[🇧🇩] Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh

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Rohingyas need the world’s support

PM’s proposed roadmap can guide the international community

www.thedailystar.net

Rohingyas need the world’s support

PM’s proposed roadmap can guide the international community

VISUAL: STAR

We welcome Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s proposal of five distinct measures to resolve the Rohingya crisis at a high-level side event of the United Nations General Assembly at the UN Headquarters in New York on September 23. Last month marked the ninth year of the 2017 mass exodus of Rohingya people to Bangladesh, when some 7,00,000 refugees fled targeted military violence in Rakhine State. Currently, more than 1.2 million refugees reside in camps across Cox’s Bazar and Bhasan Char. Their prolonged displacement is felt more keenly as the years have gone by without sufficient cooperation from Myanmar to facilitate the Rohingyas’ dignified and sustainable repatriation. As such, the PM’s proposed steps should be considered and implemented by the international community.


The proposals include establishing a clear and credible roadmap for the early, safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable repatriation of the Rohingya to Myanmar; ending violence against civilians in Myanmar (including the Rohingya) and guaranteeing their fundamental rights and security; ensuring adequate and predictable humanitarian support for refugees and host communities in Bangladesh; strengthening justice and accountability; and stepping up regional and international cooperation to combat the narco-economy, human trafficking, digital scams, illegal arms, and other transboundary crimes.

Disappointingly little progress has been made over the years in ensuring voluntary and safe Rohingya repatriation. Meanwhile, the ethnic community’s situation in Myanmar has worsened, as they are caught up between the ruling military forces and the Arakan Army, being subjected to extrajudicial executions, torture, forced labour and recruitment, and large-scale arson. This has made the possibility of safe Rohingya refugee repatriation seem even dimmer. Additionally, “competing conflicts” elsewhere in the world and a historic decline in development aid since 2025 have worsened the Rohingya crisis, an emergency now being viewed as a case of prolonged displacement. The US alone drove three-quarters of the recent aid decline, with its official development assistance falling by 56.9 percent compared to 2024. In 2025, donors met only 46 percent of the $934.5 million appeal for aid under the 2025-26 Joint Response Plan. As a result, in 2026, the appeal was reduced to $710.5 million to cover only the minimum required to sustain lifesaving assistance.

Meanwhile, Bangladesh continues to accommodate a growing refugee population. But the suffering of the Rohingya has only worsened since 2017. Children born nine years ago are unfamiliar with their homeland and are being raised in uncertainty, with little access to the most basic necessities. Most young people remain excluded from education and skills training, and their future is shadowed by increasing uncertainty.

We therefore urge the international community to stand by the Rohingya population and support Bangladesh in pushing for their dignified repatriation and appropriate rehabilitation. No one can make up for the years Rohingya refugees have lost to forced displacement. But the world must realise that the crisis is still there, and worsening each day, and that the multifaceted plight of the Rohingya is no less urgent than any other ongoing humanitarian crisis.​

 

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The everyday resistance of Rohingya women the world rarely sees

For Rohingya women, resistance takes many forms, from caregiving and education to work, advocacy and community action amid displacement.

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The everyday resistance of Rohingya women the world rarely sees

Sabekun Naher

When people talk about resistance, they often imagine protests, political movements, or people standing in the streets demanding change. But resistance can take many forms.

For Rohingya women, resistance is often quiet. It can be a mother caring for her children after losing her home, a girl continuing her education despite social pressure, a woman learning sewing to support her family, a female teacher educating children, or a community member speaking about the rights and needs of her people.

Since the mass displacement from Myanmar in 2017, Rohingya women and girls have faced displacement, poverty, insecurity, restrictions on movement, limited access to education and limited opportunities to earn an income. These challenges are made harder by social expectations and risks such as early marriage and gender-based violence.

Yet Rohingya women are not only victims of the crisis. They are also caregivers, educators, workers, organisers, advocates and decision-makers.

Their everyday actions show a form of resistance: the determination to protect their families, preserve their identity, educate the next generation and have a voice in their own future.

The following fictional accounts portray six Rohingya women from different backgrounds and the different forms resistance can take in their everyday lives. While the characters and their stories are imagined, they reflect experiences and challenges that warrant deeper exploration through interviews with Rohingya women themselves.

Amina Begum, 32, is a Rohingya mother and community volunteer. She spends most of her day caring for her three children and helping women in her neighbourhood connect with community services.

