[🇧🇩] July Charter

[Saif]

Media reform shouldn’t be left out of the July Charter

Ignoring media reform now would be a serious strategic misstep.

www.thedailystar.net

Media reform shouldn’t be left out of the July Charter

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

As political negotiations intensify across party lines, the possibility of a national reform consensus—once unthinkable—now appears within reach.

Over the past weeks, Bangladesh has witnessed a marathon of political dialogues involving all openly active parties, ranging from allies to adversaries, aimed at reaching common ground on vital constitutional, electoral, and institutional reforms. These discussions, under the aegis of the National Consensus Commission created by the interim government, mark a significant departure from past political norms.

Until recently, talks were verging on a deadlock, particularly over key constitutional issues: limiting the prime minister's terms, creating a National Constitutional Council, and establishing a second chamber in Jatiya Sangsad. Encouragingly, parties have begun softening their stances, suggesting that consensus may be possible. Such agreement is essential for drafting what is being called the July Charter, a foundational document based on cross-party consensus.

However, the final shape of this charter remains unclear.

In a nationally televised address on June 6, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus expressed hope that the charter would be finalised and presented within the month. Calling it "a pledge," Yunus explained that it would codify agreed reform proposals from the reform commissions. Political parties, by signing the document, would commit to implementing these reforms.

Yunus also pledged immediate government action on key reforms outlined in the charter. "We are committed to implementing the urgent reforms according to the July Charter," he said. "We also want to begin working on other parts. Hopefully, the remaining parts will be carried forward by the next elected government."

Following the mass uprising that toppled Sheikh Hasina's autocratic regime las year, the interim government launched 11 reform commissions—six initially, and five more later. However, the staggered timeline meant that only the first six commissions' proposals entered the consensus-building process.

These six commissions, focusing on the constitution, election, public administration, judiciary, police and anti-corruption, form the basis of current negotiations. The remaining five, covering media, labour, women's rights, health and local government, have been sidelined. The National Consensus Commission has not formally reviewed their findings, raising critical questions: are these areas considered less urgent? Or is consensus assumed, with implementation deferred?

The late submission of these second-phase reports (two to four months after the formation of the consensus commission) prevented their integration into the core discussions. This omission has had real consequences.

Take the Media Reform Commission, for example. It recommended limiting restrictions on the freedom of expression—especially those related to national security or foreign relations—to wartime only. This proposal was excluded from the Constitution Reform Commission's summary and thus not debated. It also suggested legal protections for journalistic integrity, including source confidentiality and privacy rights, modelled after Sweden and Switzerland. Despite support from at least one major party (BNP), these proposals have not entered the consensus framework.

Similarly, the media commission recommended a clear legal definition of contempt of court to ensure freedom of the press. This concern was raised with the Judicial Reform Commission, yet it is missing from the current judicial reform summary.

Another major gap involves reforming the colonial-era Official Secrets Act of 1923. While the Public Administration Reform Commission called for updating the law, it failed to specify how. The Media Reform Commission went further, proposing changes to Section 5 to both protect national security and legally safeguard investigative journalism. These recommendations, too, remain unaddressed.

Even the Constitution Reform Commission's 40-point list of fundamental rights and freedoms has been compressed into five general categories by the National Consensus Commission. If party leaders rely only on the summary instead of reviewing the full report, critical elements may be left out of the final draft.

Some issues, like granting autonomy to the state-run Bangladesh Television and Bangladesh Betar, have long enjoyed public support and are part of the historical reform agenda. Yet, despite repeated promises, implementation remains elusive.

Other proposals remain politically sensitive or require sustained commitment. For example, while the right to form trade unions is enshrined in the constitution, real progress on minimum wage laws, labour rights, and workplace safety remains slow. In a reformed political order, will workers have recourse—or even the voice—to demand justice?

At its heart, the July Charter aims to replace entrenched authoritarianism with accountable, democratic governance. But institutions such as parliament, the judiciary, public administration, law enforcement, and even the media have often served narrow interests. Without meaningful reform, they risk doing so again.

