[🇧🇩] Forming Election Commission/Conducting Elections

[Saif]

Election likely to be earlier than later

Scenarios point towards a December-January election

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Election likely to be earlier than later
Scenarios point towards a December-January election

File photo

As speculation swirls around the timing of the next general election, remarks from election commissioners, along with historical precedents, suggest that the much-anticipated 13th national election will likely be held in December or January.

Sources within the Election Commission said that they were considering December for the elections because going to the ballots between February and June might not be feasible on account of the Ramadan, HSC exams and the monsoon.

Usually, national elections do not take place during Ramadan, the month of fasting for Muslims. Also, election date is scheduled in such manner that the preceding three weeks of campaigning do not coincide with Ramadan days either. Electioneering during this time is typically avoided, as it seriously limits campaigning. Elections during Ramadan would mean low voters' participation and challenging campaign logistics.

Candidates get at least 21 days to campaign, and the Ramadan is set to begin on February 17 or 18 in 2026.

"If we follow the usual practice, we will not be able to hold the elections until mid-April. But that is not feasible as Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC) and equivalent public examinations usually begin in April. These exams take about a month," said a top election official.

Top election officials explained that it is customary to avoid dates that conflict with public board exams, religious festivals and weather conditions. Even the typical cyclone season is also avoided for holding elections.

Chief Election Commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin on Sunday noted that Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus said the next general election could be held at the end of this year or in the first half of next year, depending on the reforms political parties agree to.

If the election is to be held in December, all preparations, laws, and regulations must be finalised, and necessary arrangements must be made by October, he said, adding, "May–June is the rainy season, and elections have not been held during this time in the past."

Election Commissioner Brig Gen (retd) Abul Fazal Md Sanaullah on Tuesday was more precise when he said preparations for the national election are underway targeting December.

Senior election officials further mentioned that would be tight for the commission to hold elections before December, as there is a long 'to do list'. The commission will have to update electoral rolls, complete delimitation of constituencies, register new political parties, set up voting stations, organise a panel of polling officials, and, if necessary, amend electoral laws.

Adding to the complications, the EC must await outcomes of the reforms proposed by the commissions to determine the extent of changes required to electoral laws and logistics if any. Until these reforms are finalised, the EC cannot proceed with full-scale preparations.

The election chief on Sunday said that tasks like demarcation of parliamentary constituencies and political party registration take time. The commission has received numerous applications for delimitation, but it is unable to start working due to legal issues, he said.

"Still, we are confident. We have to overcome these challenges. We are doing our preliminary work and homework so that as soon as the rules of the game are fixed, we can jump into action," he said, adding that the EC has started the new voter registration process as well.

Past Elections

Bangladesh has witnessed 12 national elections since independence of which only two—the ones in 1986 and 1996—were not held in the typically dry months between October and March. Since the restoration of democracy in 1991, six of the seven national polls have been held during winter.

The first national election in independent Bangladesh was held on March 7, 1973. The next election was held on February 28, 1979, and the third election took place on May 7, 1986.

The fourth parliamentary elections were held on March 3, 1988, and the fifth general elections were held on February 27, 1991, under an interim government.

The sixth parliamentary election was held on February 15, 1996, and the seventh on June 12, 1996, under a caretaker government.

The election to the eighth parliament was held on October 1, 2001, the ninth parliamentary election was held on December 29, 2008, and the tenth election was held on January 5, 2014.

The eleventh parliamentary polls were held on December 30, 2018, and the 12th on January 7, 2024.

The seventh general election was held on June 12, 1996, barely four months after the sixth election as the Awami League and other opposition parties forced the ruling BNP-led government to step down and hand over to a caretaker government for conducting elections. The opposition parties had boycotted the February 1996 elections.

A caretaker government headed by former Chief Justice Mohammad Habibur Rahman was sworn in on April 3.