For Amina, resistance begins at home. “My first responsibility is my children. When they are sick, hungry or afraid, I cannot give up. I have to stay strong even when I am tired.”

Life in a refugee camp can place enormous responsibilities on women who care for children, elderly relatives and other family members.

Amina says women often support one another during difficult situations. “When one family has a problem, other women try to help. Sometimes we share food. Sometimes we take care of someone’s children. Sometimes we simply listen.” She believes this everyday support is rarely recognised as a form of resistance.

Rohingya girls at the Kutupalong refugee camp. Amid the uncertainties of displacement, access to education, opportunities to develop skills and greater participation in community life can help girls imagine and shape futures beyond the confines of the refugee camps. Photo: Anisur Rahman

Rahima, 19, is a Rohingya student who wants to continue her education and eventually work as a teacher. She says education has become one of the most important parts of her life.

“When I study, I feel that I am building something for my future. I don’t want my life to be decided only by the situation around me.” But continuing education is not always easy for Rohingya girls.

Family responsibilities, social expectations, financial difficulties, safety concerns and early marriage can all affect girls’ education. Rahima says she has sometimes faced pressure to think about marriage instead of education.

“Some people ask why a girl needs so much education. I want to answer them by showing what an educated woman can do.”

“If one girl becomes educated, she can teach her children. Then her children can teach another generation. Education can continue even when we lose many other things,” she added.

Hasina, 35, is a Rohingya female teacher who works with children in a community learning centre. For her, teaching is more than a job.

“When I enter the classroom, I feel that I am doing something for the future of my community.” Hasina says girls need women teachers who understand their experiences.

“Some girls are shy about talking about their problems. When they see a woman teacher, they sometimes feel more comfortable.” She also sees education as a form of protection.

“A girl who stays in education has more possibilities. She can dream about becoming a teacher, health worker or something else. Without education, many doors close very early.”

Fatema, 28, is a Rohingya woman who learned sewing through vocational training and now makes clothes and other items for people in her community.

Life in a refugee camp can place enormous responsibilities on women who care for children, elderly relatives and other family members. Amina says women often support one another during difficult situations. “When one family has a problem, other women try to help. Sometimes we share food. Sometimes we take care of someone’s children. Sometimes we simply listen.” She believes this everyday support is rarely recognised as a form of resistance.

She says learning a skill changed how she viewed herself. “Before learning sewing, I often thought about what I could not do. After learning the skill, I started thinking about what I could do.”

But turning a skill into a stable income remains difficult. Women may face limited access to markets, transportation, customers, capital and safe working spaces.

Fatema says these challenges can be discouraging. “Learning the skill is not enough. We need a way to use the skill. If I can make something but cannot sell it, how can I support my family?” Still, she continues. “I want to earn with my own hands. Even if the income is small, it gives me confidence.”

Mariam, 24, is a Rohingya community volunteer who participates in women’s discussions and awareness activities. She says speaking publicly was difficult when she first became involved.

“I was afraid people would criticise me. I thought they might say that a woman should not speak in front of others.” But she continued participating. Her work involves listening to women and sharing their concerns in community discussions. “Women talk about problems that men may not always see. We talk about safety, children’s education, health and family problems.”

Mariam believes women must be part of decisions that affect them. “If a decision affects women, women should be in the room when that decision is made.”

Not every woman has the freedom to speak, study or work. Salma, 41, a Rohingya community elder, says women continue to face several restrictions.

“Many women have ideas, but they are afraid to express them.” She identifies social pressure as one major barrier. “A woman may want to study or work, but she may worry about what relatives or neighbours will say.” Early marriage can create another barrier.

When girls leave education early and become responsible for their own households and children, their opportunities can become much more limited. Salma says security concerns also affect women. “If a woman does not feel safe moving around, how can she attend training, work or community meetings?”

She believes communities must create an environment where women can participate without fear. “We should not tell women to be strong while giving them no safe place to use their strength,” she added.

A Rohingya woman carries a child, with a chicken resting on her shoulder. For Rohingya women, resistance is often rooted in the everyday work of caring for families, sustaining livelihoods and rebuilding lives amid displacement and uncertainty. Photo: Rajib Raihan

Although these six fictional women have different lives, their ideas come together around one point: resistance does not have only one face.

For Amina, resistance means caring for her children. For Rahima, it means continuing her education. For Hasina, it means teaching the next generation. For Fatema, it means developing a skill and trying to earn an income. For Mariam, it means speaking when women are not being heard, and for Salma, it means challenging the barriers that keep women from participating.

