[🇧🇩] Everything about Hasina's misrule/Laundered Money etc.

Saif · Oct 12, 2024

Unmasking Awami League’s nationalism hypocrisy

IN HIS incisive essay ‘Notes on Nationalism’, British novelist and poet George Orwell astutely remarked that nationalism often manifests as power hunger tempered by self-deception. This observation finds a striking parallel in the Awami League’s narrow, distorted narrative of Bengali...

www.newagebd.net

Unmasking Awami League’s nationalism hypocrisy
13 October, 2024, 00:00

The fault lines of Bengali nationalism, as shaped, branded and exploited by the Awami League, reflect its evolution from a unifying force into a tool for political control writes Tanbir Uddin Arman.

IN HIS incisive essay ‘Notes on Nationalism’, British novelist and poet George Orwell astutely remarked that nationalism often manifests as power hunger tempered by self-deception. This observation finds a striking parallel in the Awami League’s narrow, distorted narrative of Bengali nationalism. The party’s appropriation of Bengali nationalism — particularly its monopolisation of the Liberation War history and the ‘Spirit of 1971’ — functioned as both a veil and a weapon, shrouding its political interests in the guise of nationalism. It was a cunning manoeuvre, where self-deception entwines with political manipulation while sidelining the broader, more inclusive values of nationalism and secularism. Time and again, leaders of the party invoked the essence of Bengali nationalism and the ‘Spirit of 1971’, painting themselves as the sole guardians of Bangladesh’s independence and identity. Beneath this façade lies a troubling narrative of exclusion and division.

The Awami League created a peculiar version of nationalism that was used to fortify its grip on power and delegitimise its political opponents, portraying them as anti-national forces. This tactic aligns with Orwell’s notion of nationalism as a mechanism for self-justified power. The party tactfully equated loyalty to it with loyalty to the nation itself. By branding its opponents as traitors to the country’s independence, the Awami League used nationalism as a cover for authoritarian practices. Crackdowns on freedom of speech, the use of draconian laws like the Digital Security Act to silence critics, and the persecution of political rivals were all justified by accusing opponents and critics of working against the ‘Spirit of 1971.’

This suppression of opposition in the name of nationalism reflects a deeper form of self-deception, where the Awami League conflated its political benefits with national interest. During elections and political crises, the party was often seen framing votes for opposition parties as threats to the nation’s sovereignty. They did it on purpose to imply that only the party can protect the spirit of independence. This manipulation of nationalist sentiment consolidated power while suppressing dissent.

Orwell’s phrase ‘tempered by self-deception’ highlights how nationalism can blind its adherents to the true nature of their actions, as they believe they are acting in the interest of the nation while actually pursuing self-serving goals. The Awami League’s distortion of Bengali nationalism reflects this self-deception in several ways. The party presented itself as the champion of secularism, democracy, and Bengali nationalism, but it selectively abandoned or compromised these principles for political expediency. They claimed to uphold secularism, a core element of Bengali nationalism, but they frequently allied with Islamist groups like Hefazat-e-Islam to shore up political support. The removal of the Lady Justice statue from the Supreme Court premises in 2017, influenced by Islamist pressure, also revealed a self-deception within the party — publicly championing secular nationalism while privately compromising with religious groups for political gains.

The fault lines of Bengali nationalism, as shaped, branded and exploited by the Awami League, reflect its evolution from a unifying force into a tool for political control. Historically, Bengali nationalism, under the country’s founding president, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, emerged as a powerful mobilising force against West Pakistan’s political, economic and cultural dominance. It emphasised linguistic pride, particularly the recognition of Bangla as a national language, which was central to the 1952 Language Movement. The struggle culminated in the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, with Sheikh Mujib’s charismatic leadership garnering massive support from the populace. Post-independence, however, the establishment of BAKSAL (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League) — a one-party system — by the Mujib government in 1975 alienated many political elites and the public, undermining the pluralistic aspirations of Bengali nationalism. This shift marked the first major fault line of Bengali nationalism.

After Sheikh Mujib’s assassination, his daughter, Sheikh Hasina, reasserted the Awami League’s claim over Bengali nationalism. Hasina and her party, the Awami League, adopted a narrower interpretation of Bengali nationalism centred around the branding of the legacy of Sheikh Mujib while suppressing alternative nationalist voices, including those from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the leftist movements. Celebrations such as ‘Mujib Year’ and the mushrooming of Sheikh Mujib’s statues symbolised a personality cult that stifled political pluralism. Critics repeatedly warned that this monolithic view of history and nationalism would promote a selective, exclusionary version of national identity.