As Bangladesh inches closer to the election season and political quarters become more vocal for an election, scenarios point towards an increasing likelihood of the nation going to the ballots earlier, rather than later.​

 

[Saif]

Election date depends on reform progress, says press secretary

The timing of the 13th general election depends on the extent of reforms made by the interim government, Chief Advisor’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam has said. Speaking at a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka on Wednesday, he presented the possibility of a one to one-a

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Election date depends on reform progress, says press secretary
bdnews24.com
Published :
Jan 29, 2025 22:11
Updated :
Jan 29, 2025 22:11

The timing of the 13th general election depends on the extent of reforms made by the interim government, Chief Advisor’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam has said.

Speaking at a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka on Wednesday, he presented the possibility of a one to one-and-a-half-years wait for the forthcoming polls.

“We have repeatedly made our position clear. If fewer reforms are needed, the election can take place by December this year,” Shafiqul said.

“If the parties feel more reforms are necessary under this government, the process could extend by another six months, meaning the election may be held by June next year.

“The chief advisor and other advisors have reiterated this repeatedly.”

Journalists at the briefing questioned him about the election timeline, the government’s decision on seven government colleges, and the Awami League’s protest programmes.

Following the fall of the Awami League government in the face of a mass uprising, the Muhammad Yunus-led interim administration took charge with a pledge to implement reforms.

Over the past five months, the government has undertaken initiatives to reform the police, administration, judiciary, economy, and Constitution.

Throughout this period, the election date and the tenure of the caretaker administration have remained a pressing issue.

Political parties have repeatedly urged the government to complete the reforms swiftly and proceed with the election.

The BNP leaders have also intensified their calls for an early election.

In response to a question, the press secretary said: “The Election Commission is an independent body, and it has its own stance. There will be further discussions on the issue, but what is most crucial right now is the reform process.”

The reform commissions are expected to submit their reports by mid-February.

“Once the reports are received, the consensus commission will begin its work. The exact election date will be determined based on these reforms,” he concluded.​

 

[Saif]

Reforms vs election: A distracting debate

Those who place the election above reforms undervalue the vital need for the latter.

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Reforms vs election: A distracting debate
We need and can have both by the year-end

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

Recently, a debate in our political arena has been clouding our thinking. "No election before reforms" vs "No reforms if it delays the election" has our political players' attention engaged, distracting them from urgent actions. Exchanges between the respective proponents are now getting shriller and acrimonious. The truth is, we need both and can have both within the time frame of December 2025 or January 2026. People are firm and clear about not missing this unique opportunity to institute vital reforms, but they are also conscious about the complexity of the current situation and would prefer a more stable political and legal scenario.

Those who place the election above reforms undervalue the vital need for the latter. They tend to forget that the introduction of BAKSAL, two military interventions, the binary nature of our politics since the restoration of democracy in 1991, and the authoritarian rule for more than 15 years not only prevented reforms in areas like the judiciary, administration, police, etc, but reversed the process of making governance a public service and not a weapon in the ruler's hand. All our vital institutions need fundamental reforms—and urgently so. Let there be no doubt about it.

Contrarily, those who place reforms above the election do not truly understand the significance of a free and fair election and the absolute necessity of holding it as soon as possible as voters have been cheated of their right in the last three. It is also vital to put the country back on the track of having an elected government and parliament. The national election will restore people's right to choose who should and who should not rule them.It is a citizen's inalienable right to select which party and/or individual will be given the power to lead the country, govern it, spend our tax money, and introduce new policies and plans. Only a free and fair election can ensure it. How can we forget that, from the mountain of misgovernance by Sheikh Hasina, what triggered public anger the most was her fraudulent elections. Now, due to the students' popularity and Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus's wide acceptance, people have decided to wait to exercise their right to elect. But that wait is time-bound.

What elections also do is bring about the accountability of those who are placed in power and positions of decision-making. "Accountability" is perhaps the most ignored and undervalued word in our country's governance. Our government officials, who get all their perks and facilities and, most importantly, salary from our tax money, face no accountability. Our police, intelligence agencies and security apparatus have all the power to oppress the public, but the public has no right to ask if they are even remotely performing their tasks honestly and in line with the law. In every profession and sector, there are honourable exceptions whom we praise for being honest in spite of the system. But the overall system is rotten to the core.