Their stories suggest that resistance can exist in ordinary moments. A woman does not have to stand on a stage to demonstrate courage. She can show courage by sending her daughter to school. She can show courage by learning a skill. She can show courage by becoming a teacher. She can show courage by supporting another woman. She can show courage by saying, “I have something to say.”

Rohingya women are often described through the language of crisis: refugees, survivors, displaced people, mothers and victims. Those realities are important, but they are not the whole story. Rohingya women are also caregivers, students, teachers, workers, entrepreneurs, volunteers, advocates and community leaders.

The future of the Rohingya community cannot be built without women. Women should not only be protected from harm. They should be given meaningful opportunities to learn, work, speak, lead and make decisions, because Rohingya women are not simply waiting for their future to be decided. They are already helping to build it.

Sabekun Naher is a Rohingya woman human rights defender, community trainer, teacher, researcher, interpreter and motivational speaker. She serves as the Director of Women Affairs at RYAN (Rohingya Youth Action Network).​

 

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Can Tarique Rahman’s plan break the Rohingya repatriation deadlock?

Can Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s five-point plan overcome the political, security and legal obstacles blocking Rohingya repatriation?

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Can Tarique Rahman’s plan break the Rohingya repatriation deadlock?

Jannatul Naym Pieal

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman presented a five-point plan to address the Rohingya crisis at the United Nations on September 23, calling for a credible roadmap for voluntary repatriation, an end to violence in Rakhine State, predictable humanitarian funding, stronger accountability and regional cooperation against trafficking, illegal arms and scam networks.

Speaking at a side event co-hosted by Bangladesh and The Gambia, he said humanitarian generosity could not become an excuse for political inaction, as Bangladesh hosts more than 1.2 million Rohingya refugees, nine years after the mass displacement of 2017.

The same day, TIME published an interview with Myanmar's Min Aung Hlaing, who seized power in the 2021 coup and subsequently assumed presidency,

He said an existing repatriation agreement depended on Bangladesh and its allies rolling back international legal cases against Myanmar, warning that otherwise "it becomes an impossible situation for us to resolve".

He also sought sanctions relief from Washington and again denied that the military had committed atrocities against the Rohingya, whom he described as the “Bengalis in Rakhine State”, in 2017.

Myanmar's military government rejected the interview within hours of publication, calling it "unethical", blacklisting the TIME journalist who conducted it and banning the magazine — a reaction that sits awkwardly alongside Min Aung Hlaing's own appeal for closer engagement with the West.

Nevertheless, his remarks underscore a fundamental challenge to Tarique Rahman’s proposal: while Bangladesh is seeking progress on several fronts, Myanmar’s military leadership appears to be tying Rohingya repatriation to concessions on other issues.

1. A credible roadmap for repatriation

The prime minister's first proposal is not new.

Bangladesh and Myanmar reached repatriation agreements following earlier refugee influxes, including those of 1978 and 1991–92.

Although many refugees returned, the agreements failed to resolve the discrimination, denial of citizenship and insecurity that had driven them out.

Myanmar's 1982 Citizenship Law left most Rohingya without citizenship, while restrictions on movement and basic rights continued. Allegations of coercion also affected the 1990s repatriation process.

Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. Photo: Anisur Rahman


The latest verification exercise has produced some administrative progress.

In August, Myanmar's Foreign Ministry said it had verified 308,797 of the 828,824 names submitted by Bangladesh, while leaving 113,507 unverified and flagging 4,241 individuals as suspected of terrorist activity.

But verification is not acceptance for immediate return. Myanmar has said repatriation will begin only when security conditions in Rakhine improve.

Min Aung Hlaing's TIME interview adds another condition: the rollback of international legal cases.

This is a significant obstacle because Bangladesh already has a history of agreements that produced paperwork but few meaningful returns. The November 2017 arrangement, for example, did not lead to substantial repatriation in 2018 or 2019.

Another roadmap will have limited value unless Myanmar commits to a timetable, legal protections and independently monitored returns. The number of verified names cannot substitute for evidence that refugees can actually go home safely.

2. An end to violence and security guarantees

The second proposal faces a more immediate problem: Myanmar's military does not control most of Rakhine State.

The Arakan Army, operating under the United League of Arakan, has captured large parts of the state during its offensive against the military.