In the current market-driven environment, state-run media's autonomy is not enough. Private media must also be held to ethical standards. The Media Reform Commission warned about the corrosive effects of black money, media monopolisation, and editorial bias on democratic processes, particularly elections. The absence of media reform from these discussions is especially troubling, given its importance not only for democratic renewal but for ensuring free and fair elections. The Media Reform Commission provided detailed documentation on how media manipulation can impact electoral outcomes—something still fresh in many citizens' memories.

Ignoring media reform now would be a serious strategic misstep. At minimum, long-term reforms with urgent democratic implications must be accompanied by firm political commitments. So the central question persists: will the July Charter include them?

Kamal Ahmed is head of the Media Reform Commission in Bangladesh and an independent journalist.​

 

[Saif]

Apprehensions over 'July Charter', progress of discussions discouraging: Ali Riaz

Co-chair of the national consensus commission Professor Ali Riaz has said that the progress of discussions with political parties has not been encouraging

en.prothomalo.com

Apprehensions over 'July Charter', progress of discussions discouraging: Ali Riaz
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 29 Jun 2025, 14: 59

Co-chair of the National Consensus Commission, Professor Ali Riaz. At the seventh days of the second phase discussions between the commission and political parties at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital today, Sunday Dipu Malakar

Co-chair of the national consensus commission Professor Ali Riaz has said that the progress of discussions with political parties has not been encouraging. He said, "We have imagined that we would all sign the July Charter together on the anniversary that Abu Sayeed was martyred. But how far that will be possible, depends on the political parties. We are somewhat apprehensive about reaching that point."

Ali Riaz was speaking at the start of the seventh day of the second phase of talks between the national consensus commission and the political parties at the Doel Hall of the Foreign Service Academy in the capital today, Sunday.

There was no new agenda fixed for today's discussions. Talks have commenced on previous issues on which no consensus has been reached. The agenda includes the appointment committee for constitutional and statutory bodies, a bicameral parliament, the election process of the Upper House, and the responsibilities and role of the Upper House.

Reminding the political parties of last July, Ali Riaz said, “We all remember the oppression we endured, the fascism we lived under. Another July is upon us. Last July we didn’t raise the flags of our respective parties, we raised the national flag. We all plunged into a bloody movement to be freed from fascism.”

Noting that the progress of discussions with political parties has not been encouraging, Ali Riaz said that the process must move toward a resolution within July.

Ali Riaz emphasised the need to ensure that no one can undertake constitutional reforms in the future that go against the will of the people. He said this must be guaranteed through the constitution itself. There is now a need to curtail individual power, as concerns have arisen about the emergence of authoritarianism in governance. These concerns cannot be dismissed. Safeguards must be built into the Constitution. Ensuring an independent judiciary is integral to this.

Ali Riaz also stated that progress in reform discussions is essential in the interest of the country. He said, “None of us want to return to the previous state of affairs. So, for the sake of the nation, please take this matter into serious consideration. How much of what we committed to last July has been achieved? Are we only to serve party and personal interests, or will we also consider the interests of the country?

Ali Riaz noted that the consensus commission has shown flexibility regarding the reform proposals. He said, “The commission has changed its stance because this is the collective aspiration of you all. In fact, political parties represent a large segment of the population. It is through the proposals of the political parties that the commission has become flexible on several issues, including Article 70, the NCC, and the process of forming an Upper House. The commission is certainly not an adversary of the political parties. The commission is committed. We want to remain sincere.”

Today’s discussion was moderated by the chief adviser’s special assistant, Monir Hayder and also attended by members of the national consensus commission, Badiul Alam Majumdar, Justice Md. Emdadul Haque, Iftekharuzzaman and Md. Ayub Miah.​

 

[Saif]

NCP’s Nahid says failure to publish July Charter, Proclamation undermines interim govt’s authority

Nahid Islam, convener of the National Citizen Party (NCP), has warned that the interim government will forfeit its moral and political legitimacy to mark the anniversary of the July Uprising if it fails to publish the promised July Charter and Proclamation. In a Facebook post on Monday afternoon,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

NCP’s Nahid says failure to publish July Charter, Proclamation undermines interim govt’s authority

bdnews24.com
Published :
Jun 30, 2025 21:20
Updated :
Jun 30, 2025 21:20

Nahid Islam, convener of the National Citizen Party (NCP), has warned that the interim government will forfeit its moral and political legitimacy to mark the anniversary of the July Uprising if it fails to publish the promised July Charter and Proclamation.