How can we forget that, from the mountain of misgovernance by Sheikh Hasina, what triggered public anger the most was her fraudulent elections. Now, due to the students' popularity and Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus's wide acceptance, people have decided to wait to exercise their right to elect. But that wait is time-bound.

Free and fair elections are the only effective mechanism to make our political leaders accountable. It can be said that it did not work effectively in the past. With the proposed reforms instituted, it will be different in the future.

The interim government deserves kudos for setting up reform commissions in the most vital areas well in time. Four of them have already delivered their recommendations, while two others are expected soon. Some important committees have also shared their findings. What awaits us is the dialogue with political parties that the chief adviser has already planned. Recommendations on vital issues like the constitution, Election Commission, police and Anti-Corruption Commission are already in the public domain. All of them now await widespread discussion, which we think should start immediately.

However, when a national dialogue should be starting in earnest, the "reforms vs election" controversy has reemerged, and this time, unfortunately, in a tone that we should and need to avoid. The BNP's latest decision to launch a movement may lead to counter-movements, which may bring many factions to the streets. When things seem to be falling into place, such actions seem unnecessary.

The recent remark by BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakrul Islam Alamgir about the interim government—that if it loses its neutrality, we must have a new one to conduct the election—took us all by surprise. The reasons he cited need to be examined, but we think the conclusion he made was a bit premature.

Mirza Fakrul's comments took a dramatic turn when Adviser Nahid Islam speculated as to whether or not BNP was making an indirect call for bringing back an army-backed government to hold the election, modelled after 1/11.

This comment, we think, took the discussion towards a confrontational direction. Instead of a greater understanding, attributing motives to the BNP, which was neither fair nor justified, has now led to a distance between the students and the BNP, which is, as Adviser Dr Asif Nazrul observed, "undesirable." If anybody, it was the BNP that suffered the most during 1/11. Given its experience, BNP would be the last political party to want the return of an army-backed caretaker government.

Vital and urgently necessary reform proposals are now in place. We urge all to begin serious discussions on them. Let's start with the one that has a built-in consensus: police reform. We want the police to be permanently changed from being an extension of the ruling party's oppressive mechanism to an institution that upholds law and order for the benefit of the people. As a public institution, the police must represent justice, not oppression. Many of the reform suggestions are timely, useful, and urgently needed. The reform process can easily start with the police and can be seen as an example for the other reforms to follow.

As for the judiciary (what we have been able to learn from media reports; the formal presentation of its report is yet to come) the idea of decentralising the High Court benches is a most timely one. The dictum "Justice delayed is justice denied" is a painful reality for most citizens who live outside Dhaka. Travel, stay, food and the high cost of lawyers put the higher judiciary literally out of reach for most people. Even when they make the effort, the procedural maze and the avoidable but casually imposed delays make our ordinary citizens puppets in the hands of the law, which is well exemplified by the 5.77 lakh cases pending at the court. Reported suggestions about appointments, work accountability, financial transparency of the judges and separate administration, supervision, etc will make the proposals most relevant. If there is a place where anti-discrimination needs implementation, it is here.

Public administration reforms are also an urgent need for us. Our administration never served the people but the ruling party of the day, and of course themselves. There are honest officials, but they are a small minority. Most are corrupt, inefficient and totally without accountability and monitoring. Reforms here would be most resisted, and hence must be pursued with determination.

Election reforms are of immediate concern and must be implemented fastest, compared to others.

The above examples—only a small part of the whole process—show how important the reform proposals are and how seriously and diligently we must pursue them.

As we pointed out earlier, we have almost a year in hand. If we use this time with efficiency, dedication, and seriousness, and refrain from getting embroiled in unnecessary issues, we can have both reforms and the election within the desired time frame, about which there is a widespread agreement.

We are aware that some sections will gain with an early election and others will not. It cannot be counted out that arguments of both the sides could also be based on these perceived benefits. But we have to put public interest above everything else. We cannot lose this opportunity and the momentum to reshape our future on the basis of democracy, equality, tolerance, and general prosperity.