Hasina applied Bengali nationalism as a tool to justify her party’s authoritarian measures. The controversial national elections in 2014, 2018 and 2024 were marred by widespread allegations of vote rigging and violence against opposition parties. Yet, the Awami League framed these actions as necessary to protect the ideals of the liberation war. This resulted in a deep democratic deficit. Furthermore, Hasina and her regime aggressively controlled the historical narrative of Bangladesh’s liberation, often discrediting the contributions of other leaders, including the BNP’s founder, president Ziaur Rahman. The war crimes trials, initially aimed at accountability, were widely criticised as a politically motivated mission to eliminate rivals rather than genuine pursuits of justice.

The use and distortion of nationalism for political ends is a strategy employed by many political parties across the world. In India, prime minister Narendra Modi’s BJP has been accused of distorting nationalism by equating Indian identity with Hindu identity. The party is often criticised for invoking ‘Hindutva’ (Hindu nationalism) as a way to galvanise support from the majority Hindu population. Modi’s speeches, too, tie India’s pride and heritage to a Hindu-centric identity, which helps him consolidate political support by stoking a nationalist sentiment. This version of nationalism marginalises India’s Muslim, Sikh and other minority communities and is used as a political tool to justify exclusionary policies, such as the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). The Awami League also manipulated anti-Pakistan sentiment to secure political favour from Pakistan’s rival India. Hasina’s government utilised these sentiments to deflect from domestic criticism, branding a narrow definition of national identity.

Another glaring flaw in the Awami League’s interpretation of Bengali nationalism is its exclusionary stance towards ethnic groups such as the Chakmas, Garos, Marmas and Santals, who do not identify with the dominant Bengali cultural identity. This state-sponsored, narrow version of nationalism marginalised the non-Bengali communities, sidelining their concerns. This resulted in social tensions and a fractured sense of national identity. By promoting a monolithic identity, the Awami League overlooked the country’s rich ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity. Moreover, the Hasina regime made little progress in addressing the long-standing grievances of non-Bengali communities, particularly in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The failure to fully implement the 1997 CHT Peace Accord underscores ongoing tensions in the region. Despite promises, meaningful steps towards reconciliation and development in the CHT had been lacking during Hasina’s era, leaving the indigenous populations feeling increasingly relegated. This failure to accommodate diverse identities significantly weakened the national identity, which in turn posed threats to the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

For the Awami League, Bengali nationalism was less about cultural pride and more about consolidating political dominance, both domestically and internationally. By closely linking Bangladesh’s national identity to the Bengali ethnic group, the party entrenched its own political narrative, technically positioning the country as an ally that India could count on to advance its regional interests. This approach led to a troubling reality, where Bangladesh’s foreign policy, under Hasina, heavily tilted towards India, with significant concessions made on such pressing issues as water sharing, trade imbalances and border tensions. These compromises often came at the cost of Bangladesh’s sovereignty, with the Hasina regime prioritising the preservation of political and cultural ties with India over safeguarding national interest.

As we move past the Hasina era, it is essential to dispel the myths of the Awami League’s version of Bengali nationalism that had long been used to manipulate public sentiment for political gain. Instead, we must embrace a renewed sense of Bangladeshi nationalism, one infused with patriotism. Inclusive and free from the geopolitical ambitions of others, Bangladeshi nationalism should unite the nation and prioritise our sovereignty. This forward-looking identity, rooted in the ideals of our liberation war, will enable us to navigate modern challenges while fostering progress, national unity and global respect. Furthermore, nationalism in today’s modern world must go beyond ethnocentric identities and linguistic divides, focusing instead on the collective progress of the entire nation for the betterment of humanity. Mahatma Gandhi’s insightful words resonate deeply with this idea: ‘My nationalism is as broad as my swadeshi; I want India’s rise so that the whole world may benefit.’ Gandhi’s vision of nationalism was not confined to narrow political interests but was inclusive and sought India’s prosperity while contributing to global welfare. This broader, more inclusive approach to nationalism is what the modern era demands.

Tanbir Uddin Arman is a political analyst and researcher.

Saif · Oct 13, 2024

Dhaka, Washington discuss recovering stolen assets

Bangladesh and the Unites States (US) have discussed strengthening collaboration to counter corruption, tackle money laundering and recover stolen assets. The discussion took place at a meeting between Bangladesh foreign secretary Md Jashim Uddin and US Acting Coordinator for Global Anti-Cor

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Dhaka, Washington discuss recovering stolen assets
Published :
Oct 13, 2024 17:04
Updated :
Oct 13, 2024 18:07

Flags of Bangladesh and United States are seen cross-pinned in this photo symbolising friendship between the two nations — Collected

Bangladesh and the Unites States (US) have discussed strengthening collaboration to counter corruption, tackle money laundering and recover stolen assets.