In a Facebook post on Monday afternoon, Nahid accused the government of repeatedly breaking their pledge to deliver both documents.

Expressing disappointment over two missed deadlines, the former advisor said the government could still release both by July or August if it acted “decisively”.

“If any political party tries to obstruct the consensus process for its own political gains, the government must not hesitate to go forward with the other parties and the public to fulfil this historic responsibility,” Nahid said.

He pointed out that the student leadership had originally intended to release the July Proclamation on Dec 31, but stepped back after the government insisted on a state-backed document produced in consultation with all political parties.

“At the time, the government had sought draft declarations from various parties and groups. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement submitted its own version. The idea was to consolidate these into a single national document to be jointly announced.”

“But despite committing to this process twice, the government has failed to follow through. It hasn’t explained why, or where the process stalled,” he added.

Nahid demanded accountability and transparency from the government, saying: “We want this Proclamation to be issued as an official state document, with a binding commitment to eventually include it in the Constitution.”

The previous day, at a press conference at the NCP’s Banglamotor office, Nahid had accused the government of “failing to uphold its duty” by not issuing the July Charter.

In that announcement, he said students and citizens would publicly read out the July Proclamation on Aug 3, regardless of the government’s position. He was unveiling a 36-day programme to commemorate the first anniversary of the July Uprising.

In Monday’s Facebook post, Nahid defined the July Proclamation as a national document that would outline the historical context of the student-led uprising, honour the martyrs and wounded, and codify its goals of political protection and security.

“Eventually, it will carry legal and constitutional force.”

“But if the government continues to do nothing, we will not sit idle. We will publish our own manifesto and invite others to do the same. If all sides produce their versions, the government will have no choice but to accept the final, consolidated document.”

He added that the July Proclamation would be read on behalf of the families of the martyrs.

Turning to the July Charter, Nahid explained that it would serve as a political consensus document outlining the structural reforms required by the state and specifying proposed amendments to the Constitution.

“All parties would sign the July Charter. The mechanism for its implementation, whether by referendum, constituent assembly, or parliamentary amendment, has yet to be finalised,” he said.

“But whichever government comes next will be bound to continue implementing reforms in line with the July Charter.”

Calling for unity, Nahid urged all parties to make compromises and support the government in delivering both the Proclamation and the Charter by Aug 5, dubbed the “36th of July.”

He concluded his post by welcoming citizens to join the NCP’s “July March,” which begins Tuesday.​

 

[Saif]

The clock is ticking for the July Charter

July Charter will outline reform proposals agreed upon by the parties

www.thedailystar.net

The clock is ticking for the July Charter

The pressure is mounting for the National Consensus Commission to forge an agreement by July in the context of the chief adviser's announcement that the next general election may be held as early as mid-February provided there is satisfactory progress on other key fronts.

As the commission engages in discussions with 30 political parties, the people are watching closely—hopeful that this process will chart a new course for Bangladesh's democratic future.

The commission's goal is to prepare the national charter, or July Charter, a document that will outline reform proposals agreed upon by the parties. By signing the charter, political parties will pledge to the nation that they will implement these reforms.

There is widespread hope that this charter will serve as a magna carta for Bangladesh's transition away from autocracy, kleptocracy, the criminalisation of politics, and the dominance of businessmen in parliament. It is also seen as a response to the decay of democratic institutions, the suppression of press freedom, and the unchecked accumulation of wealth by politicians and their allies through corruption and capital flight.

Citizens aspire to see the charter lay the foundation for a new state system rooted in public ownership, accountability, and welfare, and to restore genuine democracy while preventing the return of authoritarianism.