We strongly urge all concerned not to further dig into this debate and concentrate fully on achieving both the reforms and the election, which will serve our national interest most effectively. We should set aside our differences and assist the interim government to move forward with speed and clarity to implement this duel agenda.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

For stability, holding the national election should be prioritised

The interim government is not mandated to oversee local elections. Its primary responsibility is to conduct parliamentary elections.

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For stability, holding the national election should be prioritised

The competitive nature of local politics, often driven by major political parties, frequently turns local elections into battlegrounds. FILE PHOTO: STAR

The debate surrounding the timing of local government elections in Bangladesh has intensified in recent weeks, with some advocating for holding them before the national election. Doing so, however, may not lead to more harm than good, as organising and completing local elections could delay the national election, which may further deteriorate the country's already fragile law and order situation and its political instability.

One of the most pressing concerns is the time and logistical complexity of conducting local elections. With over 4,500 union parishads, municipalities and city corporations across the country, the process would take approximately one and a half years to complete. That would inevitably push back the national elections, leaving citizens waiting even longer to elect a new government. Considering Bangladesh's current situation, such a delay could be dangerous: it risks disillusioning voters, prolonging an already tense political situation, and extending the period during which the unelected interim government remains in power.

Furthermore, local elections in Bangladesh have historically been plagued by violence and unrest. The competitive nature of local politics, often driven by major political parties, frequently turns these elections into battlegrounds, where violence is more of an expectation than an exception. Party-backed candidates, eager to assert control over local resources and power, often resort to muscle power, intimidation, and financial influence to secure victory. Given the current volatile political environment, it seems unlikely that this trend will change.

Therefore, holding local elections now, before the national election, would place additional strain on the already overburdened law enforcement agencies who are struggling to improve the law and order situation across the country. Bangladesh is already in the midst of a prolonged political crisis. Citizens have been deprived of their right to vote for over a decade, with elections in 2014, 2018 and 2024 either boycotted or contested by the opposition amid accusations of voter suppression and unfair practices. If local elections are allowed to take precedence, it would be a dereliction of duty to the people who have waited far too long for a fair and transparent national election.

Moreover, the interim government is not mandated to oversee local elections. Its primary responsibility is to conduct parliamentary elections, which are the only legitimate way for the people to restore democratic legitimacy. Prioritising local elections before national elections risks undermining the role of the interim government and further delaying the democratic process.

The deep structural issues facing Bangladesh's local government system must also be addressed. The country's local governance framework is dysfunctional at best and entirely ineffectual at worst. Bangladesh has a multi-tier system of local government—comprising district, upazila, and union councils, along with municipalilties and city corporations—which theoretically should allow for robust local governance. In reality, however, these institutions have been reduced to ceremonial bodies with little real power. Local governments should ideally be self-governing, capable of managing resources, delivering services, and addressing the needs of their communities. Instead, they are often rendered powerless due to the centralisation of authority in Dhaka.

This centralisation, where bureaucrats frequently control local councils, has stunted the development of local governments and their capacity to serve citizens effectively. Essential services that should be delivered at the community level, such as healthcare, education and infrastructure, are often delayed, disrupted or simply remain unavailable. Although elections are held every five years, the imposition of unelected officials and the central government's pervasive control over local councils frequently lead to a breakdown in local governance.

The root cause of this dysfunction lies in the vested interests of major political parties, who fear that empowering local governments would erode their control over the population. Over time, local governments have become tools for political patronage, used to secure votes and political support for national elections. This manipulation of local government, coupled with entrenched corruption and weak institutions, has made the prospect of free and fair local elections an anathema to the political establishment.

There is no doubt that local governments must be empowered and freed from political interference. However, just holding local elections is not enough. It must be ensured that local governance bodies have the autonomy, resources, and authority to serve their communities effectively. Empowering local governments is not only necessary for improving governance but also for upholding the moral obligation enshrined in Bangladesh's constitution, which mandates elected representatives with local governance. The continuation of centralised power is a violation of this principle and undermines the democratic foundations of the nation.