The discussion took place at a meeting between Bangladesh foreign secretary Md Jashim Uddin and US Acting Coordinator for Global Anti-Corruption Shelby Smith-Wilson in Washington, according to a message received in Dhaka on Sunday, BSS reprots.

The talks also covered technical support for reforms, Mutual Legal Assistance (MLA) treaty and enhancing experience and expertise sharing across critical sectors.

Particular attention was given to procurement systems, law enforcement, the judiciary, and media engagement reflecting a shared commitment to transparency and good governance.

The Foreign Secretary visited New York before his tour to Washington and is scheduled to leave Washington on October 14.

Saif · Oct 14, 2024

How Western nations can help Bangladesh reclaim stolen assets

Given the current economic reality of Bangladesh, recovering stolen assets must be a top priority for the interim government.

www.thedailystar.net

How Western nations can help Bangladesh reclaim stolen assets

FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

On August 5, Sheikh Hasina, who ruled Bangladesh for 20 years in total, resigned and fled the country after a student-led mass uprising that emerged out of protests over the controversial government job quota system. During her tenure, the achievements that the country enjoyed have been overshadowed by her increasingly authoritarian governance, characterised by rampant corruption, nepotism, and staggering capital flight.

Several reports from credible national and international sources have revealed how many ministers, high-ranking officials, law enforcement leaders, and politically-connected businessmen syphoned off vast amounts of money. According to a report by Bonik Barta, an estimated $150 billion, equivalent to around Tk 17.6 lakh crore, was illegally transferred abroad during Hasina's tenure. This staggering figure is drawn from findings by US-based think tank Global Financial Integrity (GFI). Much of this illicit capital flowed via inflated government project costs and fraudulent loans from banks. The stolen funds were funnelled into foreign bank accounts or used to purchase real estate in countries like the UK, Canada, Singapore, Malaysia, the UAE, and the US.

One striking example is former Land Minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury, who amassed a property empire valued at approximately $675 million across the UK, US, Dubai, Malaysia, and Singapore. This vast looting operation epitomises the scale of corruption that characterised Hasina's government.

What is equally striking is the role that Western and other wealthy nations have played—knowingly or unknowingly—in enabling Bangladesh's political elite to stash their ill-gotten gains. For years, these countries have attracted investments from corrupt individuals, often turning a blind eye to the origins of their wealth. The financial systems in these nations provide anonymity and confidentiality. Through the use of shell companies, trusts and offshore accounts, corrupt individuals are able to obscure their identities and move vast sums to these countries with little scrutiny.

Moreover, many financial institutions in these countries fail to conduct due diligence, particularly when dealing with wealthy clients from developing nations. Profits are often prioritised over compliance, allowing dubious transactions to proceed unchecked. This negligence perpetuates global corruption as stolen wealth flows freely into Western economies with minimal oversight.

The complicity of these financial systems highlights a broader issue of accountability. While countries like Bangladesh are frequently criticised for weak governance and corruption, financial institutions in the West play a significant role in facilitating the laundering of illicit funds. By providing safe havens for stolen wealth, these nations not only undermine justice but also deprive developing countries of much-needed resources. These countries must recognise their responsibility in this fight and take meaningful steps to prevent their financial systems from being used as tools for money laundering and illicit wealth accumulation. In doing so, they can help countries like Bangladesh reclaim stolen resources, invest in their future, and improve the well-being of their citizens.

Bangladesh was already facing a series of economic challenges before Sheikh Hasina's departure, including high inflation, slowing remittance and export earnings, dwindling foreign exchange reserves, and high external debt burden. At the end of 2023, the external debt stood at $100.6 billion. According to the Economic Relations Division (ERD), in FY24, foreign loan repayments, including interest and principal amount, was approximately $3.36 billion. This repayment burden is expected to rise to $5.38 billion by 2027. The mounting external debt is placing enormous pressure on the country's already stressed forex reserves.

Given the economic crisis, recovering stolen assets must be a top priority. The international community can play a vital role in these efforts. Cooperation in tracking down and repatriating illicit funds will be critical in helping Bangladesh rebuild and regain control of its economic future.

While stolen asset recovery is undoubtedly complex, it is both feasible and necessary. There are several international laws and conventions that can be used to facilitate the recovery of laundered funds. The United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) set global standards for anti-money laundering policies and asset recovery efforts. Additionally, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and the World Bank's Stolen Asset Recovery Initiative (StAR) support international efforts to recover stolen assets. However, these frameworks rely heavily on the cooperation of international financial institutions, Western governments, and global anti-corruption watchdogs.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has initiated efforts to recover Bangladesh's stolen wealth by seeking cooperation from Switzerland and technical assistance from the World Bank. With his global influence and strong ties to Western leaders, Yunus is well-positioned to lead the mission to reclaim the billions syphoned off during the Hasina regime.