The consensus commission, is expected to finalize the July Charter by next month in consultation with the parties. However, time is running short, and the challenge is steep in a country where political consensus has historically been elusive.

In the second round of discussions, which began on June 2, the commission has so far deliberated on nine issues and reached consensus in only two. The topics included Article 70 of the constitution, nomination of standing committee chairs, tenure of the prime minister, women's representation at parliament, bicameral legislature, appointment of the Chief Justice, fundamental principles of the constitution, method of electing the president and structure of the National Constitutional Council (NCC).

So far, the parties have agreed that lawmakers will be allowed to vote against party lines, except on no-confidence motions and finance bills. Opposition MPs will chair at least four key parliamentary standing committees.

However, a closer look at the dialogues reveals a critical gap. There is no declared yardstick for how 'consensus' is determined.

This became especially apparent when 27 political parties, excluding the BNP and two others, agreed that no individual should serve as prime minister for more than 10 years. Yet, this was not officially recognised as 'consensus'. In another example, the commission needed to revise their proposal changing the structure and functions of the proposed National Constitutional Council, because the BNP and like-minded parties were against the NCC provisions as originally proposed.

The reform commission recommended that this council would oversee appointments to the positions of chief adviser, attorney general, chiefs of the three defence forces, and other constitutional posts.

Parties that supported that proposal maintained that the NCC would help curb the excessive concentration of executive power in the hands of the prime minister.

The revised proposal renames the council as the Committee for Appointments to Constitutional and Statutory Bodies. As such, it will not have the authority to appoint the chief adviser of caretaker government, which still has to be decided upon.

In the coming days, the Commission will need to address over a dozen unresolved issues, including: the formation of caretaker government and procedure for amending the constitution, declaring a state of emergency

In a deeply divided political landscape, without a clear consensus mechanism, the commission risks repeated back-and-forth and delays in finalizing the much-needed July Charter—delays the country can ill afford if the next general election is to be held in February 2026.

The commission's discussions are open-ended, meaning they have no predetermined outcome.

The consensus commission can adopt a tiered consensus framework that defines thresholds for agreement on different types of issues to ensure clarity in its decision-making. For foundational reforms—such as constitutional amendments or the structure of the caretaker government or tenure of the PM, basic principles of the constitutions and others—the commission could require unanimous or near-unanimous support to reflect national unity.

For other significant but less foundational reforms, a supermajority threshold (such as two-thirds or 75% agreement among participating parties) could be deemed sufficient. Before taking this approach, the commission will of course need to have discussions with parties to select these tiers.

The commission could also prepare a shared working draft of the charter that is regularly updated based on feedback from parties.

This way, all sides can see how proposals are evolving, which ones have support, and which ones are still disputed. Additionally, the commission could publicly list where each party stands on each issue, so that citizens can clearly see the areas of agreement and disagreement.

This would not only enhance accountability but also help the public understand the depth and breadth of political agreement.

Establishing such a yardstick would prevent delays, reduce confusion, and strengthen the July Charter as a national compact.

Still, political parties must rise above partisanship and put the country first. They must work together to find outcomes that everyone can live with—solutions that serve the nation, not just the party or personal interests.

As Ali Riaz, who is also a political scientist, wrote once, a 2014 study by Barbara Geddes, Joseph Wright, and Erica Frantz showed that only 41 percent of mass uprisings that ousted dictatorships after World War II were followed by democratisation.

Now the commission and political parties must be reasonable and work hard to make sure that Bangladesh does not fall into that 59 percent.​

 

[Saif]

NCP won’t join any election without July Charter implemented

NCP Convener Nahid Islam has said that the NCP will not participate in any election without the implementation of the July Charter.

en.prothomalo.com

NCP won’t join any election without July Charter implemented
Correspondent Syedpur, Nilphamari
Published: 03 Jul 2025, 16: 57

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam has said that the NCP will not participate in any election without the implementation of the July Charter.