Given that the major political parties in Bangladesh have promised to focus on national governance and reconciliation, it may be more judicious to hold local government elections after the parliamentary election is concluded. This would allow the formation of a stable national government, thereby reducing tensions related to local elections. The priority should be to stabilise the national political environment. Besides, the people of Bangladesh have waited long enough to vote, and the longer they are deprived of this right, the greater the risk of deepening social and political discontent.

While local governance is critical for ensuring effective and accountable government, holding local elections before national elections would only delay the democratic process and worsen political instability. Bangladesh cannot afford to sacrifice the national election process for the sake of local elections. The national election must be held first, followed by the empowerment of local governments in a manner that ensures peace and stability.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a political commentator.​

 

[Saif]

Election schedule depends on July charter: CA’s press secretary

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam has said it depends on the July charter whether the next national election will be held at the year-end or by June next year

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Election schedule depends on July charter: CA’s press secretary

Photo: PID

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam has said it depends on the July charter whether the next national election will be held at the year-end or by June next year.

He shared the key recommendations from the Judicial and Public Administration Reform Commissions at a press briefing today at the state guest house Jamuna after their reports were submitted to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus.

Shafiqul Alam mentioned that the chief adviser said the six major reform commissions' recommendations would be reviewed by a consensus commission.

The chief adviser himself will head this commission, Prof Dr Ali Riaz will be vice chairman and the heads of the six commissions and its members, he said.

"After reviewing all reports, the consensus commission will hold discussions with political parties and civil society. A decision will then be made on which reforms need immediate action and which require constitutional amendments," he said.

"Political parties will sign on the mutually agreed recommendations, forming the July Charter. Some recommendations will be implemented by the current government while others by the next. The election date-whether in December this year or by June next year-will depend on its implementation," the press secretary added.

The reform commission has recommended full independence for the judiciary, he said.

"Previous governments claimed the judiciary was independent, but in reality, it never was. The new report suggested comprehensive measures to ensure its full and effective independence," he said.

The 351-page report also suggested constitutional amendments to ensure transparency in appointments in the judiciary, he added.

The recommendations include a new framework for appointing judges.

The Judiciary Reform Commission has also proposed establishing a permanent attorney service.

"This is a crucial reform. Many countries have permanent attorney services whereas in Bangladesh, nearly 4,000 public prosecutors are politically appointed. The new system would eliminate this practice," he said.

Another key recommendation is the formation of an independent investigation agency, said the press secretary.

"In Bangladesh, police investigate most crimes, but political interference often affects the outcomes. Many high-profile cases have been manipulated due to this. The new agency would ensure impartial investigations," he added.

He said the report also recommended setting up permanent Supreme Court benches in divisional cities to address the growing case backlog.

The report suggested extending magistrate courts to all upazilas and increasing legal aid for underprivileged people, said Shafiqul Alam.​

 

[Saif]

Polls could be held by year end ‘at the earliest’

The next general election in Bangladesh could be held at the end of this year at the earliest, said Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

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Polls could be held by year end ‘at the earliest’
Yunus tells NHK

File photo

The next general election in Bangladesh could be held at the end of this year at the earliest, said Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

In an interview with Japanese public broadcaster NHK on Wednesday, Yunus also discussed his plans to rebuild Bangladesh.

Yunus became the chief adviser of the interim government following a mass uprising that toppled the Awami League government, led by Sheikh Hasina, after 15 years in power.

He told NHK that he had taken charge of a country that was "devastated" in every aspect by the Awami League and vowed to ensure that Bangladesh "lands on its feet and becomes stronger."

"Given the circumstances when we took over, I believe we have come a long way. It was a completely devastated society—its economy, political system, and judiciary were all in disarray," he said.

Acknowledging the importance of elections in a democratic system, he expressed his commitment to creating a "safe and sound" environment before holding elections, ensuring that the next elected government can build upon his administration's efforts.