Recovering these assets would have a transformative impact on Bangladesh's socioeconomic landscape. Billions could be reinvested into critical sectors such as healthcare, education, infrastructure, and social welfare. Moreover, successful asset recovery would not only provide financial relief but also help restore public confidence in government institutions. Holding corrupt individuals accountable would strengthen the rule of law, promote a culture of integrity and transparency, and build greater trust in the country's leadership. While Bangladesh's path to economic recovery is challenging, with Prof Yunus at the helm, backed by his international network and leadership, the recovery of stolen wealth seems within reach.

Abu Afsarul Haider is an entrepreneur.

Saif · Oct 14, 2024

UK assets of ex-land minister under NBR scanner

The Central Intelligence Cell (CIC) of the National Board of Revenue (NBR) is looking into allegations of tax evasion and illegal transfer of money abroad, including to the United Kingdom, by former land minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury.

www.thedailystar.net

UK assets of ex-land minister under NBR scanner

The Central Intelligence Cell (CIC) of the National Board of Revenue (NBR) is looking into allegations of tax evasion and illegal transfer of money abroad, including to the United Kingdom, by former land minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury.

In this regard, the CIC sent a letter to the NBR's International Taxation Wing last week, requesting the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to take up the matter with authorities in the UK, a top official of the CIC said yesterday.

The CIC's move comes following media reports on Chowdhury's foreign assets.

In the past, The Daily Star and Bloomberg have run separate reports on Chowdhury's assets in the UK. Most recently, Al Jazeera reported that Chowdhury has assets worth over $500 million in the UK.

The international taxation division has already taken the initiative to write to the foreign affairs ministry based on the CIC's request.

"It may take one week for us to present it to the foreign ministry," a top official of the NBR said.

As a citizen of Bangladesh, the ex-minister is supposed to pay taxes on income earned both in Bangladesh and overseas, an NBR official says

As a citizen of Bangladesh, the ex-minister is supposed to pay taxes on income earned both in Bangladesh and overseas, he said.

Asked about further steps by the NBR, the official said: "We will mostly focus on tax evasion as per the income tax law as we are simply the tax authority.

"We aren't the proper authority to bring back siphoned money. But we will cooperate with other government agencies to this end," he added.

"At first, we will verify his ownership of the properties in the UK. Then we will check how the money was sent from Bangladesh. If there is any money laundering issue, we must file a case on it."

Besides, some other agencies such as the Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit (BFIU) and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) will act if needed.

Al Jazeera's Investigative Unit went undercover to reveal how the former minister built a real estate empire worth around half a billion dollars, which he claims to have funded through his businesses.

Strict currency laws restrict citizens from taking more than $12,000 a year out of Bangladesh.

Al Jazeera revealed that Chowdhury, a close ally of the recently deposed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, bought over 360 luxury properties in Britain worth $250 million.

Saifuzzaman's property buying spree gained pace in 2017 when he set up companies in the UK, but it accelerated even further in 2019 when he became a minister under the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government.

In December last year, The Daily Star published a report about Chowdhury's portfolio of at least 260 properties in the UK, for which he paid at least £134.76 million or Tk 1,888 crore, according to the newspaper's calculation from company filings publicly available on UK government websites.

The three-time Awami League lawmaker also has at least 537 mortgages against properties in the UK. A vast majority of these are in London.

However, his tax returns, submitted along with his affidavit to the Election Commission, state that he has no foreign income, according to The Daily Star report.

Saif · Oct 17, 2024

Confiscate immovable assets of ex-land minister, wife: court

A Dhaka court has ordered the authorities concerned to confiscate the immovable foreign assets owned by former land minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury and his wife Rukhmila Zaman

www.thedailystar.net

Confiscate immovable assets of ex-land minister, wife: court

Former Land Minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury

A Dhaka court has ordered the authorities concerned to confiscate the immovable foreign assets owned by former land minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury and his wife Rukhmila Zaman.

Judge Mohammed Ash-Shams Joglul Hossain of the Metropolitan Senior Special Judge's Court in Dhaka on Wednesday passed the order after the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) submitted an application in this regard, said an ACC official working at the court yesterday.

ACC Public Prosecutor Mahmud Hossain Jahangir moved the petition on behalf of the anti-graft watchdog, he said.

On October 7, the same court issued a travel ban on the couple in connection with corruption allegations.