He made this statement today, Thursday afternoon, while speaking to journalists after visiting the grave of Sajjad Hossain, a July martyr, at Hatikhanah Cemetery in Syedpur upazila of Nilphamari.

“We have begun the July March to build the nation. This march, which started from the northern region, has been receiving overwhelming response from the people. Very soon, we will spread it across the country. Development must not be Dhaka-centric; it must focus on the entire nation. Although the fascist government fell due to the student–people’s movement, the mafia system has not ended. We must preserve the history of our struggle,” Nahid Islam said.

Others accompanying Nahid Islam included NCP’s Chief Organiser for the southern region, Hasnat Abdullah; Chief Organiser for the northern region, Sarjis Alam; Senior Joint Convener, Samanta Sharmin; Senior Joint Member Secretary, Tasnim Zara; and Sajjad Hossain’s father, Md Alamgir. Nahid offered prayer at the grave of Sajjad Hossain.

Earlier, when the July March reached Syedpur, NCP Nilphamari district convener Mohammad Abdul Majid, local leader Tanzimul Alam, and other leaders welcomed the party representatives in front of the Railway Officers’ Club. The march then proceeded from Syedpur towards Nilphamari.​

 

[Saif]

NCP won’t leave street until materialization of July charter: Nahid Islam

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam has said they will not leave the street until July charter and July declaration is materialized. “We are going to 64 districts for July declaration, July charter and discrimination-free Bangladesh and our journey will not stop,” he adde

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

NCP won’t leave street until materialization of July charter: Nahid Islam

BSS
Published :
Jul 06, 2025 23:40
Updated :
Jul 06, 2025 23:40

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam has said they will not leave the street until July charter and July declaration is materialized.

“We are going to 64 districts for July declaration, July charter and discrimination-free Bangladesh and our journey will not stop,” he added.

He made the remarks while taking part in a brief street corner meeting as part of their month-long July Padayatra for building the country at Godagari Upazila in the district on the way to Rajshahi from Chapainawabganj this afternoon.

Nahid Islam said they have started a walkathon to build the country. “We had got into the street in the July mass uprise with the dreams and courage and we want to give the same message we are still on the street,” he added.

Nahid Islam said revolutionaries don’t sleep and will not sleep. “We will continue our movements until our demands are fulfilled,” he continued.

Praising the Godagari’s movement he said Godagari people showed huge courage facing the bullet of police in the July mass-upsurge on August 5, 2024 that played a big role in freeing the country from fascism. “Your courage inspired the entire country,” he added.

NCP Senior Joint Convener Samanta Sharmin, member-secretary Akhter Hossain, Chief Coordinator of the northern region Sarjish Alam, Chief Coordinator of the southern region Hasnat Abdullah, Chief Coordinator Nasiruddin Patwary and Senior Joint Convener Dr Tasnim Jara were present.

Later in the evening, they also held a street-corner meeting at Shaheb Bazar Zero Point in Rajshahi city.

“We are fighting to build a new Bangladesh where there will be no more discrimination, fascism, injustice, extortion, terrorism. Students and youth must come forward to build this new country upholding the spirit of the July Uprising,” Nahid said.

He said, “Our July walkathon is basically for moulding the nation. Through the walkathon, we will go to all 64 districts across the country. We will talk to the people. We will listen to their words and aspirations.”

Nahid Islam said the NCP will remain steadfast in materializing the July Declaration and Charter and the delay that has started with the July Declaration will not be tolerated.

“To build a new Bangladesh, we must move towards a new constitution through trial, reform and a Constituent Assembly. We want to warn those who think that thousands of people who came out on the streets have returned home,” he said.​

 

[Saif]

Rizvi slams move to make July Charter a core principle

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi on Friday described the call to include the July Charter in core principles of the Constitution as "misleading". "BNP has already accepted many points from the July Charter. But why must it be made part of the fundamental principles of the

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Rizvi slams move to make July Charter a core principle

UNB
Published :
Jul 11, 2025 16:39
Updated :
Jul 11, 2025 16:39

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi on Friday described the call to include the July Charter in core principles of the Constitution as "misleading".

