside, as per sources in the ACC—this time under a different political dispensation. The forced stepping down of an anti-corruption panel just weeks after it took office reveals something about the new leadership’s priorities. The rhetoric of reform is easily deployed on the campaign trail; the reality of reform is now beginning to unfold.

It remains to be seen whether the new ACC leadership, whoever that is, can work independently and without government interference. The newly elected government campaigned on a promise to restore the rule of law. We hope it does not mark a depressing return to business as usual. The government must ensure that the state’s oversight mechanisms are not treated as mere extensions of the ruling party. Bangladesh’s economy lost billions of dollars over the past decade. The bleeding must now be stopped.​
 
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Unified strategy, road map must to fight corruption

THE call of Transparency International Bangladesh for a unified strategy and road map for the implementation of anti-corruption pledges is timely. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s reform commitments made in the election manifesto and iterated after the government’s formation have raised public expectations of a decisive break from the entrenched culture of corruption. Yet, experiences suggest that lofty promises remain unrealised. The country has for long struggled with pervasive corruption and despite periodic reform drives, the country has continued to appear among the most corruption-infested nations in global assessments. The persistence of bribery, abuse of power and political patronage across public institutions shows how deeply rooted the problem is. Unless the government translates its pledges into a coherent, time-bound strategy backed by institutional reforms and political will, the promise of a corruption-free administration will remain elusive. A unified road map grounded in the party’s reform outline, electoral manifesto and the July charter could provide the framework for coordinated policies, accountability and implementation. More important, such a strategy would signal to citizens that the government intends not only to speak against corruption but to confront it systematically and transparently.Bangladesh country politics

The urgency of such a strategy becomes clear when viewed against the scale and impact of corruption in everyday life. Corruption erodes public trust in the institutions and deprives citizens of the services and opportunities they are promised. When people must pay bribes for basic services, the legitimacy of institutions is steadily undermined. Recent Transparency International Bangladesh reports have highlighted the depth of the challenge. Household surveys and analytical white papers released in late 2024 and early 2025 identified several major sectors as among the most corruption-prone. The findings point to systemic weaknesses rather than isolated misconduct. Addressing them requires reforms that strengthen oversight agency such as the Anti-Corruption Commission while ensuring their genuine independence and accountability. It also requires stronger financial scrutiny by institutions including the Financial Intelligence Unit, the National Board of Revenue and Bangladesh Bank to curb illicit financial flows and money laundering. Equally important is the need to confront the political culture that allows corruption to flourish. Without internal discipline within political parties and strict integrity standards for public officials, even the well-designed reforms risk being undermined by partisan interests and deep-rooted patronage networks.

The government must, therefore, recognise that the fight against corruption cannot be piecemeal. It requires a comprehensive and coordinated approach that links political commitment with enforceable reforms, transparent institutions and active public oversight. By adopting a road map, enforcing asset disclosure by elected representatives and public officials, strengthening oversight agencies and promoting integrity across public and private sectors, the administration can begin to restore public confidence.​
 
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Dhaka WASA MD Abdus Salam resigns

Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 08 Mar 2026, 18: 37

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Abdus Salam Bapari Collected from WASA Website

Abdus Salam Bapari has resigned from his position as managing director (MD) of Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (WASA).

He submitted his resignation today, Sunday, to the secretary’s office of the Local Government Ministry, after which it was accepted.

A source at the local government ministry confirmed this information to Prothom Alo.

Abdus Salam was controversially appointed as MD of Dhaka WASA during the final days of the interim government. Previously, he had served as the additional chief engineer of the same organisation. During his tenure in that position, he faced allegations of corruption.

On 3 March, Prothom Alo published an investigation into a property in Canada linked to Abdus Salam’s family. Titled “House in the Name of Dhaka WASA MD’s Wife in Canada’s ‘Begumpara,’” the report led to him being barred from attending official government events.

As a result, he could not participate in a Dhaka WASA event attended by the local government, rural development and cooperatives minister Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir.

Dhaka WASA’s public information officer Imrul Hasan told Prothom Alo over the phone at 4:15 pm that he had just learned Abdus Salam Bapari had resigned.

Meanwhile, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) has stated that an investigation has begun into allegations of Abdus Salam’s involvement in money laundering abroad.

Abdus Salam joined Dhaka WASA as an assistant engineer in 1991. According to Dhaka WASA sources, during his career, he received around Tk 25 million in salary and allowances across various posts.​
 
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ACC work stalls in leadership vacuum

No selection committee yet to form new commission

Solamain Salman 13 March, 2026, 00:00

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Activities of the Anti-Corruption Commission have slowed down as the agency has been running without the chair and commissioners for more than a week after their resignation.

The commission has been facing a standstill since March 3, when chairman Mohammad Abdul Momen and commissioners Mia Mohammad Ali Akbar Azizi and Hafiz Ahsan Farid resigned from their positions.

The commission stepped down two weeks after the Bangladesh Nationalist Party government had assumed office on February 17 after a landslide victory in the February 12 elections.