Regarding the election timeline, he reiterated that voting could take place at the end of this year at the earliest.

"When the election is held, the newly elected government will inherit a stable and secure foundation to work with," Yunus told NHK.

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate expressed hope that young people, who played a key role in last year's uprising, would continue to have an "influential" role in shaping the country's future.

"What young people want is to showcase their creative power and share it with the rest of the world. That is the ambition we have in mind," Yunus said.

The chief adviser also conveyed his gratitude to Japan, Bangladesh's largest development partner, acknowledging that Japanese technology and investment have helped create jobs for young Bangladeshis.​

 

[Saif]

Can they reach a consensus over the election?

The International Crisis Group recently described Bangladesh's present predicament as "Dilemmas of a Democratic Transition." The Crisis Group's senior consultant on Myanmar and Bangladesh, Thomas Kean, said the honeymoon period for Bangladesh's interim government is now well and truly over.

en.prothomalo.com

Can they reach a consensus over the election?
Joint Editor at Prothom Alo and...
Updated: 08 Feb 2025, 22: 40

The International Crisis Group recently described Bangladesh's present predicament as "Dilemmas of a Democratic Transition." The Crisis Group's senior consultant on Myanmar and Bangladesh, Thomas Kean, said the honeymoon period for Bangladesh's interim government is now well and truly over. He said the challenges are likely to grow in the coming year, as political parties and other key players bargain over reforms and jockey for electoral advantage.

The bargaining actually began from 5 August. One section of those in the the mass uprising wanted the constitution to be abolished and a revolutionary government formed. They wanted the president to be removed. The other section opposed this, saying the government must be formed in keeping with the constitution. Finally, the latter opinion was followed and three from the anti-discrimination students movement who were in favour of a revolutionary government, even took oath as advisors of the interim government.

Today is 8 February and the interim government has been at the helm for 6 months. When the government headed by Dr Muhammad Yunus took over responsibility on 8 August, an abnormal situation prevailed in the country. There had been no government in the country for three days. The police were totally inactive. The public administration was in shambles.
It is not as if the police force, which the government had depended upon the most for improving the law and order, is fully functional at the moment. The armed forces have also been deployed along with the police and have been government magistracy powers.

The second challenge of the government was to control the spiralling prices of essentials. The government has taken all sorts of measures to this end, but has failed to bring the market under control. Food inflation is still over 10 per cent. The Crisis Group says the interim government is also under pressure over rising prices - a legacy of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's mismanagement.

However, the people are hardly interested in economic theory or the reason behind the prevailing predicament. They will want to see whether they can run the family with the wages earned after a day's work, whether they can afford their children's education and other expenses. If the price of essentials does not decrease, public dissatisfaction will increase.
The other priorities of the government included investigation into the crime and corruption of the previous government, trials regarding the July-August massacre.

The government has formed several committees to investigate these matters and the International Crimes Tribunal is working on the trials pertaining to the massacres during the mass uprising.

Criminal cases have also been filed against the leaders and activists of Awami League. Thousands of cases have been lodged, but arrests have been made less in that comparison. Due to the mass arrests, there is fear that the trial process will be slowed down somewhat. If there are over a hundred cases against a person (mostly for killing), then it will take a few years to gather evidence in that regard.

The government was encumbered with an economy in shambles, but economists feel it has managed to restore some degree of order to the situation. It has been possible for the banking sector, in particular, to be retrieved from the brink of collapse. The dwindling foreign exchange reserves have also been stabilised. But the problem is that no new investment is coming in. Unemployment is on the rise. And this is one of the reasons behind crime and conflict in the society.

The chief advisor Muhammad Yunus, in an interview with Japanese media outlet NHK, answered the question, "When will the election be held?" He said, "Towards the end of this year."

There is unrest in the industrial sector. Quite a large number of businesspersons close to Awami League have been arrested on corruption charges and many of their factories have been shut down. Many workers have been laid off. The gas and power crisis also poses as a threat to industry, trade and business.