"BNP has already accepted many points from the July Charter. But why must it be made part of the fundamental principles of the Constitution?" he said.

Rizvi made the remarks while speaking as the chief guest at a prayer mat distribution programme in front of BNP's Nayapaltan Central office organised by Zia Parishad, seeking the recovery of the organisation's president and BNP Chairperson's adviser Abdul Kuddus.

The BNP leader said reforms will continue to take place across countries and through time. "Reform is not something fixed like the Thai mountain range. It is a dynamic process."

He said when needed for the sake of democracy, the state, or the people, reforms should be made and appropriate laws should be enacted.

"This is the very nature of a democratic constitution. But insisting that reforms must be done first and that it (July Charter) must be included in the fundamental principles (of the Constitution) is misleading. This is creating confusion among people. Why are you trying to mislead the public in this way?" said Rizvi.

Rizvi urged political parties to focus on returning power to people instead of confusing them by raising various demands. "That is the most important task."

He said autocratic ruler Sheikh Hasina had taken away the power of people by closing the door to democracy for 16 years. "We must now reopen that closed door and return power to people by forming a government with elected representatives."

The BNP leader said their party has never spoken against reform and, in fact, has always supported it. "Many of the issues you refer to in the name of reform are already reflected in BNP's 31-point reform outline."

He said BNP has long been fighting for a greater ideal- justice, equality, the rule of law and true democracy. "This fight is for restoring people's ownership of the state. When that ownership is denied, it opens the path to fascism."

Rizvi noted that a people's government must remain accountable to the public at every step. "That accountability is absent now. We believe the interim government has been formed with public support, as well as the backing of all political parties - except the Awami League and a few of its allies."

"We all continue to support the Dr Muhammad Yunus-led government. But it is also true that if we begin to see and hear signs of famine, the people will not spare us," Rizvi said.

Referring to the worsening economic situation, he said many garment factories are closing down, leaving people unemployed. "If people cannot afford food, that's a clear sign of famine. And if such signs appear, no one will be spared - only the fallen fascists will clap in delight."

The BNP leader said if the government wants, it can appoint administrators to manage the institutions of those Awami League cohorts who have fled the country siphoning off huge money abroad and prevent the closure of factories.

"The factories must not be shut down, especially given the dire state of the economy. This is not just a figure of speech - people are now seriously wondering whether the country might face famine by September or October," Rizvi warned.​

 

[Saif]

Why the July Charter matters

The July Charter may not do everything, but it must do enough to catalyse the much-needed reforms.

www.thedailystar.net

Why the July Charter matters

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

A charter is never just a document. It is a declaration of intent, a mirror of the times, and a manifesto for the future. From the Magna Carta of 1215 to the Atlantic Charter of 1941, history tells us that when societies reach moments of rupture—when old systems crumble under the weight of public discontent and new possibilities shimmer just beyond the horizon—a charter becomes a lodestar, a moral and political compass. Today, in the throes of political transition and institutional uncertainty, Bangladesh faces such a moment. The July Charter, currently being negotiated under the stewardship of the National Consensus Commission, could very well become the most important political document of this generation. But that is only if it survives the weight of competing interests, ego-driven politics, and the absence of moral imagination.

The July Charter is being crafted in the aftermath of a mass upheaval that unseated the long-standing regime of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024. That movement—driven by students, workers, professionals, ordinary citizens, and the politically disenfranchised—was not merely a revolt against a particular government, but a rejection of a broken system. Authoritarian control, erosion of constitutional accountability, manipulation of the legal system, and strangulation of public institutions had long replaced democratic norms. When the people finally erupted, they were not simply protesting against a regime—they were protesting against the wreckage of a republic.

It is in this context that the interim government initiated a national reform process through 11 thematic commissions and a consensus commission tasked with building inter-party agreement. The July Charter, as envisioned, is supposed to be the crystallisation of the recommendations and agreements achieved through this expansive dialogue. So far, at least 80 of the 166 proposals have achieved consensus, according to a BBC Bangla analysis, with some critical reforms still awaiting agreement.