Officials said that ongoing investigations and inquiries were continuing and routine activities were being carried out, but key decisions had remained stalled due to the absence of the top officials.

They said that decisions on initiating new inquiries, filing corruption cases, approving charge sheets and final reports after investigations, and freezing assets of accused persons require approval from the commission, which is currently unavailable.

As a result, officials and employees of the commission are largely engaged in routine work while the organisation is unable to take major policy or operational decisions due to lack of top officials.

The inquiries and investigations against many high-profile graft suspects are also stalled now due to the absence of the chair and commissioners.

Neither the Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2004 nor the Anti-Corruption Commission Rules 2007 provides any guidelines on how the organisation will function in the absence of a commission, a director general at the commission said.

ACC officials said that the organisation is currently facing operational problems due to the leadership vacuum.

Experts said that the crisis has once again exposed the commission’s structural weakness and the need to ensure its institutional independence.

Although the commission was established as an independent anti-graft body, critics say that its leadership has often been determined by political considerations.

Since its establishment, seven commissions have been formed, but four of them failed to complete their full terms due to political changes and sudden resignations.

Analysts said that repeated leadership changes following changes in state power have affected the continuity of anti-corruption efforts and weakened public confidence in the institution.

Transparency International Bangladesh executive director Iftekharuzzaman on Thursday said that the removal of the Momen commission was an example of a step the new government could have avoided if it was committed to its electoral pledges on anti-corruption and good governance.

‘It is obvious that they would like to appoint individuals of their choice to head the ACC like similar other oversight bodies, as in the case of the Bangladesh Bank. But the manner in which these are happening is only tarnishing the government’s own image,’ he said.

Iftekharuzzaman said that the government had so far only created the vacancies in the commission and that the real challenge now was to ensure that the new leadership had proven expertise, credibility and integrity.

‘People would still expect the new ACC leadership to have the professional integrity, honesty and courage to operate and ensure accountability on the basis of equality before the law without fear or favour,’ he added.

According to the commission officials, the law allows a new commission to be formed within 30 days after the resignation of the previous one.

However, officials noted that section 10 of the Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2004 requires a 30-day notice before the resignation or removal of the commission, a provision that has often been ignored in the past.

They said that four of the seven commissions formed since the establishment of the commission had left office without completing their tenure in compliance with the notice provision.

Discussions have also begun regarding the legal process for appointing a new commission following amendments to the ACC law made during the interim government’s tenure in 2025.

According to the Anti-Corruption Commission (Amendment) Ordinance 2025 issued on December 23, 2025, the commission may now consist of a maximum of five commissioners instead of three. The amended law also requires the inclusion of at least one woman commissioner and one commissioner with expertise in information and communication technology. Of the five commissioners, the president appoints one as chairman.

The law provides for a seven-member selection committee headed by a senior judge of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court to recommend candidates for appointment.

Other members will include a High Court judge nominated by the chief justice, the comptroller and auditor general, the chairman of the Bangladesh Public Service Commission, two lawmakers nominated by the speaker—one from the ruling party and one from the opposition—and a citizen with at least 15 years of experience in governance, anti-corruption activities or corruption-related judicial processes.

The selection committee will invite applications and nominations through a public notice, and candidates will be required to submit their curriculum vitae and statements of assets.

After verification, the committee will prepare a shortlist of qualified candidates and conduct interviews.

The selection committee may also include up to two experts in the interview process, though they will not participate in the decision-making process.

The committee will then recommend two candidates for each vacant commissioner position to the president for appointment.

However, the selection committee is yet to be formed, senior officials at the commission and the Cabinet Division said.

Since its establishment in 2004, the commission has been led successively by Justice Sultan Hossain Khan, Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury, Ghulam Rahman, Md Badiuzzaman, Iqbal Mahmood, Mohammad Moinuddin Abdullah and Mohammad Abdul Momen.

Among them, only the commissions led by Ghulam Rahman, Badiuzzaman and Iqbal Mahmood completed their full terms during the Awami League regime between 2009 and 2019.

The first commission, headed by Justice Sultan Hossain Khan, assumed office on November 22, 2004, during the BNP–Jamaat alliance government, but the commission stepped down on February 6, 2007, leaving the ACC without a commission between February 7 and 24, 2007.

During the army-backed caretaker government, a new commission was formed with Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury as chairman.

After the Awami League-led alliance came to power through the December 2008 national elections, Hasan Mashhud resigned after serving for about 24 months.

On March 20, 2019, Mohammad Moinuddin Abdullah joined as the chairman of the sixth commission for a five-year term, but served for three years and seven months.

Following the fall of the Awami League regime amid a mass uprising on August 5, 2024, the Moinuddin-led commission resigned on October 29, 2024.

After remaining without a commission for one month and 10 days, the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government appointed Abdul Momen as chairman on December 10, 2024.

The Momen-led commission resigned on March 3 following the BNP-led government’s assumption of office on February 17.​
 
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