The interim government is being criticised the most for the state of the education and health sectors. The anarchy and manipulations in postings that have prevailed in the education sector, have still not been fully eliminated. Students' demands and demonstration regularly bring public life almost to a halt. The government takes decisions only after the roads are blocked, not before.

The health sector had been in dire straits during the Awami League rule and that has not improved. For example, the health ministry had taken responsibility for the treatment of those injured in the July-August uprising. But six months on since then, they are still having to take to the streets demanding proper medical treatment.

There is no good news visible in the political arena either. The unity among the forces involved in the mass uprising after 5 August, has unravelled to a great extent. The various sides are criticising each other sternly, sometimes crossing the limit.

The people could not vote during the last three elections of the Awami League rule. Sheikh Hasina ran the country in an autocratic manner, politicising various state institutions. The interim government had committed that they would hold a free and fair election alongside reforming the state system. To this end, the government had formed 11 commissions and most of the commissions have submitted their reports. The government is scheduled to hold talks around mid-February with the heads of the commissions, the political parties that took part in the movement and other stakeholders.

There had been debate over the election and reforms from the very outset. Some want the reforms first and then the election. Others want the government to carry out reforms required for a free and fair election and then hold the election as soon as possible. The manner in which the election and the reforms have been pitched one against the other is totally unwarranted.

The interim government is not on any one side. Their job is to get all the sides to sit at one table. These talks will be successful when the political parties, student leadership and other stakeholders discuss matters freely and reach a consensus on reforms and the election. If any side takes up a stubborn stance, the talks will fall through.

The political leaders are responsible for the fact that the country's democratic structure did not become sturdy even over the past 53 years. The problem is not just over a matter of 15 years. Even those who ran the country before, failed to ensure democracy and good governance. And so the demand of the young generation for state reforms cannot be dismissed.

Then again, whatever the decision may be concerning reforms, people's verdict must also be taken into consideration to implement this. Everyone is well aware of the consequences of simply passing the election, then forgetting everything, simply to revert to running the country as one pleases.

As I completed writing this column, I got news that the chief advisor Muhammad Yunus, in an interview with Japanese media outlet NHK, answered the question, "When will the election be held?" He said, "Towards the end of this year."

After this interview, hopefully those who had apprehensions regarding the election timeframe, will overcome their consternation.

• Sohrab Hassan is joint editor of Prothom Alo and a poet
• This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir

 

[Saif]

EC to get ready by May or June for polls

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party on Sunday held a meeting with the Election Commission to discuss the preparations underway for the coming national elections...

www.newagebd.net

EC to get ready by May or June for polls
Staff Correspondent 09 February, 2025, 16:57

Flag of BNP. | UNB Photo

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party on Sunday held a meeting with the Election Commission to discuss the preparations underway for the coming national elections.

The electoral process and finalisation of voter lists, among other issues, were discussed at the meeting.

Following the meeting, BNP standing committee member Nazrul Islam Khan told reporters that they felt confident that the commission would be ready for holding the polls by May or June this year.

He also said that the party did not present any specific proposals to the Election Commission regarding the polls road map and would discuss the matter with the chief adviser in a meeting scheduled for today.

Nazrul Islam Khan, accompanied by standing committee members Selima Rahman and Salah Uddin Ahmed, led the party delegation at the meeting held at Agargaon Nribachan Bhaban in the capital.

About the Election Commission’s preparations, Nazrul remarked ‘Good’.

‘We understand that they are doing what they are supposed to do according to the law,’ the BNP leader said.

He further said that the commission did not have the power to decide about the election schedule.

He explained that constitutionally, elections were supposed to be held within 90 days of a government’s stepping down, but the country at the moment was running in special circumstances.

He said that in this situation, the government, based on political consensus, would need to request the EC to hold elections.

The BNP leader said that if preparations were completed by May or June, national elections could be held soon after.

Recently, the Electoral Reform Commission submitted its report to Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus.

The chief election commissioner opposed some of the proposals of the reform commission, saying that their implementation would certainly undermine the independence of the commission.