But to understand why this charter matters, we must turn to history. When the Magna Carta was drafted by the rebellious English barons, King John had little choice but to accept its conditions. While the immediate goal was protection of aristocratic privilege, over the centuries the document became a bedrock for the development of the rule of law, inspiring parliaments, checks on executive power, and the idea that no one—not even the king—is above the law. Similarly, the Atlantic Charter, issued during the height of World War II, set out principles for a post-war world: self-determination, economic cooperation, disarmament, and peace. Though not legally binding, it established moral parameters that shaped the United Nations and decolonisation movements across Asia and Africa. These charters matter because they did not merely document the present, but reimagined the future.

Bangladesh, too, has its own precedents. The Six-Point Movement of 1966 was not called a "charter," but in essence, it was one. It laid out a clear political blueprint for economic autonomy and federalism within Pakistan. Likewise, the Proclamation of Independence in April 1971 provided the first written basis of a sovereign state of Bangladesh. These documents were not born of luxury or leisure. They emerged from resistance and resilience, from moments when existing structures could no longer contain the democratic aspirations of a people.

The July Charter sits within that historical continuum. Yet, unlike its predecessors, it arrives in a digital, polarised, and dangerously impatient age. The consensus commission has done what seemed impossible just a year ago: bringing over 30 parties, including ideological opponents such as the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, to the same table. They have already agreed on a number of pivotal reforms: revising Article 70, amending the provision of presidential pardon, decentralising the High Court, and introducing clearer criteria for constituency delimitation.

However, there remains a cluster of unresolved and highly contentious issues. Should the same individual be allowed to serve as the prime minister and the party chief simultaneously? Should there be a National Constitutional Council to oversee appointments to key bodies like the Election Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission, National Human Rights Commission, and Public Service Commission? These questions threaten long-standing concentrations of power that certain parties, despite their revolutionary rhetoric, are reluctant to relinquish.

Then arises the question: will the July Charter be a meaningful roadmap for reform, or just another elite-authored document, heavy on intent and light on implementation? Because implementation, of course, is where many dreams go to die.

How will the July Charter be implemented, then? The consensus commission has offered several pathways: through ordinance, through referendum, through a constituent assembly, or through a post-election parliament acting in both legislative and constituent roles. But here again, divisions emerge. The BNP and CPB-BASOD want parliamentary adoption. The NCP wants a constituent assembly. Jamaat and other right-wing parties want full consensus before committing to anything. And looming over all of this is a ticking clock: the interim government's mandate is temporary, and public patience is not infinite.

The danger here is déjà vu. Bangladesh has seen countless reform pledges fade into dust. The Electoral Reforms of 2007-08, the caretaker government compromise of 1996, even the aspirations of the 15th Amendment—all began with hope and ended in co-option. What makes the July Charter different, if at all, is its proximity to a grassroots revolt. Unlike previous reform cycles that were elite-driven, the present reform moment has a legitimacy born of public rage.

But legitimacy is a wasting asset. If the charter takes too long, or emerges too diluted, it will lose the momentum of the mass uprising. Worse, it will embolden the reactionary elements lurking in the wings—those who never accepted the interim transition, those nostalgic for strongmen, those who see democracy as a luxury Bangladesh cannot afford.

For this reason, the July Charter must be both ambitious and realistic. It cannot do everything, but it must do enough. It must tackle the deep rot in institutional appointments. It must claw back parliamentary authority from the grip of party high commands. It must give the judiciary breathing space. And most importantly, it must offer a clear mechanism for its own implementation—before or immediately after the upcoming parliamentary election.

None of this will be easy. The forces of inertia are strong. Every reform means someone somewhere will lose the privilege of operating without oversight. But the price of inaction is greater. Without meaningful structural reform, the next government—whoever forms it—will merely inherit a broken vehicle with shinier paint.

If we fail to grasp this moment, we may not get another soon.

H.M. Nazmul Alam is an academic, journalist, and political analyst.​