The military has retained Sittwe and a limited number of strategic positions, while fighting has continued around the state capital.

This means Min Aung Hlaing cannot guarantee security throughout Rakhine simply by signing an agreement with Bangladesh.

A Rohingya family returning to an area controlled by the Arakan Army would depend on the authority exercising control there, not on assurances from Naypyidaw. The military cannot guarantee access to homes, farmland or villages it no longer administers.

The Arakan Army, however, cannot grant Myanmar citizenship or change national laws. That authority remains with the central government.

Any workable arrangement would therefore need the participation of both Naypyidaw and the Arakan Army, with clear responsibilities for security, movement and protection against abuses.

It would also require independent monitoring and a mechanism to respond if conditions deteriorate.

Tarique Rahman's proposal recognises the need to end violence, but the diplomatic challenge is now much broader than persuading Myanmar's government to accept returnees.

Bangladesh must establish whether the authorities controlling Rohingya destinations will protect them, while ensuring that the central government provides the legal status necessary for a lasting return.

A Rohingya family returning to an area controlled by the Arakan Army would depend on the authority exercising control there, not on assurances from Naypyidaw. The military cannot guarantee access to homes, farmland or villages it no longer administers. The Arakan Army, however, cannot grant Myanmar citizenship or change national laws. That authority remains with the central government. Any workable arrangement would therefore need the participation of both Naypyidaw and the Arakan Army, with clear responsibilities for security, movement and protection against abuses.

3. Predictable humanitarian funding

Rahman called for predictable funding as contributions to the UN’s humanitarian appeal continue to decline.

The 2026 Joint Response Plan sought $710.5 million for 1.6 million people, including Rohingya refugees and host communities in Cox's Bazar, compared with more than $934 million the previous year.

The shortfall threatens food assistance, healthcare, education and other essential services.

But Min Aung Hlaing's TIME interview offered little indication that humanitarian funding for the Rohingya response is a priority for his government. His emphasis was instead on sanctions relief, renewed Western engagement and cooperation against transnational crime — issues that may attract Washington's attention but do not address the immediate funding gap confronting the refugee response in Bangladesh.

The two governments are therefore approaching the crisis from different directions. Bangladesh needs international assistance to sustain the refugee response while pursuing conditions for eventual repatriation. Myanmar's military-backed government, meanwhile, is seeking greater diplomatic and economic engagement while the conditions preventing large-scale Rohingya returns remain unresolved.

There is also a broader risk: that continued humanitarian assistance becomes a substitute for political action.

The international community cannot withdraw essential support while the crisis continues, but financing refugee camps indefinitely is not a durable solution. Bangladesh needs both sustained humanitarian assistance and a credible political process capable of ending the prolonged displacement.

4. Justice and accountability

The fourth proposal reveals one of the sharpest differences between Tarique Rahman's position and Min Aung Hlaing's.

The prime minister thanked The Gambia for pursuing its case against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Min Aung Hlaing, meanwhile, has linked progress on repatriation to the easing of international legal pressure.

The ICJ concluded hearings on the merits of The Gambia's case on January 29 this year and has begun its deliberations. The Court has said that its decision will be delivered at a public sitting, with the date to be announced in due course.

The case concerns Myanmar's obligations under the Genocide Convention and allegations that its treatment of the Rohingya violated the convention. Myanmar disputes the allegations.

Separately, the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has applied for an arrest warrant for Min Aung Hlaing over alleged crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution of the Rohingya. An application for a warrant is not the same as an issued arrest warrant, nor does it amount to a finding of guilt.

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman speaks at a high-level side event, “The Rohingya Crisis: A Renewed Call for a Durable Solution to Protracted Displacement, with Justice and Accountability,” at the UN Headquarters in New York on September 23, 2026. Photo: PMO


An Argentine court has separately issued arrest warrants for Min Aung Hlaing and other Myanmar officials under the principle of universal jurisdiction in a case involving allegations of genocide and crimes against humanity.

The proceedings also involve different forms of responsibility. The ICJ case concerns Myanmar's responsibility as a state under the Genocide Convention, while proceedings before the ICC concern the potential criminal responsibility of individuals.

Crucially, these processes are not diplomatic instruments that Bangladesh can simply trade away. The Gambia brought the ICJ case, while the ICC operates under its own legal framework. Bangladesh cannot unilaterally terminate either proceeding.