When reporters asked if the issue was discussed in the meeting, Nazrul Islam replied, ‘If we find that any reform commission proposals are obstructing the holding of fair elections, we will block it, just as the Election Commission would.’

He said that the government would discuss the reform commission recommendations with stakeholders, and if their decisions led to changes in laws or regulations, the EC would have to accept them.

On behalf of the Election Commission the meeting was led by chief election commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin, accompanied by its commissioners, Abdur Rahmanel Masud, Begum Tahmida Ahmad, Md Anwarul Islam Sarker and retired brigadier general Abul Fazal Md Sanaullah and EC secretary Akhtar Ahmed.

EC secretary Akhtar Ahmed told New Age that the BNP discussed about the preparation of elections, including progress of preparing the voter list.

The party did not make any specific proposals to the EC at the meeting, he added.​

 

[Saif]

BNP to bar if reform commission proposals obstruct fair elections

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) will bar implement any proposal of the reform commissions that would create obstructions of holding a fair election

en.prothomalo.com

BNP to bar if reform commission proposals obstruct fair elections
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 09 Feb 2025, 21: 58

BNP standing committee member Nazrul Islam Khan talks to the media after a discussion with the election commission at Nirbachan Bhaban, Agargaon, Dhaka on 9 February 2025 Tanvir Ahammed

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) will bar the implementation of any proposal of the reform commissions that would create obstructions of holding a fair election.

BNP standing committee member Nazrul Islam Khan said this to the media after an hour-long meeting of the party’s representatives with the election commission in the capital’s Agargaon area Sunday afternoon.

Newspersons asked Nazrul Islam Khan whether they had any discussion with the EC regarding a remark of the Chief Election Commissioner where he said that some of the proposals of the reform commission will curtail the authority of the EC.

In response to this, the senior BNP leader said, “They would talk about this since this is their issue. If we also think any proposal of the reform commission would obstruct fair elections, we also will impede.”

CEC AMM Nasir Uddin led the election commission in the meeting with the BNP. election commissioners Abdur Rahmanel Masud, Tahmida Ahmed, Anwarul Islam Sarkar, Abul Fazal Md Sanaullah and secretary Akhter Ahmed also attended the meeting.

Nazrul Islam Khan led the BNP delegation that included standing committee members Selima Rahman and Salahuddin Ahmed.

Nazrul Islam Khan further said that they have understood that the election commission would be completely ready to hold the parliamentary election in May or June. That means it is possible to organise the national election soon.

Asked about the agenda of discussion with the EC, the BNP standing committee member stated that there is not anything other than the election to discuss with the EC.

He remarked that the EC was completely ready to hold an election in May or June with the updated voter list.

When newspersons pressed for more information on whether they received any message on the tentative time of the election, Nazrul Islam Khan said, “As I said earlier, they (the EC) cannot announce this since the election is not going to take place following the normal course as delineated in the constitution.”

When he was asked whether the BNP made any proposal, Nazrul Islam Khan remarked, “No.”

He also stated that it is the responsibility of the government to announce the date of election. Then the EC will announce the polls schedule.

He informed the media that BNP has a discussion with the Chief Advisor on Monday. They will discuss those issues there.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh’s general election scheduled for Dec 2025

Bangladesh’s next general election is scheduled to take place in December 2025. A highly placed source told UNB on Monday evening. The government is giving “much importance” to maintaining “political stability” and reconciliation, the source said. In the lead-up to

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Bangladesh’s general election scheduled for Dec 2025
UNB
Published :
Feb 10, 2025 20:52
Updated :
Feb 10, 2025 20:56

Bangladesh’s next general election is scheduled to take place in December 2025.

A highly placed source told UNB on Monday evening.

The government is giving “much importance” to maintaining “political stability” and reconciliation, the source said.

In the lead-up to the crucial polls, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus is set to meet political parties on February 15.

The meeting aims to foster a national consensus and ensure a smooth and inclusive election process.

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) also held a meeting with the Chief Adviser on Monday, expressing its desire for the election to be held at the earliest opportunity.​