Nor would the removal of international legal pressure by itself establish the conditions necessary for safe return. Conflict continues in Myanmar, the central authorities do not exercise effective control over all of Rakhine State, and fundamental questions surrounding citizenship, security and rights remain unresolved.

Bangladesh can pursue negotiations over repatriation while continuing to support international accountability processes. Any eventual return arrangement should therefore be assessed according to the protections, legal status, security and freedom available to returnees.

5. Regional cooperation against trafficking and scam networks

The fifth proposal offers perhaps the clearest area of overlapping interests. Bangladesh wants stronger regional cooperation against human trafficking, illegal arms flows and online scam networks that have expanded amid Myanmar's conflict.

Min Aung Hlaing has likewise presented cooperation against transnational crime as an area in which his government could work with Western countries, including the United States.

But cooperation in this area should be distinguished from progress on the Rohingya question itself. Action against scam networks would not, by itself, resolve questions of citizenship, accountability, security or the rights of returning refugees.

Myanmar's broader effort to improve relations with Washington provides important context. Its Ministry of Information has hired veteran US political operative Roger Stone, through the Washington-based DCI Group, for a reported $50,000 a month to work on rebuilding relations with the United States.

The arrangement illustrates the military-backed government's wider effort to reopen channels with Washington at a time when Min Aung Hlaing has publicly expressed interest in sanctions relief and renewed Western engagement.

Malaysia's approach introduces another dimension.

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim announced this month that he would invite Min Aung Hlaing to Malaysia as part of efforts to negotiate the return of refugees from Myanmar. Myanmar has reportedly agreed to receive 5,000 people in stages, with Malaysia preparing an initial group for voluntary return.

That initiative will provide an important test. If returns proceed, the central question will not simply be how many people cross the border, but whether they return voluntarily and whether their security, legal status and basic rights can be independently verified after arrival.

For Bangladesh, developments in Malaysia therefore deserve close attention. A visible repatriation programme elsewhere in the region could increase pressure for renewed returns from Bangladesh even if the underlying political and legal conditions in Rakhine remain unsettled.

China and India add another layer.

Both possess considerable influence in Myanmar, but their strategic interests do not necessarily coincide with Bangladesh's priorities. China has major interests in political stability, infrastructure and access to the Bay of Bengal, while India's interests include the Sittwe port and connectivity between its northeastern states and the Bay of Bengal.

Both therefore have reasons to favour greater stability in Rakhine. But an interest in stability does not automatically translate into pressure for Rohingya citizenship, accountability or political rights.

For Bangladesh, the diplomatic challenge is to translate regional powers' interest in stability into concrete support for conditions necessary for sustainable return — including security, humanitarian access, freedom of movement and protection against renewed displacement.

Bangladesh needs to distinguish process from outcome. Verification of a list of refugees does not demonstrate that they can return safely. Cooperation against scam networks does not resolve citizenship. A new memorandum or bilateral agreement does not by itself guarantee protection after return. And diplomatic engagement with Myanmar's government does not necessarily translate into authority over all the territory to which refugees would return.

Bangladesh needs to measure progress differently

The five proposals address many of the central dimensions of the crisis. But Min Aung Hlaing's interview also demonstrates why diplomatic activity should not automatically be treated as progress towards resolving the Rohingya question.

Myanmar's military-backed government is seeking sanctions relief and greater international engagement while fundamental obstacles to repatriation remain. At the same time, political and territorial realities inside Rakhine have changed dramatically, complicating any bilateral agreement reached solely between Dhaka and Naypyidaw.

Bangladesh therefore needs to distinguish process from outcome.

Verification of a list of refugees does not demonstrate that they can return safely. Cooperation against scam networks does not resolve citizenship. A new memorandum or bilateral agreement does not by itself guarantee protection after return. And diplomatic engagement with Myanmar's government does not necessarily translate into authority over all the territory to which refugees would return.

A workable framework will consequently have to address the authorities exercising effective control in relevant parts of Rakhine, while securing independent monitoring, legal protections, humanitarian access and sustained international support. International accountability processes should remain separate from negotiations over repatriation.

Nine years after the mass exodus of 2017, the central question is no longer simply whether Myanmar is prepared to receive Rohingya refugees.

It is whether those refugees can return with sufficient rights, security and freedom to rebuild their lives — without facing persecution or another cycle of displacement.

Jannatul Naym Pieal is a Dhaka-based writer, researcher and journalist.​